The Algeria Summit and Conditions for Syria's Participation

Boys look out the window of a building damaged by an Israeli air strike near Damascus airport, in Damascus, Syria, November 20, 2019. (Reuters)
Boys look out the window of a building damaged by an Israeli air strike near Damascus airport, in Damascus, Syria, November 20, 2019. (Reuters)
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The Algeria Summit and Conditions for Syria's Participation

Boys look out the window of a building damaged by an Israeli air strike near Damascus airport, in Damascus, Syria, November 20, 2019. (Reuters)
Boys look out the window of a building damaged by an Israeli air strike near Damascus airport, in Damascus, Syria, November 20, 2019. (Reuters)

The momentum of Arab normalization of ties with Damascus that had started two months ago has slowed down and collided with several new factors and led to the introduction of new conditions.

Arab countries that have signaled rapprochement with Damascus are now waiting for Damascus to take its own steps related to interior and geopolitical issues before making any further moves towards normalizing ties.

In other words, the door leading towards Syria's return to the Arab League and attending the upcoming group summit in Algeria hinges on various conditions, at least for the time-being.

Two month ago, Syrian President Bashar Assad telephoned Jordan's King Abdullah II; their countries exchanged security, economy and military visits; the United Arab Emirates' foreign minister visited Damascus and met Assad; Assad received telephone calls from Arab leaders after Syria's presidential "elections" and Syria has joined various international organizations, such as Interpol and OAPEC.

Added to the above is Syria falling on the list of the Biden administration's priorities. Washington has limited its interest in Syria to providing humanitarian aid and fighting ISIS and has abandoned Donald Trump's "maximum pressure" policy.

Biden's team had carried out talks with Russia that includes Washington's "clarification" of sanctions and offering "waivers" to them on humanitarian grounds. It has also agreed to Moscow's suggestion to funding "early recovery" projects. Russia, meanwhile, has been pressing Arab countries to normalize relations with Damascus. Algeria has also said that it welcomes Syria at the March 2022 Arab League summit.

This normalization path has stalled and put on hold for various reasons.

First of all, not all major Arab countries were unanimous in supporting Jordan and the others' rapprochement with Damascus. Several Arab capitals even questioned whether Jordan's "step-for-step" approach with Damascus would succeed.

Meanwhile, Syria's return to the Arab League demands several steps, notably technical ones that start with the approval of the Arab ministerial council before the summit is held. Politically, consensus is needed from major Arab countries so that quorum is met at the council.

The recognition of the importance of Syria's return to the Arab fold is there, but Damascus needs to take geopolitical and internal steps that ensure that it is not used as a pawn to further Iran's agenda in the region. It must also dismantle drug smuggling networks and cooperate in the fight against terrorism. It must work on providing the grounds for the safe return of refugees to their homes and make progress on the political level according to United Nations resolution 2254.

These positions have been relayed to Washington, which is torn between the stance on Syria envisioned by the US National Security Council’s coordinator for the Middle East, Brett McGurk, and the one shared by Congress. Arab doubts over normalization have strengthened the position of doubters in Washington and have increased demands that the Caesar Act remain in place. Evidence of the American position was shown when the Treasury could not offer enough guarantees to Egypt and Jordan to go ahead with the Arab Gas Pipeline and exempting it from the Caesar Act.

In October, Washington announced it will not normalize ties with Damascus and that a price needed to be extracted from Damascus. The tone has now shifted to Washington discouraging all sides against normalization and against sending wrong messages to Damascus. The US has also held an open session at the UN Security Council on the need to hold war criminals in Syria to account.

The Americans have refused to join Russia in holding political negotiations over Syria. They stressed that lifting sanctions on Damascus was not on the table. So talks between Washington and Moscow are now limited to humanitarian aid and the military deployment in eastern Syria.

The Americans are banking on Russia voting on extending the UN resolution on delivering cross border aid to Syria for another six months. In return, they would be willing to provide funding to early recovering projects and other aid. The concessions are now, however, becoming further tied to coordinating stances with London, Paris, Berlin and Arab capitals.

All of the above in no way signifies a return to the policies of the previous decade. Yes, the Biden administration has abandoned Washington's policy of "state-building" and "regime change", but the signals from Arab and European capitals and Washington say that "closing the chapter of the past comes at a price." Just as the others need to have a reading of the situation in Syria, Damascus needs to have a reading of the situation in its country and the region that will pose a serious test to the "step-for-step"approach.



Jamal Mustafa: Saddam Said ‘Qassim Was Honest, But the Party Ordered His Assassination’

Jamal Mustafa Sultan.
Jamal Mustafa Sultan.
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Jamal Mustafa: Saddam Said ‘Qassim Was Honest, But the Party Ordered His Assassination’

Jamal Mustafa Sultan.
Jamal Mustafa Sultan.

Jamal Mustafa Sultan, Saddam Hussein’s son-in-law and former deputy secretary, recalled how the late Iraqi president viewed former Prime Minister Abdul Karim Qassim as an honorable and brave man even though he was involved on an attempt on his life.

In the third installment of his interview to Asharq Al-Awsat, Mustafa said: “In 1959, a fateful decision by Iraq’s Baath Party, led by Fuad al-Rikabi, changed the course of a young man’s life. The party planned a bold attempt to assassinate Iraqi leader Abdul Karim Qassim on Oct. 7.”

When a team member dropped out shortly before the operation, Saddam, then a little-known young man, was brought in. During the ambush on Al-Rashid Street in Baghdad, Qassim was slightly injured, and Saddam was wounded by shrapnel in his leg, said Mustafa.

After the failed attempt, al-Rikabi and other senior Baath members, including Hazem Jawad and Ali Saleh al-Saadi, fled to Syria. There, al-Rikabi kept asking about Saddam until he learned that Saddam had also escaped, organizing his secret journey to Syria on his own.

Hazem Jawad, a key Baath Party leader, recalled the moment Saddam Hussein became a full party member. In a small underground apartment in Damascus, Fuad al-Rikabi led a meeting with several party members, including himself, Ali Saleh al-Saadi, and Medhat Ibrahim Juma. “Fuad praised Saddam, calling him courageous and loyal, and proposed accepting him as a full member. We all agreed,” said Jawad, according to Mustafa.

“Saddam, a tall young man with piercing eyes and dark skin, stood before us. Fuad recited the party oath, and Saddam repeated it, officially joining the Baath Party,” he continued.

“We spent the next two hours talking over tea and cake. Before leaving, Fuad announced his trip to Cairo. Saddam also asked for permission to go to Egypt to continue his law studies. We approved, as it wasn’t safe to return him to Iraq after his involvement in the assassination attempt on Abdul Karim Qassim,” recounted Mustafa.

Saddam’s respect for Qassim

It’s uncommon for a leader to praise a predecessor who survived an assassination attempt against them, but Saddam did just that. Mustafa shared the story during a meeting.

“President Qassim, may God have mercy on him, was brave and honest,” Saddam said, according to Mustafa. “I respect him for serving Iraq with integrity.”

“We were young and impulsive. We didn’t think about the reasons behind the operation or what might happen afterward. We didn’t even consider who could replace Qassim if he were gone.”

When told that Qassim’s sister was his only surviving family member, Saddam instructed that she be given a car and financial support.

Saddam also treated former President Abdul Rahman Arif with respect, despite efforts to tarnish his legacy. Mustafa noted that campaigns to smear Arif were part of a broader attempt to justify Iraq’s invasion and undermine its independence. He urged historians to seek the truth and challenge false narratives.

Abdul Karim Qassim. (Getty Images)

Mustafa's reflection on Saddam

When asked if Saddam had made mistakes, Mustafa replied: “Mr. President worked for Iraq’s progress. Like anyone, he sometimes got things right and sometimes wrong, but his goal was always to elevate the country.”

“He had no interest in wealth. Over 20 years, investigators searched for assets linked to him—land, money, anything—but found nothing. Even his political opponent, Iyad Allawi, confirmed this. Saddam was strict about protecting public funds, and this extended to his children as well,” he added.

He also criticized the current government, accusing it of seizing land and displacing Iraqis.

“They’ve taken properties from displaced residents and given them to foreigners, including Iranians, Pakistanis, and Afghans. Areas like Jurf al-Sakhar and Al-Awja have been emptied, with residents banned from returning. Some lands are controlled by foreign military intelligence, impacting not just Iraq but the region. Christians have also lost properties to militias,” noted Sultan.

He shared his own losses: “My family’s land, passed down for generations, was confiscated. An orchard over 250 years old and another property from my great-grandfather, over 200 years old, were taken simply because we’re linked to the former regime. Even if a child in our family registers property now, it’s immediately seized.”

He added: “My family and others have lost everything. While some managed to sell or keep a few properties, all of ours were taken.”

Criticism of Moqtada al-Sadr, Iraq's sectarian divide

Mustafa expressed disappointment in Shiite cleric Moqtada al-Sadr after the fall of Saddam’s regime.

“Moqtada knows the truth about who killed his father. He attended investigation meetings and knows the details. His father, Mohammad al-Sadr, had influence and even criticized the regime in Friday sermons. Despite warnings, he refused official protection before his assassination,” he said.

On claims that Saddam’s government was Sunni-dominated, Mustafa disagreed.

“At that time, we were all Iraqis. There was no emphasis on Sunni, Shiite, or Christian identities. Our shared Iraqi identity came first, and positions in the government, military, or party were based on merit. For example, Tariq Aziz, a Christian, held top roles, including foreign minister and deputy prime minister. Sectarianism wasn’t a factor,” he said.

He criticized the current leadership, accusing it of destroying Iraq’s unity.

“Today’s politics aim to change Iraq’s demographics and weaken the country. Millions of Iraqis have been displaced, not just one group but people from all regions. Over 10 million now live abroad. This isn’t a coincidence—it’s a deliberate effort to break Iraq’s unity and control its future,” noted Mustafa.

Returning to Iraq

When asked if he hopes to return to Iraq, Mustafa said: “Since 2003, all the governments in Iraq have been installed by the US occupation and are aligned with Iran to further its agenda in the region, even through militias in Iraq, Syria, Lebanon and Yemen. After the occupation began, Iran-backed militias targeted Iraq’s scientists, doctors and pilots, which led to over 10 million Iraqis fleeing the country. The human cost of this is immense and unacceptable.”

He told Asharq Al-Awsat: “Of course, I want to return to Iraq. Every patriotic Iraqi who loves their country wants to return. It’s just a matter of time. We hope, God willing, that Iraq will be liberated and strong again, and when that happens, my family and I will be among the first to return.”

Mustafa also criticized Iran’s growing influence in the region: “People here are talking about Iran’s control over four Arab capitals: Beirut, Damascus, Baghdad and Sanaa. These countries are falling apart, with militias making the decisions, not governments. The policies being followed harm these nations’ interests and their Arab identity.”

He said Saddam quickly recognized a broader plot to destabilize Iraq and the region.

“Saddam saw Iraq as a barrier to a project aimed not only at Iraq, but at the entire Arab world, threatening their existence and role,” he said.

Mustafa also blamed Iran for starting the Iraq-Iran war, citing Tehran’s clear policy of exporting its revolution, as stated in its constitution.

When asked about reports that Iraqi intelligence proposed assassinating Iran's Supreme Leader Khomeini during his stay in Baghdad, Mustafa confirmed it but explained why Saddam rejected the idea.

“Saddam was a noble and honorable man. He would never allow harm to come to a guest, especially through betrayal. He would never consider or permit such a thing.”