UNIFIL Troops 'Avoiding' Residents of Southern Lebanon

UNIFIL members in southern Lebanon. (UNIFIL)
UNIFIL members in southern Lebanon. (UNIFIL)
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UNIFIL Troops 'Avoiding' Residents of Southern Lebanon

UNIFIL members in southern Lebanon. (UNIFIL)
UNIFIL members in southern Lebanon. (UNIFIL)

Troops from the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL) have limited their activity to main roads in southern Lebanon, raising questions among the locals about whether they have been ordered to restrict their movement in wake of recent attacks against them.

Members of UNIFIL have been attacked on two separate occasions in December and January.

Asharq Al-Awsat toured the areas of operation of UNIFIL in the South where the locals have expressed their support for the international force and fears that it may withdraw from the area.

They believe UNIFIL is the last remaining international cover provided to Lebanon amid its successive crises.

The international troops are seen as a source of stability and financial support in the South, but the recent lack of interaction between them and the locals has raised concerns.

In the past, international troops dining at restaurants, shopping at grocers, visiting clinics and other public places was a common and welcome sight. Now, as they remain in their vehicles and avoid contact with the people, concerns have started to mount.

Locals who have spoken to Asharq Al-Awsat stressed that relations with UNIFIL cannot be undermined by any random incident.

The soldiers "have become our friends. They are no strangers to us."

In fact, they expressed their disappointment with the latest attacks against the troops, saying the perpetrators are of the minority that oppose the force and their affiliations are known.

They are only carrying out orders aimed at forcing the troops to restrict their movement, they explained.

UNIFIL spokesperson Andrea Tenenti told Asharq Al-Awsat that the attacks have not deterred the troops from carrying out their duties.

They continue to communicate and coordinate with the Lebanese army, he stressed.

He said the peacekeepers will continue to implement UN Security Council resolution 1701.

UNIFIL carries out over 400 patrols and operations per day. It also contributes to small development projects, amounting to 7 million dollars annually, and provides job opportunities to over 600 Lebanese people.

Now, the soldiers are avoiding interacting with the locals so that their actions will not be exploited by some political powers - Hezbollah - to deliver a political message to the international force.

A field source told Asharq Al-Awsat that the opponents of UNIFIL make up no more than 3 percent of the local population.

"We know who they are. They are carrying out the orders aimed at restricting the troops' movement," he said.

Restricted movement
The first attack against UNIFIL took place in the town of Shakra on December 22 when locals accused the forces of taking photos of the area. The second took place in Bint Jbeil last week when people assaulted a UNIFIL patrol.

Tenenti told Asharq Al-Awsat that UNIFIL was coordinating closely with the Lebanese army in its areas of operation.

On claims that the troops were avoiding interacting with the locals, he said that the peacekeeping force has not changed its policies.

UNIFIL values that longstanding and fruitful relationship with the local population, he added.

Its priority lies in fulfilling its mandate, he stressed. UNIFIL is still committed to Lebanon and the people of the South and to preserving lasting peace.

Political messages
The two recent attacks have raised a number of questions over their motives and the political messages that were being directed at the international mission.

In a rare firm tone, the UN had urged the Lebanese authorities to probe the attacks and bring the perpetrators to justice.

"The denial of UNIFIL's freedom of movement and any aggression against those serving the cause of peace is unacceptable," UN spokesman Stephane Dujarric said after last week's attack.

"UNIFIL condemns attacks on men and women serving the cause of peace, which are violations of both Lebanese and international law," Kandice Ardiel, a UNIFIL press official, had also said last week.

She added that UNIFIL also condemns those who manipulate local residents to serve their purposes.

Lebanese political analyst Dr. Nassib Hoteit said the problems between the locals and UNIFIL stem from the former's questioning of some of the security roles played by some members of the force, not the entire mission.

In remarks to Asharq Al-Awsat, he said that "locals" refers to the actual residents themselves and to the unregulated popular resistance.

He acknowledged that problems between the people and UNIFIL are not uncommon, but they have grown in frequency in recent weeks.

Some people believe UNIFIL is veering away from its mission and is not coordinating its movement with the army. Such allegations are due to the security tensions in the South, he said.

The people are tense because the mounting crises and international pressure against Lebanon, he explained.

Moreover, Hoteit warned that problems will only increase if an international decision was taken to pull UNIFIL out of the South.

That will mean the removal of international cover over Lebanon. "UNIFIL is an important factor of stability in the country and it is an important symbol of international presence and recognition of Lebanon," he stressed.

Lebanese fears
Despite the tensions and concerns, the southerners don't believe that these incidents will impact the fate of UNIFIL.

Some have described them as "incidental" and not reflective of the people of the South.

Lebanese sources said the two recent attacks are "rare" and are usually resolved through the military.

This does not however, eliminate concerns. Hoteit, who hails from the South, said the withdrawal of UNIFIL would leave the region vulnerable to Israeli attacks that the country can do without as it grapples with major internal economic and political crises.

Projects worth millions
The security problems have not harmed the relations between the locals and the peacekeeping force.

In the town of Maarake in the Tyre province, the Malaysian contingent was invited to attend a wake to commemorate the victims of recent floods in the Asian country.

Such incidents reflect the unique ties that bind the locals to UNIFIL.

The southerners also benefit from projects carried out by UNIFIL that top 7 million dollars annually.

UNIFIL Commander Major General Stefano Del Col said last week that the soldiers had carried out over 180,000 field operation and over 400 projects and grants.

It has also offered support to the Lebanese army that is the foundation to the international force achieving its goal of providing lasting peace in southern Lebanon, he added.

Residents in Tyre have cited major development projects that were carried out by UNIFIL, such a sewage network in the border town of Naqoura. They have also offered health, agricultural and veterinary services.

In Marjeyoun, the locals credited the international force with installing solar panels to light up street lamps.

The international troops also contribute to the local economy. Over 10,000 soldiers make up UNIFIL and they shop for their daily needs at local markets. Furthermore, the international force has provided jobs to 630 Lebanese people, while 300 foreign workers and their families are also employed with it.

In Marjeyoun, two locals look at the solar-powered street lamps and say that without UNIFIL such an initiative would never have been implemented.

"Harming soldiers who have left behind their families to provide us with peace of mind and stability is totally unacceptable," they said.



Asharq Al-Awsat Uncovers New Details on Sinwar’s Movements During the Gaza Conflict

Yahya Sinwar 
Yahya Sinwar 
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Asharq Al-Awsat Uncovers New Details on Sinwar’s Movements During the Gaza Conflict

Yahya Sinwar 
Yahya Sinwar 

Reliable information from Asharq Al-Awsat sources within and close to Hamas reveals that Israel nearly captured the group's leader, Yahya Sinwar, at least five times before he was killed during a routine military operation in Rafah, southern Gaza, last month.

The sources described Sinwar's movements and those with him during the ongoing conflict in Gaza, which has lasted over a year. They noted that Sinwar sent a message to his family about the death of his nephew, Ibrahim Muhammad Sinwar, who was with him.

This message arrived two days after Sinwar was also killed.

Khan Younis Operation

During the Israeli military operation in Khan Younis in January, it was believed that Sinwar was hiding in one of the tunnels.

After entering several tunnels, Israeli forces found recordings from cameras showing Sinwar moving around and transferring supplies into a tunnel with his family just hours before the attack on Oct. 7, 2023, as well as on the day of the attack.

Despite this, Israel could not locate him in the tunnels or above ground. As the operation expanded, Sinwar had to find a safe place for his wife and children away from him due to the ongoing pursuit, according to reliable sources for Asharq Al-Awsat.

Sources report that Sinwar’s wife and children were safe, receiving written messages from him at least once a month.

As military operations intensified in Khan Younis, Sinwar chose to stay in the area, often separating from his brother Muhammad and Raef Salameh, the regional brigade commander who was killed in a July airstrike alongside Muhammad Deif, the leader of Hamas’s military wing.

They occasionally met in safe houses or tunnels since the conflict began.

The sources noted that the four did not remain together at all times; they spent hours or days together before parting based on the situation.

A closely guarded secret reveals that Israeli forces were just meters away from a house where Sinwar was hiding in Block G of Khan Younis, accompanied only by his personal bodyguard.

Sinwar was armed and ready for a potential Israeli raid.

However, the movements of Hamas fighters from house to house, as they demolished walls for street fighting, revealed Sinwar’s location.

He was quickly evacuated through gaps created by the fighters in neighboring homes and taken to a safe house about one kilometer away.

He was later moved to another location where he met his brother Muhammad and Salameh before they all separated as the Israeli operation expanded near the Nasser Medical Complex.

Sources say that in February, under pressure from his brother and Salameh, as well as Hamas fighters, Sinwar was forced to leave Khan Younis for Rafah. By then, Israeli forces had almost complete control over Khan Younis and had effectively tightened their siege.

However, Sinwar was safely transported to Rafah through coordinated movements above and below ground.

Sources indicate that the person who stayed with Sinwar throughout the conflict was Ibrahim Muhammad Sinwar, the son of his brother Muhammad, a senior Hamas leader.

Both Yahya and Muhammad named their firstborn sons after each other.

Ibrahim was killed in an Israeli airstrike in August while exiting a tunnel to monitor Israeli movements in Rafah, southern Gaza, alongside his uncle.

Sinwar sent a message to his brother’s family explaining the circumstances of Ibrahim’s death and detailing where he was buried in an underground tunnel, stating that he had personally prayed over his body.

The family received this message two days after Sinwar’s own death, indicating that it took more than two months for it to reach them.

The timing of the message, arriving just after Sinwar’s death, highlights the challenging security conditions he faced amid ongoing Israeli pursuit.

It also reflects the extreme precautions he took to avoid leaving any gaps that could lead Israel to him, which helps explain the circumstances of his “accidental” death.

Sources reveal that Sinwar stayed in Rafah for several months, moving between different areas, particularly in the western part since late May. He used both underground and above-ground shelters.

During his time away from his brother Muhammad, as well as Deif and Salameh, Sinwar communicated with them through written messages, following specific security protocols he defined.

This method also applied to his communications with Hamas leaders locally and abroad, especially regarding ceasefire negotiations and potential prisoner exchanges.

Sinwar was reportedly in tunnels in Rafah, including one where six prisoners were killed. It is believed he may have ordered their execution as Israeli forces advanced in late September.

Before his death, Sinwar and his companions experienced severe food shortages, going three days without eating while preparing for an Israeli confrontation. They moved between damaged buildings in the area.

In the final two weeks, attempts were made by Mahmoud Hamdan, the commander of the Tel Sultan brigade, who was killed the day after Sinwar, to extract him from the area. However, these efforts failed due to heavy military activity.

Sources indicate that Israeli forces came close to Sinwar’s location at least five times, including three times above ground and two underground.

Each time, he was moved to different locations despite wanting to remain with the fighting forces.

When asked if Sinwar’s presence in Rafah was related to assessing the Philadelphia corridor, sources denied this.

However, individuals close to Hamas suggested that he may have been considering a potential Israeli withdrawal from the corridor and its implications for prisoner exchange negotiations and the situation on the ground.

In related news, Hamas has issued a statement denying reports regarding the fate of Deif, the leader of the Izz ad-Din al-Qassam Brigades.

Earlier, Asharq Al-Awsat reported new indications of Deif’s death in an Israeli airstrike in Khan Younis in July. Despite these reports, Hamas officials continue to assert that Deif is alive, while Israeli officials claim he has been killed.