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How the First Saudi State Posed Real Threat to the Ottomans, Persian Influence

Photo of British and Ottoman documents uncovered by Dr. Jawaher Al Saudi exclusively for Asharq Al-Awsat.
Photo of British and Ottoman documents uncovered by Dr. Jawaher Al Saudi exclusively for Asharq Al-Awsat.
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How the First Saudi State Posed Real Threat to the Ottomans, Persian Influence

Photo of British and Ottoman documents uncovered by Dr. Jawaher Al Saudi exclusively for Asharq Al-Awsat.
Photo of British and Ottoman documents uncovered by Dr. Jawaher Al Saudi exclusively for Asharq Al-Awsat.

Thousands of foreign documents, uncovered by a Saudi researcher specialized in Saudi history, revealed important aspects that characterized the first central state in the Arabian Peninsula, which was founded by Imam Muhammad bin Saud.

With King Salman’s announcement that February 22 will be known as Founding Day, commemorating Saudi heritage and history, Dr. Princess Jawaher bint Abdul Mohsen bin Abdullah bin Jalawi Al Saud unveiled, in an exclusive interview with Asharq Al-Awsat, information and documents of great historic value, which detailed the rich experience of Saudi princes who ruled over the region 300 years ago, and their ambitious plans to establish an empire.

According to the foreign documents revealed by the princess, Imam Muhammad bin Saud, founder of the first Saudi state and the first Saudi king, acknowledged the importance of imposing a system that would rely on the management of a ruler, who would be capable of making decisive decisions that would provide security and stability for the region.

This is in fact the first requirement on which states and governments are built, and which would only be achieved by unifying the Peninsula’s inhabitants, who were forced by the arid conditions to depend on the natural economy with the absence of a central authority.

The Arabian Peninsula was rife with tribal conflicts and competition between small rival emirates, the researcher told Asharq Al-Awsat, adding that as a result of the changes that had occurred in the region, Imam Muhammad bin Saud had accelerated his efforts to put an end to the feuds and unify the lands.

“Thus, he succeeded in establishing the first nucleus of a young Arab Islamic power that emerged from the heart of the Arabian Peninsula,” Princess Jawaher said.

British archive documents confirmed that Imam Muhammad bin Saud ruled for many years, and after his death in 1179 AH (1765 AD), he left to his sons a stable kingdom, which enjoyed a great reputation and was respected throughout the region.

Imam Abdulaziz bin Muhammad took over the reins of power after the death of his father. He strived to maintain Imam Muhammad’s legacy and sought to change the balance of power in the Arabian Peninsula, posing a real danger to the Ottoman Empire.

He contributed to the expansion of the state under the leadership of his eldest son, Prince Saud. British records confirmed the success of Imam Abdulaziz in tightening his grip on the Arabian Peninsula. During his reign, the region enjoyed stability and security.

In this context, Dr. Jawaher Al Saud quoted Ottoman records, which said that the imam was known for his firmness, strength and determination. The records also mentioned the influx of warnings to the Sublime Porte about his increasing activity, which made the Ottoman Empire stress the need to take urgent and strong measures to curb his power.

For this reason, orders were sent to the governor of Baghdad to take the necessary action and coordinate with other governors and tribes of Kurdistan and Iraq in order to eliminate the danger, at a time when campaigns led by Imam Saud extended to the Levant and Iraq to the borders of Basra.

The British consul in Baghdad, in a report sent to the British ambassador in Istanbul on July 29, 1803, recommended Britain’s support for the Ottoman forces, as he noted that no campaign against Diriyah would succeed in the face of an army of 100,000 fighters carrying swords and willing to die for the sake of their cause…

Moreover, the British consul pointed out in his letter that if the Ottoman Empire insisted on launching this campaign against the Saudis, this would not only lead to the failure of the campaign and the Ottomans to lose their influence over the Arabian Peninsula… but would most likely lead to the overthrow of the current sultan and the defeat of the Ottoman rule.

The researcher stressed that the Ottoman records confirmed that after the multiple defeats of the governor of Baghdad, the rulers of the Ottoman Empire no longer aspired to eliminate the Saudi state, but sought to push away its danger without disregarding the upcoming Saudi tide.

Dr. Jawaher Al Saud considered that the emergence of Saudi influence over Makkah Al-Mukarramah has resulted in frequent messages between the Ottoman Sultan and his men of state and the governors of the regions to control the ambitions of Imam Abdulaziz.

She added that the governor of Baghdad, Ali Pasha, was aware of the plot to get rid of Imam Abdulaziz and his son Saud. When it was not possible to reach Prince Saud, Imam Abdulaziz was stabbed to death when he was performing the afternoon prayers in 1218 AH - 1803 AD.

The historian explained that the third imam in the first Saudi state, Imam Saud bin Abdulaziz bin Muhammad bin Saud, succeeded in extending his influence in the Arabian Gulf and Oman, which raised British fears of his increasing activity in those areas.

During his reign, the Saudi state reached the peak of its power, and emerged as an Arab supremacy that represented the greatest challenge to the Ottoman presence.

British reports have confirmed that Imam Saud’s ambition was not limited to annexing the countries of the Arabian Peninsula, the Levant and Iraq, but to extending his influence outside the Arabian Peninsula towards India.

According to Ottoman records, the Persian Shah has urged the Ottoman Empire to work to eliminate the Saudi tide that had reached the areas of Persian influence in the region, which prompted the Ottomans to send an official envoy with the aim of reassuring the Shah and emphasizing the endeavor to meet his demands.

The researcher concluded by saying that the Ottoman Empire acknowledged the Saudi-Arab danger, and as a result of its failure to limit its growing influence after losing the Two Holy Mosques and its inability to protect Baghdad and the Levant, the Ottoman Sultan issued orders to his successors in Egypt, the Levant and Iraq to move again in an attempt to eliminate the first Saudi state.

Tusun Pasha crossed the sea towards the Arabian Peninsula in 1226 AH - 1811 AD, and his father, Muhammad Ali Pasha, joined him in 1228 AH - 1813 AD. Imam Saud passed away in 1229 AH - 1814 AD in a critical period in the history of the first Saudi state, where the Ottoman forces were besieging Turbah after the surrender of Makkah and Madinah by the collaborators with the Ottoman forces.

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To Get Their Own Cash, People in Gaza Must Pay Middlemen a 40% Cut

A destroyed branch of the Bank of Palestine in the Tal al-Hawa neighborhood of Gaza City is seen Wednesday, July 9, 2025. (AP)
A destroyed branch of the Bank of Palestine in the Tal al-Hawa neighborhood of Gaza City is seen Wednesday, July 9, 2025. (AP)
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To Get Their Own Cash, People in Gaza Must Pay Middlemen a 40% Cut

A destroyed branch of the Bank of Palestine in the Tal al-Hawa neighborhood of Gaza City is seen Wednesday, July 9, 2025. (AP)
A destroyed branch of the Bank of Palestine in the Tal al-Hawa neighborhood of Gaza City is seen Wednesday, July 9, 2025. (AP)

Cash is the lifeblood of the Gaza Strip’s shattered economy, and like all other necessities in this war-torn territory — food, fuel, medicine — it is in extremely short supply.

With nearly every bank branch and ATM inoperable, people have become reliant on an unrestrained network of powerful cash brokers to get money for daily expenses and commissions on those transactions have soared to about 40%.

"The people are crying blood because of this," said Ayman al-Dahdouh, a school director living in Gaza City. "It’s suffocating us, starving us."

At a time of surging inflation, high unemployment and dwindling savings, the scarcity of cash has magnified the financial squeeze on families — some of whom have begun to sell their possessions to buy essential goods.

The cash that is available has even lost some of its luster. Palestinians use the Israeli currency, the shekel, for most transactions. Yet with Israel no longer resupplying the territory with newly printed bank notes, merchants are increasingly reluctant to accept frayed bills.

Gaza’s punishing cash crunch has several root causes, experts say.

To curtail Hamas’ ability to purchase weapons and pay its fighters, Israel stopped allowing cash to enter Gaza at the start of the war. Around the same time, many wealthy families in Gaza withdrew their money from banks and then fled the territory. And rising fears about Gaza’s financial system prompted foreign businesses selling goods into the territory to demand cash payments.

As Gaza’s money supply dwindled and civilians’ desperation mounted, cash brokers' commissions — around 5% at the start of the war — skyrocketed.

Someone needing cash transfers money electronically to a broker and moments later is handed a fraction of that amount in bills. Many brokers openly advertise their services, while others are more secretive. Some grocers and retailers have also begun exchanging cash for their customers.

"If I need $60, I need to transfer $100," said Mohammed Basheer al-Farra, who lives in southern Gaza after being displaced from Khan Younis. "This is the only way we can buy essentials, like flour and sugar. We lose nearly half of our money just to be able to spend it."

In 2024, inflation in Gaza surged by 230%, according to the World Bank. It dropped slightly during the ceasefire that began in January, only to shoot up again after Israel backed out of the truce in March.

Cash touches every aspect of life in Gaza

About 80% of people in Gaza were unemployed at the end of 2024, according to the World Bank, and the figure is likely higher now. Those with jobs are mostly paid by direct deposits into their bank accounts.

But "when you want to buy vegetables, food, water, medication -- if you want to take transportation, or you need a blanket, or anything — you must use cash," al-Dahdouh said.

Shahid Ajjour’s family has been living off of savings for two years after the pharmacy and another business they owned were ruined by the war.

"We had to sell everything just to get cash," said Ajjour, who sold her gold to buy flour and canned beans. The family of eight spends the equivalent of $12 every two days on flour; before the war, that cost less than $4.

Sugar is very expensive, costing the equivalent of $80-$100 per kilogram (2.2 pounds), multiple people said; before the war, that cost less than $2.

Gasoline is about $25 a liter, or roughly $95 a gallon, when paying the lower, cash price.

Bills are worn and unusable

The bills in Gaza are tattered after 21 months of war.

Money is so fragile, it feels as if it is going to melt in your hands, said Mohammed al-Awini, who lives in a tent camp in southern Gaza.

Small business owners said they were under pressure to ask customers for undamaged cash because their suppliers demand pristine bills from them.

Thaeir Suhwayl, a flour merchant in Deir al-Balah, said his suppliers recently demanded he pay them only with brand new 200-shekel ($60) bank notes, which he said are rare. Most civilians pay him with 20-shekel ($6) notes that are often in poor condition.

On a recent visit to the market, Ajjour transferred the shekel equivalent of around $100 to a cash broker and received around $50 in return. But when she tried to buy some household supplies from a merchant, she was turned away because the bills weren’t in good condition.

"So the worth of your $50 is zero in the end," she said.

This problem has given rise to a new business in Gaza: money repair. It costs between 3 and 10 shekels ($1-$3) to mend old bank notes. But even cash repaired with tape or other means is sometimes rejected.

People are at the mercy of cash brokers

After most of the banks closed in the early days of the war, those with large reserves of cash suddenly had immense power.

"People are at their mercy," said Mahmoud Aqel, who has been displaced from his home in southern Gaza. "No one can stop them."

The war makes it impossible to regulate market prices and exchange rates, said Dalia Alazzeh, an expert in finance and accounting at the University of the West of Scotland. "Nobody can physically monitor what’s happening," Alazzeh said.

A year ago, the Palestine Monetary Authority, the equivalent of a central bank for Gaza and the West Bank, sought to ease the crisis by introducing a digital payment system known as Iburaq. It attracted half a million users, or a quarter of the population, according to the World Bank, but was ultimately undermined by merchants insisting on cash.

Israel sought to ramp up financial pressure on Hamas earlier this year by tightening the distribution of humanitarian aid, which it said was routinely siphoned off by militants and then resold.

Experts said it is unclear if the cash brokers’ activities benefit Hamas, as some Israeli analysts claim.

The war has made it more difficult to determine who is behind all sorts of economic activity in the territory, said Omar Shabaan, director of Palthink for Strategic Studies, a Gaza-based think tank.

"It's a dark place now. You don't know who is bringing cigarettes into Gaza," he said, giving just one example. "It's like a mafia."

These same deep-pocketed traders are likely the ones running cash brokerages, and selling basic foodstuffs, he said. "They benefit by imposing these commissions," he said.

Once families run out of cash, they are forced to turn to humanitarian aid.

Al-Farra said that is what prompted him to begin seeking food at an aid distribution center, where it is common for Palestinians to jostle over one other for sacks of flour and boxes of pasta.

"This is the only way I can feed my family," he said.