The Global Economy Caught Between Wars and Geopolitical Conflicts

March 2023 will mark three years since Lebanon's default on external debt. (AFP)
March 2023 will mark three years since Lebanon's default on external debt. (AFP)
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The Global Economy Caught Between Wars and Geopolitical Conflicts

March 2023 will mark three years since Lebanon's default on external debt. (AFP)
March 2023 will mark three years since Lebanon's default on external debt. (AFP)

There is a saying, "When the US economy sneezes, the emerging markets get a cold." The global economy now may be more complex: it is more resilient in terms of where new economic growth emerges, but more vulnerable in terms of risk emanating from the United States, but also in China, and in sites of conflict and geopolitical competition. 

Inflation is the immediate risk, but the outlook for shared global growth looks more uneven as the traditional drivers of innovation and investment from the West now face a prolonged demographic decline, coupled with rising nationalist sentiment, and protectionist trade and industrial policies.

The Covid-19 pandemic, Russia waging war in Europe, and a distrust of China's economic model all influence Western strategic assessments, but the trendline of growth and productivity decline has been building for some time. In the rich world, between 1980 and 2000, GDP per capita grew annually on average about 2.25%, but in the last twenty years that growth has halved.

Challenges in the Arab region

For the Arab region, 2023 will bring a set of new challenges to balance the opportunity of high resource revenues with more structural inflationary pressures and a widening gap between energy importers and exporters. The upside is that now is a tremendous moment of opportunity for some Arab states to take leadership roles in regional and global investment to accelerate new technologies to solve some of our most pressing energy needs.

For investors, the war in Ukraine will continue to have repercussions in the global economy, whether in energy flows or food supplies. Tensions between the US and China add potential risk escalation scenarios, as well as the failure of the Iran deal negotiations and the new reality of a nuclear arms race in the Middle East. For the United States, its Middle East policy will have to change, necessitating a new kind of economic and security engagement across the Arab region.

In markets, what happens in the US and the decisions of the Federal Reserve's Open Market Committee will continue to influence global costs of borrowing.

For Arab economies with currencies tied to the US dollar, the strength of the US dollar combined with higher interest rates creates some challenges to domestic bank liquidity. For weaker Arab economies, debt sustainability will be a pressing challenge to governments and will change their relations with international financial institutions, as well as with their Gulf neighbors willing to provide central bank deposits, currency swaps, and commitments of foreign direct investment. 

Oil and the markets

The economic health of the Arab region remains connected to the whims of global commodity markets, especially oil and gas. We don't really know the depth of the global economic slowdown ahead, or its impact on energy demand in 2023.

For oil, how quickly and with what urgency can demand recover in China? The good news is that oil prices remain, for now, at levels in excess of Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) fiscal and breakeven levels. Fiscal policy has been more constrained than in previous windfalls, and new efforts at tax collection and the growth of tourism and service sector activity in the GCC is cushioning the possibility of a crash on the other side of this oil market swing.

Perhaps more important though is the shift in external GCC assets; the breadth and scope of Gulf investment has never been more transformational in the global economy. One estimate by a leading investment bank sees an upside scenario where Brent oil prices rise steadily over the next three years to $120/bbl, GCC external assets could reach a value of $6 trillion. But even with a scenario of much lower oil prices, to levels of $40/bbl, the GCC asset value flattens at a very significant level of just about $5 trillion. That's not exactly a crash in influence in a downside scenario.

Global oil production is shifting as well, as the cost curve for financial and regulatory constraints changes. This creates an advantage for dominant Gulf producers willing to invest in production. It also makes their politics more complex with members of OPEC+ and the largest global oil producer, the United States.  At the same time, the outlook for global natural gas demand has drawn Arab producers from North Africa, the Levant and the Gulf closer to Europe.

Energy costs

For the Arab region, inflation and high energy costs add to broader challenges to human development, as a recent UNDP report assesses a real backtracking in development indicators. Trust in how governments can respond to external economic challenges, whether originating from a pandemic or a global recession combined with inflationary pressure, remains low and deteriorating in the region.

A recent Arab Barometer survey found that only 30 percent of respondents reported having a great deal of trust in their governments as responsive to the needs of its citizens. There are some limited exceptions, however. An Edelman Trust Barometer found two countries from the Arab region - Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates - among seven countries of the 27 surveyed, with high levels of public trust.

Trust will be an imperative in 2023 across Arab states as governments deal with a mounting set of risk scenarios and economic challenges. In two states, Egypt and Lebanon, we see the extent of the trust deficit, from monetary policy to lagging reform efforts to general government disfunction.

Egypt and Lebanon

In Egypt, an IMF agreement on a $3 billion, 46 month extended fund facility will require more exchange rate flexibility from the central bank and the government to more actively limit its ownership within the economy, making room for more private sector gains. With that agreement, comes more Gulf support, which has also included opportunistic purchases of publicly listed companies.

For Egypt, any efforts to float the currency and more actively engage foreign investors on a level playing field with the state will also require management efforts at factors outside of the state's control, such as tourism from abroad (especially Russia), energy prices and remittances. Debt management, of course, will be an ongoing stress and will not be solved by this one IMF agreement.

For Lebanon, March 2023 will mark three years since its default on external debt. There is little confidence from citizens or creditors on the state's ability to slow its demise. Economic activity has shrunk by half, inflation rose to an average of 200% over the past year, and the value of the currency has declined 95% of its value against the USD. Poverty has doubled to 82% of the population between 2019 and 2021.

A deal to begin exploration and production of natural gas under the sea between Israel and Lebanon marked a bright spot in the ability of Lebanon to earn foreign currency from future exports, and to see some possibility of tension management among its political factions. Trust in the longevity of that agreement will also depend on factors outside of Lebanon's control, including the policies of a new government in Israel.

High interest rates

In 2023, the threat of a global economic recession coupled with high interest rates will widen the gap of the "haves and have nots" within the Arab region. But more importantly, governments will be tested on their management of external risk and their ability to communicate to citizens and their regional partners what path they choose.

No longer is the region's economy affected by just what happens in the US or its monetary policy. Geopolitical risk, stagflation and a longer-term demographic shift in the West will combine with an emerging set of opportunities for Gulf state investors and regional economies.

*Karen E. Young, PhD is a Senior Research Scholar at Columbia University in the Center on Global Energy Policy. She is the author of “The Economic Statecraft of the Gulf Arab States”, available in January 2023.



Saudi Cabinet Approves Cancellation of Expat Levy on Foreign Workers in Licensed Industrial Establishments

Prince Mohammed bin Salman bin Abdulaziz Al Saud, Crown Prince and Prime Minister, chairs a cabinet meeting. (SPA)
Prince Mohammed bin Salman bin Abdulaziz Al Saud, Crown Prince and Prime Minister, chairs a cabinet meeting. (SPA)
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Saudi Cabinet Approves Cancellation of Expat Levy on Foreign Workers in Licensed Industrial Establishments

Prince Mohammed bin Salman bin Abdulaziz Al Saud, Crown Prince and Prime Minister, chairs a cabinet meeting. (SPA)
Prince Mohammed bin Salman bin Abdulaziz Al Saud, Crown Prince and Prime Minister, chairs a cabinet meeting. (SPA)

The Saudi Cabinet, chaired by Prince Mohammed bin Salman bin Abdulaziz Al Saud, Crown Prince and Prime Minister, approved on Wednesday the cancellation of the expat levy on foreign workers in licensed industrial establishments.

The decision is based on the recommendation of the Council of Economic and Development Affairs.

It reflects the continued support and empowerment the industrial sector receives from the Kingdom’s leadership.

It also underscores the Crown Prince’s commitment to enabling national factories, strengthening their sustainability, and enhancing their global competitiveness.

The step aligns with the Kingdom’s ambitious vision to build a competitive and resilient industrial economy, recognizing industry as a cornerstone of national economic diversification under Saudi Vision 2030.

Minister of Industry and Mineral Resources Bandar Alkhorayef expressed his sincere gratitude and appreciation to Custodian of the Two Holy Mosques King Salman bin Abdulaziz Al Saud and to Crown Prince Mohammed on the Cabinet’s decisions.

The move reflects the continued support and empowerment the industrial sector receives from the Crown Prince, he added.

He noted that the move will boost the global competitiveness of the Saudi industry and further increase the reach and presence of non-oil exports in international markets.

Alkhorayef stressed that the exemption of the expat levy over the past six years - through the first and second exemption periods from October 1, 2019, to December 31, 2025 - played a critical role in driving qualitative growth in the industrial sector and expanding the Kingdom’s industrial base.

Between 2019 and the end of 2024, the sector achieved significant milestones: the number of industrial facilities increased from 8,822 factories to more than 12,000; total industrial investments rose by 35%, from SAR908 billion to SAR1.22 trillion; non-oil exports grew by 16%, rising from SAR187 billion to SAR217 billion; employment grew by 74%, from 488,000 workers to 847,000; localization increased from 29% to 31%; and industrial GDP rose by 56%, from SAR322 billion to more than SAR501 billion.

Alkhorayef said that these achievements would not have been possible without the unwavering support provided to the industry and mineral resources ecosystem by the Kingdom’s leadership.

The minister added that the Cabinet’s decision to cancel the expat levy for the licensed industrial establishments will further strengthen sustainable industrial development in the Kingdom, bolster national industrial capabilities, and attract more high-quality investments, especially given the incentives and enablers offered by the industrial ecosystem.

The decision will also reduce operational costs for factories, helping them expand, grow, and increase their output, and accelerate the adoption of modern operating models such as automation, artificial intelligence, and advanced manufacturing technologies. This, he said, will boost the sector’s efficiency and enhance its ability to compete globally.

Alkhorayef reaffirmed the ministry’s commitment to supporting the continued growth of the industrial sector in the coming period through close cooperation with all relevant entities, empowering the private sector, and providing an investment-friendly industrial environment that fosters innovation and technology.

These efforts reflect the Kingdom’s commitment to its vision of becoming a global industrial powerhouse by enabling advanced industries, attracting international investment, offering 800 industrial investment opportunities worth SAR1 trillion, and tripling industrial GDP to SAR895 billion by 2035 and reinforcing industry as a central pillar of national economic diversification, he said.


UK Exempts Egypt's Zohr Gas Field from Russia Sanctions

Rosneft and Lukoil, Russia's top oil producers, were sanctioned by Britain and the United States in October over their role in financing Moscow's invasion of Ukraine (File Photo via AFP)
Rosneft and Lukoil, Russia's top oil producers, were sanctioned by Britain and the United States in October over their role in financing Moscow's invasion of Ukraine (File Photo via AFP)
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UK Exempts Egypt's Zohr Gas Field from Russia Sanctions

Rosneft and Lukoil, Russia's top oil producers, were sanctioned by Britain and the United States in October over their role in financing Moscow's invasion of Ukraine (File Photo via AFP)
Rosneft and Lukoil, Russia's top oil producers, were sanctioned by Britain and the United States in October over their role in financing Moscow's invasion of Ukraine (File Photo via AFP)

Britain on Wednesday added Egypt's Zohr gas field, in which Russian oil major Rosneft holds a 30% stake and London-based BP has a 10% holding, to a list of projects exempt from its Russia sanctions.

Rosneft and Lukoil, Russia's top oil producers, were sanctioned by Britain and the United States in October over their role in financing Moscow's invasion of Ukraine.

The general licence, amended on Wednesday, now also allows payments and business operations linked to Zohr until October 2027, Reuters reported.
BP holds its stake in Zohr alongside majority stakeholder Eni, Rosneft and other partners.

The licence gave no reason for the exemption. The British government did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

Other projects exempted by the licence include other large oil and gas ventures in Russia, Kazakhstan and the Caspian region.

Zohr is operated by Italy's Eni and with an estimated 30 trillion cubic feet (Tfc) of gas is the Mediterranean's biggest field, though production has fallen well below its peak in 2019.

Eni has pledged about $8 billion of investment in Egypt and recently launched a Mediterranean drilling campaign to boost output.


Italy, France Say it's 'Premature' to Sign EU-Mercosur Trade Deal

Italy's Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni speaks at the the lower house of Parliament, ahead of a European Union leaders' summit, in Rome, Italy, December 17, 2025. REUTERS/Remo Casilli
Italy's Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni speaks at the the lower house of Parliament, ahead of a European Union leaders' summit, in Rome, Italy, December 17, 2025. REUTERS/Remo Casilli
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Italy, France Say it's 'Premature' to Sign EU-Mercosur Trade Deal

Italy's Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni speaks at the the lower house of Parliament, ahead of a European Union leaders' summit, in Rome, Italy, December 17, 2025. REUTERS/Remo Casilli
Italy's Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni speaks at the the lower house of Parliament, ahead of a European Union leaders' summit, in Rome, Italy, December 17, 2025. REUTERS/Remo Casilli

Italy and France on Wednesday said they were not ready to back a trade agreement between the European Union and the South American trade bloc Mercosur, dealing a blow to hopes of finalizing the deal in the coming days.

European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen had been expected to fly to Brazil at the end of this week to sign the accord, reached a year ago after a quarter-century of talks with the bloc of Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Paraguay and Uruguay.

Germany, Spain and Nordic countries say the agreement will help exports hit by US tariffs and reduce dependence on China by providing access to minerals. Confirming an earlier Reuters report, Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni sided with French President Emmanuel Macron in calling for a delay in approving the deal, which Poland and Hungary also oppose. "The Italian government has always been clear in saying that the agreement must be beneficial for all sectors and that it is therefore necessary to address, in particular, the concerns of our farmers," Meloni told the lower house of Italy's parliament. She told lawmakers it would be "premature" to sign the deal before further measures to protect farmers were finalised, adding the deal needed adequate reciprocity guarantees for the agricultural sector, Reuters reported.

PARIS, ROME DEMAND TOUGHER SAFEGUARDS

France too wants tougher safeguards, including "mirror clauses" requiring Mercosur products to comply with EU rules on the use of pesticide and chlorine and tighter food safety inspections.

"No-one would understand if vegetables, beef and chicken that are chemically treated with products banned in France were to arrive on our soil," French government spokesperson Maud Bregeon told a news briefing. Supporters of the deal say it would not override existing EU regulations on food standards. The European Parliament, Commission and the Council, the grouping of EU governments, are set to negotiate an agreement on Mercosur safeguards later on Wednesday after EU lawmakers backed tightening some controls on imports of some farm products. Meloni's Brothers of Italy party said those controls were still not sufficient to ensure farmers could compete on even terms.

"This does not mean that Italy intends to block or oppose the agreement as a whole ... I am very confident that, come the start of next year, all these conditions can be met," Meloni said.

Latin American officials have grown impatient, with one Brazilian official warning it was "now or never". The Mercosur bloc is pursuing deals with other nations such as Japan, India and Canada.