Syrian Opposition Proposes Transfer of Refugees in Lebanon to ‘Liberated Regions’

Syrians in Azaz protest the forced deportations of refugees from Lebanon. (Azaz social media)
Syrians in Azaz protest the forced deportations of refugees from Lebanon. (Azaz social media)
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Syrian Opposition Proposes Transfer of Refugees in Lebanon to ‘Liberated Regions’

Syrians in Azaz protest the forced deportations of refugees from Lebanon. (Azaz social media)
Syrians in Azaz protest the forced deportations of refugees from Lebanon. (Azaz social media)

Opposition civilian and political groups in Syria’s northwest announced their complete readiness to receive Syrian refugees from Lebanon in liberated Syrian regions in wake of the violations and forced deportation they are facing in the neighboring country.

The “Political Affairs Administration” in the opposition-held Idlib region and the Hayat Tahrir al-Sham group said on Friday that they were prepared to welcome over two million refugees in Lebanon who are threatened with forced deportation to regime-held regions where their lives could be at risk.

In a statement, they urged Lebanese authorities to return to reason and their humanitarian and moral duties towards civilian refugees in line with international laws and norms that ensure their protection.

They added that the Syrians were initially forced to leave their country given the violence of President Bashar al-Assad's regime against them. Nearly two million Syrians have sought refuge in Lebanon to escape imprisonment or death.

Now, the refugees in Lebanon are coming under systematic verbal and physical violence. They are victims of government decisions of forced deportation that have not taken into account the consequences they will face by the Assad regime once they return, they continued.

The groups said they are “fully prepared” to receive the refugees in liberated Syrian regions in the north.

The practices of the Lebanese authorities prompted popular protests and rallies in the cities of Azaz, al-Bab and Afrin in the Idlib countryside and in Idlib city.

Seif Hammoud, who was displaced from the Homs countryside to Azaz, said he fears for the life of his parents and siblings, who are living in a refugee camp in Lebanon’s Baalbek region, should they be deported to regime-controlled regions.

Syria’s northwest is home to tens of thousands of Syrians who have been displaced from across the war-torn country.

Hammoud spoke of the fears of other families over their loved ones in Lebanon. He criticized the United Nations for failing to come up with a mechanism that protects the refugees in Lebanon from the violations, detentions and insults they are facing.

The regime has arrested dozens of Syrians who had previously been forcibly deported, he revealed.

Syrian activists on social media discussed the refugee crisis, with the majority agreeing that the best solution lies in their return to opposition-held regions.

In recent weeks, the Lebanese army had carried out a campaign against Syrian refugees throughout the country, arresting 450 people and deporting over 60 to Syria, revealed informed sources.



Government Delay Revives Specter of ‘Two Administrations’ in Iraq’s Kurdistan Region

A photo published by the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan website showing Bafel Talabani meeting Masrour Barzani. 
A photo published by the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan website showing Bafel Talabani meeting Masrour Barzani. 
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Government Delay Revives Specter of ‘Two Administrations’ in Iraq’s Kurdistan Region

A photo published by the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan website showing Bafel Talabani meeting Masrour Barzani. 
A photo published by the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan website showing Bafel Talabani meeting Masrour Barzani. 

Nearly two years after elections for Iraq’s Kurdistan Region parliament, the winning Kurdish parties have yet to convene the legislature, elect a speaker, or form a new government. Had that process moved forward, it would have produced a fully empowered cabinet to replace Prime Minister Masrour Barzani’s administration, which has been serving in a caretaker capacity since before the October 2024 regional elections.

In May 2023, Iraq’s Federal Supreme Court, which rules on constitutional disputes, declared the extension of the Kurdistan parliament unconstitutional and ruled that Barzani’s cabinet should be considered a caretaker government.

With the political stalemate showing no sign of easing, a senior figure in the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK) warned that the region could drift toward “two officially separate administrations.”

Speaking to Asharq Al-Awsat on condition of anonymity, the official said Kurdistan already operates under a dual administrative system in practice, but warned that the arrangement could become formal if Kurdish parties remain unable to agree on a new government.

The Kurdistan Region effectively had two separate administrations from the mid-1990s until 2006, following armed conflict between the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) and the PUK. The KDP governed from Erbil and Duhok, while the PUK administered Sulaymaniyah, with separate governments, security forces, and financial institutions.

The split officially ended in 2006 with the formation of a unified Kurdistan Regional Government after years of political negotiations following the 1998 Washington Agreement, although both parties retained strong influence in their traditional strongholds.

The PUK official blamed the KDP for delaying government formation, saying it “wants everything” and is unwilling to relinquish key government positions to other parties. The two dominant Kurdish parties have repeatedly traded blame for the prolonged political paralysis.

A senior KDP official previously told Asharq Al-Awsat that continued failure to form a government could ultimately force the region to hold fresh elections.

According to politicians and activists, the rival bloc — which includes the PUK and the New Generation Movement — is demanding the premiership and an equal share of senior government positions.

The PUK official acknowledged that a return to separate administrations would undermine the region’s future but said the party remains prepared to make concessions to preserve Kurdistan’s unity. He also pointed to a recent meeting between PUK leader Bafel Talabani and the party’s parliamentary bloc, during which Talabani stressed that the PUK is not obstructing the formation of a new cabinet and supports accelerating the process.

However, comments from other senior PUK figures have raised concerns. Yousif Goran, a member of the party’s political bureau and head of its research center, wrote on the party’s official website that the long-term viability of the Kurdistan Region “in its current form” is increasingly in doubt because of internal political dysfunction and shifting regional and international dynamics.

He added that the region has not experienced such deep political polarization since the administrations were unified in 2006 and argued that meaningful political change is now essential. He also warned that Iraqi Kurdistan no longer enjoys the level of international backing it received after 1991, when it effectively separated from Baghdad’s control.

Meanwhile, Kifah Mahmoud, media adviser to KDP leader Masoud Barzani, dismissed talk of separate administrations as “political suicide” that would endanger the region’s highest interests. He described such proposals as part of broader efforts to undermine the Kurdistan Region and its federal model, insisting that parliament is the proper forum for resolving political disputes.

Mahmoud also said early elections remain one option for breaking the deadlock, while arguing that the PUK’s alliance with the New Generation Movement should have been formed before, rather than after, the regional elections.

 

 

 

 

 


Lebanon: Aoun Urges Opponents of ‘Framework Agreement’ to Present an Alternative

An Israeli poses for a photograph beside Lebanese and Israeli flags displayed on a monument in the border town of Metula, near the Lebanese frontier (AP). 
An Israeli poses for a photograph beside Lebanese and Israeli flags displayed on a monument in the border town of Metula, near the Lebanese frontier (AP). 
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Lebanon: Aoun Urges Opponents of ‘Framework Agreement’ to Present an Alternative

An Israeli poses for a photograph beside Lebanese and Israeli flags displayed on a monument in the border town of Metula, near the Lebanese frontier (AP). 
An Israeli poses for a photograph beside Lebanese and Israeli flags displayed on a monument in the border town of Metula, near the Lebanese frontier (AP). 

Lebanon has stepped up contacts with US officials to press Israel to proceed with the withdrawals stipulated under the framework agreement signed by both sides in Washington late last week, amid what Lebanese officials describe as troubling indications that Israel may delay the process and take unilateral measures, including installing crossing gates in areas it continues to occupy in southern Lebanon.

Well-informed Lebanese sources told Asharq Al-Awsat that US Central Command (CENTCOM) commander Gen. Brad Cooper, during his recent visit to Beirut, agreed with Lebanese officials on the mechanisms that will govern the pilot areas from which Israel is expected to withdraw.

The sources said one of Cooper’s senior aides has remained in Lebanon to oversee implementation, adding that Beirut has received no notification of any delay or change to the understandings reached with Washington. They stressed that Lebanon remains committed to avoiding direct contact with Israel, with all communication continuing exclusively through US mediation.

Speaking on Wednesday, Lebanese President Joseph Aoun defended the framework agreed in Washington, saying it includes provisions covering an Israeli withdrawal, the return of displaced residents, the release of detainees, and the repatriation of Lebanese remains held by Israel. He emphasized that it is a framework, not a final agreement.

Aoun said Lebanon, as a sovereign state, had independently decided to negotiate on its own behalf without compromising its legal, political, or military principles, rejecting claims to the contrary. He also praised Parliament Speaker Nabih Berri for insisting on two “red lines”: preventing internal strife and protecting the army, saying all Lebanese agree on both principles.

The president called on critics of the negotiations and the framework to offer a viable alternative or present their views through state institutions. While describing political disagreement as legitimate, he warned against fueling divisions or portraying the framework to supporters as “an act of surrender or humiliation.”

Aoun also dismissed reports that Army Commander Gen. Rodolphe Haykal or other security chiefs — apart from the director general of General Security — were to be removed, saying such rumors are intended to undermine the armed forces and security institutions.

Addressing the concept of sovereignty, Aoun argued that genuine sovereignty lies in making independent national decisions. Lebanon’s decision to negotiate for itself, rather than allowing another country to negotiate on its behalf, had unsettled many, he underlined.

He reiterated that negotiations are preferable to war, arguing that past conflicts had failed to achieve lasting results. If opponents reject the framework, they should explain what alternative they propose, he said, noting that repeated requests for one have gone unanswered.

Responding to accusations that the framework legitimizes Israel’s occupation, Aoun stressed that every provision calls for extending Lebanese state authority across the country’s entire territory and for a complete Israeli withdrawal. He added that the framework also addresses the return of displaced people, detainees, Lebanese remains, and international support. While acknowledging that the document is not ideal, the president described it as the best achievable outcome within Lebanon’s national principles.

Aoun vowed to press ahead with the process “for the sake of the country,” arguing that Lebanon has a rare opportunity it should not squander. He noted that if critics prefer war, they should explain what military confrontation has achieved, noting that Lebanon regained the Lebanese section of Ghajar in 2000 only to lose it again in 2006, lost five border positions in 2023, and now has more than 66 towns under Israeli occupation.

 

 


Sudanese Army Shifts Battle Back to Darfur

Members of the army-backed Popular Resistance march in Omdurman in support of the military’s campaign in Darfur, Kordofan, and Blue Nile State (AFP). 
Members of the army-backed Popular Resistance march in Omdurman in support of the military’s campaign in Darfur, Kordofan, and Blue Nile State (AFP). 
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Sudanese Army Shifts Battle Back to Darfur

Members of the army-backed Popular Resistance march in Omdurman in support of the military’s campaign in Darfur, Kordofan, and Blue Nile State (AFP). 
Members of the army-backed Popular Resistance march in Omdurman in support of the military’s campaign in Darfur, Kordofan, and Blue Nile State (AFP). 

Fighting has intensified once again between the Sudanese army and the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF) across several fronts in the western Darfur region, as military tensions also mount around the city of El Obeid, the capital of North Kordofan state, where both sides are reinforcing their positions.

Over the past two days, the Sudanese army and allied Joint Forces, a coalition of armed groups, have launched operations in West and North Darfur targeting strategic border areas as part of an effort to expand their battlefield presence and open new fronts.

Local sources said army units are advancing toward El Geneina, the capital of West Darfur, under the cover of warplanes that have carried out airstrikes on military positions inside the city. The advance marks one of the army’s most significant military gains in Darfur in months as fighting continues to spread across Sudan.

The renewed clashes come as attention remains focused on El Obeid, where military escalation has intensified amid continued drone attacks and troop buildups despite international calls for a ceasefire and restraint.

Former Sudanese army Chief of Staff Hashim Abdel Muttalib told Asharq Al-Awsat that the army and its allies had carried out what he described as a successful maneuver that returned the fighting to Darfur, reflecting a new phase in military planning. He said the army had regained the initiative and predicted further developments in the region, adding that recent advances in western and northern Darfur were part of plans previously announced by Assistant Commander-in-Chief Lt. Gen. Yasser Al-Atta.

On Monday, the Joint Forces announced they had seized the border town of Kulbus in West Darfur near Chad and said they remained in control of Tina, Karnoi, and Ambro in North Darfur.

The Sudanese army also said it had carried out operations across Darfur, Kordofan, and Blue Nile, inflicting heavy losses on the RSF. The paramilitary group did not immediately comment.

The El Fasher Resistance Committees Coordination, a local civic group, said in a Facebook statement that army forces were approaching El Geneina under the cover of airstrikes targeting military sites inside the city.

The RSF captured Kulbus and nearby towns in October 2025. The town lies about 140 kilometers (87 miles) from El Geneina.

Military analyst Abdullah Mohammed told Asharq Al-Awsat that the renewed fighting in Darfur could prolong and widen the conflict, pushing the war into a more violent phase. He said one of the main objectives of military campaigns is to cut an opponent’s supply lines and deny access to strategic positions, suggesting the army’s operations in West Darfur are aimed at regaining control of the border with Chad.

By contrast, Mohammed Al-Nayer, spokesman for the Sudan Liberation Army Movement, said it was too early to conclude that the war had shifted decisively back to Darfur. He described the operation in Kulbus as a temporary incursion by army-allied Joint Forces that lasted only a few hours before withdrawing after large RSF reinforcements arrived.

Al-Nayer said the objective was to tie down RSF forces in attritional battles inside Darfur, limiting their ability to sustain operations in Kordofan and Blue Nile.