Exclusive – In New Book, Dubai Ruler Says Offered Saddam Asylum in UAE

Ruler of Dubai Sheikh Mohammed bin Rashid Al Maktoum. (AFP)
Ruler of Dubai Sheikh Mohammed bin Rashid Al Maktoum. (AFP)
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Exclusive – In New Book, Dubai Ruler Says Offered Saddam Asylum in UAE

Ruler of Dubai Sheikh Mohammed bin Rashid Al Maktoum. (AFP)
Ruler of Dubai Sheikh Mohammed bin Rashid Al Maktoum. (AFP)

Vice President of the United Arab Emirates and Ruler of Dubai Sheikh Mohammed bin Rashid Al Maktoum reveals in a new book set to be published Monday that he had offered late Iraqi ruler Saddam Hussein asylum in the UAE prior to the US invasion of 2003.

“Dubai is your second city,” he told the former ruler, recalled Sheikh Mohammed in his book “My Story … 50 Stories in 50 Years.” Saddam, however, refused the offer.

Sheikh Mohammed speaks of his life, work and responsibilities, touching on Libya, Syria and Lebanon in excerpts exclusively published by Asharq Al-Awsat.

Beirut
He recalled that he visited Beirut at a young age with his siblings. “I was fascinated by it when I was young and have grown deeply sad over its fate,” he said. “In the early 1960s, its streets were clean, neighborhoods beautiful, its markets modern. It was a source of inspiration for me. I had a dream for Dubai to become like Beirut some day.”

Unfortunately, Lebanon “has been fragmented and divided along sectarian lines. Beirut is no longer the Beirut I knew and Lebanon is no longer the same,” lamented Sheikh Mohammed.

He said that two major developments in Lebanon have been imprinted in his memory. The first, he said was the eruption of the country’s civil war on April 13, 1975. The 15-year conflict left more than 150,000 people dead and 300,000 wounded and Lebanon incurred more than $25 billion in damages.

No sooner, had the first bullet been fired that violence spread throughout Beirut and the capital was soon divided along sectarian lines. “This was the beginning of the end,” said Sheikh Mohammed.

None of the efforts exerted by Sheikh Zayed succeeded in bringing together the rivals to negotiations. “Along with my father, I used to help him in the negotiations, but we started to despair due to the ongoing failure. Comprehensive Arab intervention took place to ensure that this beautiful country would not be destroyed,” he added.

June 1976 witnessed a changing point in the civil war through Syria’s intervention.

He recalled the convening of Arab summits in Riyadh and Cairo in 1976 that culminated in the formation of an Arab Deterrent Force of which the UAE was a part of and that was aimed at reaching a ceasefire in Lebanon.

Sheikh Mohammed said that only “temporary solutions” were reached at the Arab summits and the “roots of the problems were still buried below the surface.”

“Those were burdensome days,” said Sheikh Mohammed. “I did everything in my power to prepare my men … I told them that ‘we are headed for peace, not war, in order to save a friendly and brotherly people and not to serve sectarian interests.’”

“I cannot describe the horrors of war. From my own experience in fighting, I can say that it is not the solution for anything,” he stated.

The second most remarkable memory he has of Lebanon took place in 1982 with the Israeli invasion of the country. The development turned the country into an open battle between the Palestinian Liberation Organization, Syria and Israel.

“Even though the invasion, which began in June under the command of Defense Minister Ariel Sharon, was expected, its horrors were not,” said Sheikh Mohammed.

After two months of fighting, a ceasefire was reached that culminated with the PLO’s withdrawal from Beirut to Tunisia. Despite this withdrawal, Sharon insisted that some “2,000 terrorists” remained in Palestinian refugee camps in Beirut and so it was after the departure of the last Palestinian fighter that the Israeli army occupied West Beirut on September 15. This was followed with the Sabra and Shatila refugee camps massacre on September 16 and 18 that left hundreds of innocent civilians dead.

“I have never accepted the idea of killing and shedding of blood,” said Sheikh Mohammed. “I have never understood why such things happen in our world. I had kept in touch with all partners in the region. I knew that a massacre was going to happen. When I saw the images of the victims, especially the women and children, I realized that our efforts have been in vain.”

Many years later, “Lebanon is still, unfortunately, a pawn many players are toying with. The Lebanese youth are still paying the price of regional conflicts and Lebanon is still an arena for settling never-ending conflicts and scores,” he added.

Invasion of a brother
“The invasion of Kuwait on August 2, 1990 was a shock … I relayed the news to my older brother Sheikh Maktoum. I then declared a state of emergency for all armed and security forces. I spoke to Sheikh Zayed and witnessed his anger and sorrow. How could Saddam do such a thing? What was his next move?” recalled Sheikh Mohammed.

“We never imaged that Saddam would dare to invade a brotherly neighboring country that had a history in standing by his side. Saddam’s move was a changing point for the entire region.”

“We received tens of thousands of Kuwaitis and opened our hotels and residential buildings for them. Many of our people opened their houses to them.”

He recalled how the UAE’s ports became harbors for the forces of Operation Desert Storm that was launched by US forces on January 16, 1991 to liberate Kuwait from Iraq. Emirati forces also helped support the coalition to liberate Kuwait.

“I personally visited the Desert Storm command center several times,” said Sheikh Mohammed. “My mission was to limit the number of civilian casualties. Neither the Kuwaiti people nor the Iraqi people wanted the invasion. It was reckless act. I was keen to ensure that the people did not pay the price for this stupidity.”

Saddam was forced to withdraw his forces after a successful military operation and the “Emirati forces had the honor to be the first troops to enter Kuwait to liberate it. Had the war gone any longer, we would have paid with our lives to see its liberation.”

“The invasion ended with a humiliating withdrawal of the Iraqi forces. It was not the end, however. It was the beginning of a new phase in the region marked by the collapse of its major countries and fragmentation of great armies. The invasion of Kuwait was the major historic error that forever altered the shape of the region.”

No one wins in war
“I still remember the end of the exhausting war between Iraq and Iran that left more than a million people dead.” When a war ends, its memory lingers for years to come, said Sheikh Mohammed.

“At the time, Saddam was at the peak of his pride and glory. I still remember how he frankly expressed his reservations against me to Sheikh Zayed. He said I leaned too much to the West and did not treat Arabs properly.”

“Sheikh Zayed then asked me to meet with Saddam as was his habit to settle any differences that could affect our interests,” he added.

The meeting eventually took place and “after some pleasantries, Saddam charged that he had a report that implicates me in supporting Iran in various ways. He then placed the report in front of me.”

“I answered him that I did not need a report and that I was sitting right there with him,” he said. “‘If you mean arms shipments, then I challenge anyone to prove that. If you mean food aid shipments, then, yes. You do not need these reports because our ships go there and to Iraq as well,’ I replied.”

“Saddam was shocked at my words because they were bold. He was used to hearing what he wanted to. Perhaps my response was surprising to him because he had formed a weak impression of me.”

“We became friends after this confrontation,” revealed Sheikh Mohammed.

“This was followed by Iraq’s invasion of Kuwait and bridges of communication then collapsed. In the world of politics, however, you must leave one small channel open for times of crisis. After Kuwait’s liberation in February 1991, the Gulf was treating its wounds and rebuilding what was destroyed.”

“Iraq grew weary of wars and Saddam, who had suffered successive defeats, slept with one eye open. In 2003, the Americans returned to the Middle East. They wanted to build a model that meets their own vision in wake of the September 11, 2001 attacks that altered their view of the region and changed their priorities.”

“I knew that the invasion of Iraq was among President George W. Bush’s goals. We tried to dissuade him against invading Iraq. I asked him to maintain his efforts to support the Iraqi people by building schools and hospitals and paving roads. I knew, however, that he had already made up his mind to resort to force.”

“I asked the Americans to give us a chance to act accordingly. I then asked them: ‘What do you want from Saddam?’ I sensed that the region was on the verge of war and I was prepared to do anything to avoid it for the sake of the people. The Americans replied that they wanted to search for weapons of mass destruction.”

“I knew that the consequences of the war would be felt in the entire region, especially Iraq. It would be destructive. I tried to convince them to task Emiratis to carry out negotiates. We Arabs are alike in our traditions and understand how Saddam and his like think.”

“I was determined to personally visit Saddam… We had a clear and frank discussion. We spoke of everything I agreed with him on and others I did not. I reminded him of the ghost of war and I knew that I was addressing a man who had spent most of his life waging wars. It was obvious that he could not win the war against the Americans and that if he did not do anything to avert the impending invasion, Iraq would be lost. I tried to use reason with him.”

“I told him that if he was ultimately forced to leave Iraq, Dubai was his second city and he was always welcome there. He looked at me and said: ‘But Sheikh Mohammed, I am speaking about saving Iraq, not myself.’ I held him in much higher regard after he said this.”

A five-hour tense and frank meeting ensued with a visibly agitated Saddam.

“When the meeting ended, he escorted me to my vehicle and bid me farewell. I heard that this was not usual of him,” said Sheikh Mohammed. Sheikh Zayed offered Saddam asylum in Abu Dhabi in a last-ditch effort to avoid the invasion. It was in vain, as the US and Britain soon invaded and Iraq was again left to bleed.

“Saddam miscalculated. He believed that planting fear and terror and using violence were the best way to rule. Everyone around him feared him and no one ever had the courage to tell him of his military’s real capabilities,” he recalled.

Bashar… Syria
“I remember how Bashar Assad visited Dubai in the late 1990s. His father, Hafez, was still in power and was possibly living his final days. It was only a matter of time before Bashar came to power. I wanted to spend more time with him away from the prying eyes of his entourage.”

“He joined me in my car, which I drove myself, and we headed to one of the major department stores for a stroll…. No one bothered us. We spoke of the future of technology and its role in development. He showed great interest in investing in technology for serving his country. He assured me that he will make changes in Syria. I forged a good relationship with him after that day.”

“A few years later, he again visited Dubai. This time as President Bashar Assad. He asked me how the government of Dubai rules its city. He had a great desire to develop the administration and government in Syria. I spoke to him a lot about Dubai and its openness and how our governance focuses on the private sector… I told him that we hoped to build a model for the Arab world. He expressed his deep admiration for Dubai, saying that he wanted to replicate the experience in Syria.”

“Indeed, Bashar Assad tried during the early years of his rule to open up the Syrian economy. He allowed the people to open bank accounts in foreign currencies and invited foreign investors to Syria. I remember sending a delegation to inspect real estate investment opportunities there. They came back to me with good ideas.”

“After that, Bashar started living in a different world as he watched his country drown in blood.”

I want Dubai in Africa
Sheikh Mohammed recalled his relations with late Libyan ruler Moammar al-Gaddafi.

“I remember how he once called me to tell me that he wanted to build a new Dubai in Libya and for it to act as the economic capital of Africa.”

“After the US invasion of Iraq in search of weapons of mass destruction that it alleged that Saddam possessed, Gaddafi came out before the world to declare that Libya had a nuclear program.” He asked that it be removed, paving the way for prosperity in his country.

“We were among those whom he approached. He asked me to help him build a new Dubai in Libya as part of his drive to become open to the world.”

Sheikh Mohammed recalled how he dispatched an envoy, Mohammed al-Qarqawi, who was then head of his executive office. He arrived in Libya and was escorted to Gaddafi’s residence in Tripoli. “There, he saw the Libyan leader sitting in a large office and surfing the internet in a way that showed that he had little knowledge of what he was doing.”

“After his little show, Gaddafi told him that he greatly admired what Sheikh Mohammed has done in Dubai. ‘I want to do the same thing in Libya. I am asking you to invest in Libya.’ …. He gave the impression that he was not very aware of the world and history. He seemed to be surrounded by a team that kept facts from him, either out of fear or deliberately. I suspect the former. He spoke at length and tended to ramble. He said that he did not admire any state or any president. He spoke his mind very firmly in a way that did not broach argument or discussion. He did not speak like a leader.”

“After receiving Qarqawi’s report, I personally went to Tripoli. On the first day, we went to the Old City, It makes you sad. How can a country this rich be like this? Sewage was running in the streets and garbage was strewn everywhere. At its worst point in the 1950s, when water was scarce and people did not have electricity, Dubai was never this miserable.”

“I then visited Gaddafi in a tent in Sirte city. Just like last time, he spoke for a long time. Later that night, we headed to a square in Tripoli, but we were met with hysterical crowds after someone leaked the news of our visit.”

The security entourage was forced to use violence to disperse the people. “I never wanted them to disperse them in such a way.”

“Afterwards, Gaddafi wanted to show me the Jabal al-Akhdar region in northeastern Tripoli. We road a plane with his son Seif al-Islam and head of internal security and military intelligence Abdullah al-Senussi, who was known as a violent man.”

“As the plane took off, Senussi turned to me to inform me that it had been years since he last rode an aircraft. I asked how come, and he replied that he was constantly a target for attacks. Silence then fell over the plane as each of us weighed the words he had just uttered. Did he want his first plane ride to be with us?”

“Seif al-Islam then started talking and he seemed more learned and informed than his father. He said that he always thought of the type of economy that his father had adopted. It was neither socialist nor communist, not even capitalist. He said that he had spoken to his father about the importance of returning the land to the people and for Libya to be more open to the world.”

“The visit ended and the Libyan people remained in our hearts. We wished to help, but matters were not all right. We withdrew from talks about a new project when we realized that we were running around in circles. The horizon was clouded with corruption and we were going to be used a propaganda in his media machine.”

“Gaddafi did not desire change, he only wished it. Change does not need speeches, but action,” stated Sheikh Mohammed.



Is Iran Pushing Houthis Toward Military Action Against Washington?

Houthis continue mobilization, fundraising, and declare combat readiness (AP) 
Houthis continue mobilization, fundraising, and declare combat readiness (AP) 
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Is Iran Pushing Houthis Toward Military Action Against Washington?

Houthis continue mobilization, fundraising, and declare combat readiness (AP) 
Houthis continue mobilization, fundraising, and declare combat readiness (AP) 

As US military movements intensify in the Middle East and the possibility of strikes on Iran looms, Yemen’s Houthi group has continued military preparations, mobilizing fighters and establishing new weapons sites.

The Houthi mobilization comes at a time when the group is widely viewed as one of Iran’s most important regional arms for retaliation.

Although the Iran-backed group has not issued any official statement declaring its position on a potential US attack on Iran, its leaders have warned Washington against any military action and against bearing full responsibility for any escalation and its consequences.

They have hinted that any response would be handled in accordance with the group’s senior leadership's assessment, after evaluating developments and potential repercussions.

Despite these signals, some interpret the Houthis’ stance as an attempt to avoid drawing the attention of the current US administration, led by President Donald Trump, to the need for preemptive action in anticipation of a potential Houthi response.

The Trump administration previously launched a military campaign against the group in the spring of last year, inflicting heavy losses.

Islam al-Mansi, an Egyptian researcher specializing in Iranian affairs, said Iran may avoid burning all its cards unless absolutely necessary, particularly given US threats to raise the level of escalation should any Iranian military proxies intervene or take part in a confrontation.

Iran did not resort to using its military proxies during its confrontation with Israel or during a limited US strike last summer because it did not perceive an existential threat, al-Mansi said.

That calculation could change in the anticipated confrontation, potentially prompting Houthi intervention, including targeting US allies, interests, and military forces, he told Asharq Al-Awsat.

Al-Mansi added that although Iran previously offered, within a negotiating framework, to abandon its regional proxies, including the Houthis, this makes it more likely that Tehran would use them in retaliation, noting that Iran created these groups to defend its territory from afar.

Many intelligence reports suggest that Iran’s Revolutionary Guard has discussed with the Houthis the activation of alternative support arenas in a potential US-Iran confrontation, including the use of cells and weapons not previously deployed.

Visible readiness

In recent days, Chinese media outlets cited an unnamed Houthi military commander as saying the group had raised its alert level and carried out inspections of missile launch platforms in several areas across Yemen, including the strategically important Red Sea region.

In this context, Yemeni political researcher Salah Ali Salah said the Houthis would participate in defending Iran against any US attacks, citing the group’s media rhetoric accompanying mass rallies, which openly supports Iran’s right to defend itself.

While this rhetoric maintains some ambiguity regarding Iran, it repeatedly invokes the war in Gaza and renews Houthi pledges to resume military escalation in defense of the besieged enclave’s population, Salah told Asharq Al-Awsat.

He noted that Iran would not have shared advanced and sophisticated military technologies with the Houthis without a high degree of trust in their ability to use them in Iran’s interest.

In recent months, following Israeli strikes on the unrecognized Houthi government and several of its leaders, hardline Houthi figures demonstrating strong loyalty to Iran have become more prominent.

On the ground, the group has established new military sites and moved equipment and weapons to new locations along and near the coast, alongside the potential use of security cells beyond Yemen’s borders.

Salah said that if the threat of a military strike on Iran escalates, the Iranian response could take a more advanced form, potentially including efforts to close strategic waterways, placing the Bab al-Mandab Strait within the Houthis’ target range.

Many observers have expressed concern that the Houthis may have transferred fighters and intelligence cells outside Yemen over recent years to target US and Western interests in the region.

Open options

After a ceasefire was declared in Gaza, the Houthis lost one of their key justifications for mobilizing fighters and collecting funds. The group has since faced growing public anger over its practices and worsening humanitarian conditions, responding with media messaging aimed at convincing audiences that the battle is not over and that further rounds lie ahead.

Alongside weekly rallies in areas under their control in support of Gaza, the Houthis have carried out attacks on front lines with Yemen’s internationally recognized government, particularly in Taiz province.

Some military experts describe these incidents as probing attacks, while others see them as attempts to divert attention from other activities.

In this context, Walid al-Abara, head of the Yemen and Gulf Studies Center, said the Houthis entered a critical phase after the Gaza war ended, having lost one of the main justifications for their attacks on Red Sea shipping.

As a result, they may seek to manufacture new pretexts, including claims of sanctions imposed against them, to maintain media momentum and their regional role.

Al-Abara told Asharq Al-Awsat that the group has two other options. The first is redirecting its activity inward to strengthen its military and economic leverage, either to impose its conditions in any future settlement or to consolidate power.

The second is yielding to international and regional pressure and entering a negotiation track, particularly if sanctions intensify or its economic and military capacity declines.

According to an assessment by the Yemen and Gulf Studies Center, widespread protests in Iran are increasingly pressuring the regime’s ability to manage its regional influence at the same pace as before, without dismantling its network of proxies.

This reality is pushing Tehran toward a more cautious approach, governed by domestic priorities and cost-benefit calculations, while maintaining a minimum level of external influence without broad escalation.

Within this framework, al-Abara said Iran is likely to maintain a controlled continuity in its relationship with the Houthis through selective support that ensures the group remains effective.

However, an expansion of protests or a direct military strike on Iran could open the door to a deeper Houthi repositioning, including broader political and security concessions in exchange for regional guarantees.


The Gaza Ceasefire Began Months Ago. Here’s Why the Fighting Persists

Israeli soldiers and tanks stand in Gaza, as seen from the Israeli side of the Israel-Gaza border, in Israel, February 4, 2026. REUTERS/Amir Cohen
Israeli soldiers and tanks stand in Gaza, as seen from the Israeli side of the Israel-Gaza border, in Israel, February 4, 2026. REUTERS/Amir Cohen
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The Gaza Ceasefire Began Months Ago. Here’s Why the Fighting Persists

Israeli soldiers and tanks stand in Gaza, as seen from the Israeli side of the Israel-Gaza border, in Israel, February 4, 2026. REUTERS/Amir Cohen
Israeli soldiers and tanks stand in Gaza, as seen from the Israeli side of the Israel-Gaza border, in Israel, February 4, 2026. REUTERS/Amir Cohen

As the bodies of two dozen Palestinians killed in Israeli strikes arrived at hospitals in Gaza on Wednesday, the director of one asked a question that has echoed across the war-ravaged territory for months.

“Where is the ceasefire? Where are the mediators?” Shifa Hospital's Mohamed Abu Selmiya wrote on Facebook.

At least 556 Palestinians have been killed in Israeli strikes since a US-brokered truce came into effect in October, including 24 on Wednesday and 30 on Saturday, according to Gaza's Health Ministry. Four Israeli soldiers have been killed in Gaza in the same period, with more injured, including a soldier whom the military said was severely wounded when militants opened fire near the ceasefire line in northern Gaza overnight.

Other aspects of the agreement have stalled, including the deployment of an international security force, Hamas' disarmament and the start of Gaza's reconstruction. The opening of the Rafah border crossing between Gaza and Egypt raised hope of further progress, but fewer than 50 people were allowed to cross on Monday, The Associated Press said.

Hostages freed as other issues languish In October, after months of stalled negotiations, Israel and Hamas accepted a 20-point plan proposed by US President Donald Trump aimed at ending the war unleashed by Hamas' Oct. 7, 2023, attack into Israel.

At the time, Trump said it would lead to a “Strong, Durable, and Everlasting Peace."

Hamas freed all the living hostages it still held at the outset of the deal in exchange for thousands of Palestinian prisoners held by Israel and the remains of others.

But the larger issues the agreement sought to address, including the future governance of the strip, were met with reservations, and the US offered no firm timeline.

The return of the remains of hostages meanwhile stretched far beyond the 72-hour timeline outlined in the agreement. Israel recovered the body of the last hostage only last week, after accusing Hamas and other militant groups of violating the ceasefire by failing to return all of the bodies. The militants said they were unable to immediately locate all the remains because of the massive destruction caused by the war — a claim Israel rejected.

The ceasefire also called for an immediate influx of humanitarian aid, including equipment to clear rubble and rehabilitate infrastructure. The United Nations and humanitarian groups say aid deliveries to Gaza's 2 million Palestinians have fallen short due to customs clearance problems and other delays. COGAT, the Israeli military body overseeing aid to Gaza, has called the UN's claims “simply a lie.”

Ceasefire holds despite accusations

Violence has sharply declined since the ceasefire paused a war in which more than 71,800 Palestinians have been killed, according to the Gaza Health Ministry. The ministry is part of the Hamas-led government and maintains detailed records seen as generally reliable by UN agencies and independent experts.

Hamas-led militants killed some 1,200 people in the initial October 2023 attack and took around 250 hostage.

Both sides say the agreement is still in effect and use the word “ceasefire” in their communications. But Israel accuses Hamas fighters of operating beyond the truce line splitting Gaza in half, threatening its troops and occasionally opening fire, while Hamas accuses Israeli forces of gunfire and strikes on residential areas far from the line.

Palestinians have called on US and Arab mediators to get Israel to stop carrying out deadly strikes, which often kill civilians. Among those killed on Wednesday were five children, including two babies. Hamas, which accuses Israel of hundreds of violations, called it a “grave circumvention of the ceasefire agreement.”

In a joint statement on Sunday, eight Arab and Muslim countries condemned Israel’s actions since the agreement took effect and urged restraint from all sides “to preserve and sustain the ceasefire.”

Israel says it is responding to daily violations committed by Hamas and acting to protect its troops. “While Hamas’ actions undermine the ceasefire, Israel remains fully committed to upholding it,” the military said in a statement on Wednesday.

“One of the scenarios the (military) has to be ready for is Hamas is using a deception tactic like they did before October 7 and rearming and preparing for an attack when it’s comfortable for them,” said Lt. Col. Nadav Shoshani, a military spokesperson.

Some signs of progress

The return of the remains of the last hostage, the limited opening of the Rafah crossing, and the naming of a Palestinian committee to govern Gaza and oversee its reconstruction showed a willingness to advance the agreement despite the violence.

Last month, US envoy Steve Witkoff, who played a key role in brokering the truce, said it was time for “transitioning from ceasefire to demilitarization, technocratic governance, and reconstruction.”

That will require Israel and Hamas to grapple with major issues on which they have been sharply divided, including whether Israel will fully withdraw from Gaza and Hamas will lay down its arms.

Though political leaders are holding onto the term “ceasefire” and have yet to withdraw from the process, there is growing despair in Gaza.

On Saturday, Atallah Abu Hadaiyed heard explosions in Gaza City during his morning prayers and ran outside to find his cousins lying on the ground as flames curled around them.

“We don’t know if we’re at war or at peace,” he said from a displacement camp, as tarpaulin strips blew off the tent behind him.


What to Know as Iran and US Set for Nuclear Talks in Oman

The flags of USA and Iran are displayed in Muscat, Oman, 25 April 2025. EPA/ALI HAIDER
The flags of USA and Iran are displayed in Muscat, Oman, 25 April 2025. EPA/ALI HAIDER
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What to Know as Iran and US Set for Nuclear Talks in Oman

The flags of USA and Iran are displayed in Muscat, Oman, 25 April 2025. EPA/ALI HAIDER
The flags of USA and Iran are displayed in Muscat, Oman, 25 April 2025. EPA/ALI HAIDER

Iran and the United States will hold talks Friday in Oman, their latest over Tehran's nuclear program after Israel launched a 12-day war on the country in June and Iran launched a bloody crackdown on nationwide protests.

US President Donald Trump has kept up pressure on Iran, suggesting America could attack Iran over the killing of peaceful demonstrators or if Tehran launches mass executions over the protests. Meanwhile, Trump has pushed Iran's nuclear program back into the frame as well after the June war disrupted five rounds of talks held in Rome and Muscat, Oman, last year.

Trump began the diplomacy initially by writing a letter last year to Iran’s 86-year-old Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei to jump start these talks. Khamenei has warned Iran would respond to any attack with an attack of its own, particularly as the theocracy he commands reels following the protests.

Here’s what to know about Iran’s nuclear program and the tensions that have stalked relations between Tehran and Washington since the 1979 Iranian Revolution.

Trump writes letter to Khamenei Trump dispatched the letter to Khamenei on March 5, 2025, then gave a television interview the next day in which he acknowledged sending it. He said: “I’ve written them a letter saying, ‘I hope you’re going to negotiate because if we have to go in militarily, it’s going to be a terrible thing.’”

Since returning to the White House, the president has been pushing for talks while ratcheting up sanctions and suggesting a military strike by Israel or the US could target Iranian nuclear sites.

A previous letter from Trump during his first term drew an angry retort from the supreme leader.

But Trump’s letters to North Korean leader Kim Jong Un in his first term led to face-to-face meetings, though no deals to limit Pyongyang’s atomic bombs and a missile program capable of reaching the continental US.

Oman mediated previous talks

Oman, a sultanate on the eastern edge of the Arabian Peninsula, has mediated talks between Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi and US Mideast envoy Steve Witkoff. The two men have met face to face after indirect talks, a rare occurrence due to the decades of tensions between the countries.

It hasn't been all smooth, however. Witkoff at one point made a television appearance in which he suggested 3.67% enrichment for Iran could be something the countries could agree on. But that’s exactly the terms set by the 2015 nuclear deal struck under former President Barack Obama, from which Trump unilaterally withdrew America. Witkoff, Trump and other American officials in the time since have maintained Iran can have no enrichment under any deal, something to which Tehran insists it won't agree.

Those negotiations ended, however, with Israel launching the war in June on Iran.

The 12-day war and nationwide protests Israel launched what became a 12-day war on Iran in June that included the US bombing Iranian nuclear sites. Iran later acknowledged in November that the attacks saw it halt all uranium enrichment in the country, though inspectors from the International Atomic Energy Agency have been unable to visit the bombed sites.

Iran soon experienced protests that began in late December over the collapse of the country's rial currency. Those demonstrations soon became nationwide, sparking Tehran to launch a bloody crackdown that killed thousands and saw tens of thousands detained by authorities.

Iran’s nuclear program worries the West Iran has insisted for decades that its nuclear program is peaceful. However, its officials increasingly threaten to pursue a nuclear weapon. Iran now enriches uranium to near weapons-grade levels of 60%, the only country in the world without a nuclear weapons program to do so.

Under the original 2015 nuclear deal, Iran was allowed to enrich uranium up to 3.67% purity and to maintain a uranium stockpile of 300 kilograms (661 pounds). The last report by the International Atomic Energy Agency on Iran’s program put its stockpile at some 9,870 kilograms (21,760 pounds), with a fraction of it enriched to 60%.

US intelligence agencies assess that Iran has yet to begin a weapons program, but has “undertaken activities that better position it to produce a nuclear device, if it chooses to do so.” Iranian officials have threatened to pursue the bomb.

Decades of tense relations between Iran and the US Iran was once one of the US’s top allies in the Mideast under Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, who purchased American military weapons and allowed CIA technicians to run secret listening posts monitoring the neighboring Soviet Union. The CIA had fomented a 1953 coup that cemented the shah’s rule.

But in January 1979, the shah, fatally ill with cancer, fled Iran as mass demonstrations swelled against his rule. The Iranian Revolution followed, led by Grand Khomeini, and created Iran’s theocratic government.

Later that year, university students overran the US Embassy in Tehran, seeking the shah’s extradition and sparking the 444-day hostage crisis that saw diplomatic relations between Iran and the US severed.

The Iran-Iraq war of the 1980s saw the US back Saddam Hussein. The “Tanker War” during that conflict saw the US launch a one-day assault that crippled Iran at sea, while the US later shot down an Iranian commercial airliner that the US military said it mistook for a warplane.

Iran and the US have seesawed between enmity and grudging diplomacy in the years since, with relations peaking when Tehran made the 2015 nuclear deal with world powers. But Trump unilaterally withdrew America from the accord in 2018, sparking tensions in the Mideast that persist today.