Exclusive – In New Book, Dubai Ruler Says Offered Saddam Asylum in UAE

Ruler of Dubai Sheikh Mohammed bin Rashid Al Maktoum. (AFP)
Ruler of Dubai Sheikh Mohammed bin Rashid Al Maktoum. (AFP)
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Exclusive – In New Book, Dubai Ruler Says Offered Saddam Asylum in UAE

Ruler of Dubai Sheikh Mohammed bin Rashid Al Maktoum. (AFP)
Ruler of Dubai Sheikh Mohammed bin Rashid Al Maktoum. (AFP)

Vice President of the United Arab Emirates and Ruler of Dubai Sheikh Mohammed bin Rashid Al Maktoum reveals in a new book set to be published Monday that he had offered late Iraqi ruler Saddam Hussein asylum in the UAE prior to the US invasion of 2003.

“Dubai is your second city,” he told the former ruler, recalled Sheikh Mohammed in his book “My Story … 50 Stories in 50 Years.” Saddam, however, refused the offer.

Sheikh Mohammed speaks of his life, work and responsibilities, touching on Libya, Syria and Lebanon in excerpts exclusively published by Asharq Al-Awsat.

Beirut
He recalled that he visited Beirut at a young age with his siblings. “I was fascinated by it when I was young and have grown deeply sad over its fate,” he said. “In the early 1960s, its streets were clean, neighborhoods beautiful, its markets modern. It was a source of inspiration for me. I had a dream for Dubai to become like Beirut some day.”

Unfortunately, Lebanon “has been fragmented and divided along sectarian lines. Beirut is no longer the Beirut I knew and Lebanon is no longer the same,” lamented Sheikh Mohammed.

He said that two major developments in Lebanon have been imprinted in his memory. The first, he said was the eruption of the country’s civil war on April 13, 1975. The 15-year conflict left more than 150,000 people dead and 300,000 wounded and Lebanon incurred more than $25 billion in damages.

No sooner, had the first bullet been fired that violence spread throughout Beirut and the capital was soon divided along sectarian lines. “This was the beginning of the end,” said Sheikh Mohammed.

None of the efforts exerted by Sheikh Zayed succeeded in bringing together the rivals to negotiations. “Along with my father, I used to help him in the negotiations, but we started to despair due to the ongoing failure. Comprehensive Arab intervention took place to ensure that this beautiful country would not be destroyed,” he added.

June 1976 witnessed a changing point in the civil war through Syria’s intervention.

He recalled the convening of Arab summits in Riyadh and Cairo in 1976 that culminated in the formation of an Arab Deterrent Force of which the UAE was a part of and that was aimed at reaching a ceasefire in Lebanon.

Sheikh Mohammed said that only “temporary solutions” were reached at the Arab summits and the “roots of the problems were still buried below the surface.”

“Those were burdensome days,” said Sheikh Mohammed. “I did everything in my power to prepare my men … I told them that ‘we are headed for peace, not war, in order to save a friendly and brotherly people and not to serve sectarian interests.’”

“I cannot describe the horrors of war. From my own experience in fighting, I can say that it is not the solution for anything,” he stated.

The second most remarkable memory he has of Lebanon took place in 1982 with the Israeli invasion of the country. The development turned the country into an open battle between the Palestinian Liberation Organization, Syria and Israel.

“Even though the invasion, which began in June under the command of Defense Minister Ariel Sharon, was expected, its horrors were not,” said Sheikh Mohammed.

After two months of fighting, a ceasefire was reached that culminated with the PLO’s withdrawal from Beirut to Tunisia. Despite this withdrawal, Sharon insisted that some “2,000 terrorists” remained in Palestinian refugee camps in Beirut and so it was after the departure of the last Palestinian fighter that the Israeli army occupied West Beirut on September 15. This was followed with the Sabra and Shatila refugee camps massacre on September 16 and 18 that left hundreds of innocent civilians dead.

“I have never accepted the idea of killing and shedding of blood,” said Sheikh Mohammed. “I have never understood why such things happen in our world. I had kept in touch with all partners in the region. I knew that a massacre was going to happen. When I saw the images of the victims, especially the women and children, I realized that our efforts have been in vain.”

Many years later, “Lebanon is still, unfortunately, a pawn many players are toying with. The Lebanese youth are still paying the price of regional conflicts and Lebanon is still an arena for settling never-ending conflicts and scores,” he added.

Invasion of a brother
“The invasion of Kuwait on August 2, 1990 was a shock … I relayed the news to my older brother Sheikh Maktoum. I then declared a state of emergency for all armed and security forces. I spoke to Sheikh Zayed and witnessed his anger and sorrow. How could Saddam do such a thing? What was his next move?” recalled Sheikh Mohammed.

“We never imaged that Saddam would dare to invade a brotherly neighboring country that had a history in standing by his side. Saddam’s move was a changing point for the entire region.”

“We received tens of thousands of Kuwaitis and opened our hotels and residential buildings for them. Many of our people opened their houses to them.”

He recalled how the UAE’s ports became harbors for the forces of Operation Desert Storm that was launched by US forces on January 16, 1991 to liberate Kuwait from Iraq. Emirati forces also helped support the coalition to liberate Kuwait.

“I personally visited the Desert Storm command center several times,” said Sheikh Mohammed. “My mission was to limit the number of civilian casualties. Neither the Kuwaiti people nor the Iraqi people wanted the invasion. It was reckless act. I was keen to ensure that the people did not pay the price for this stupidity.”

Saddam was forced to withdraw his forces after a successful military operation and the “Emirati forces had the honor to be the first troops to enter Kuwait to liberate it. Had the war gone any longer, we would have paid with our lives to see its liberation.”

“The invasion ended with a humiliating withdrawal of the Iraqi forces. It was not the end, however. It was the beginning of a new phase in the region marked by the collapse of its major countries and fragmentation of great armies. The invasion of Kuwait was the major historic error that forever altered the shape of the region.”

No one wins in war
“I still remember the end of the exhausting war between Iraq and Iran that left more than a million people dead.” When a war ends, its memory lingers for years to come, said Sheikh Mohammed.

“At the time, Saddam was at the peak of his pride and glory. I still remember how he frankly expressed his reservations against me to Sheikh Zayed. He said I leaned too much to the West and did not treat Arabs properly.”

“Sheikh Zayed then asked me to meet with Saddam as was his habit to settle any differences that could affect our interests,” he added.

The meeting eventually took place and “after some pleasantries, Saddam charged that he had a report that implicates me in supporting Iran in various ways. He then placed the report in front of me.”

“I answered him that I did not need a report and that I was sitting right there with him,” he said. “‘If you mean arms shipments, then I challenge anyone to prove that. If you mean food aid shipments, then, yes. You do not need these reports because our ships go there and to Iraq as well,’ I replied.”

“Saddam was shocked at my words because they were bold. He was used to hearing what he wanted to. Perhaps my response was surprising to him because he had formed a weak impression of me.”

“We became friends after this confrontation,” revealed Sheikh Mohammed.

“This was followed by Iraq’s invasion of Kuwait and bridges of communication then collapsed. In the world of politics, however, you must leave one small channel open for times of crisis. After Kuwait’s liberation in February 1991, the Gulf was treating its wounds and rebuilding what was destroyed.”

“Iraq grew weary of wars and Saddam, who had suffered successive defeats, slept with one eye open. In 2003, the Americans returned to the Middle East. They wanted to build a model that meets their own vision in wake of the September 11, 2001 attacks that altered their view of the region and changed their priorities.”

“I knew that the invasion of Iraq was among President George W. Bush’s goals. We tried to dissuade him against invading Iraq. I asked him to maintain his efforts to support the Iraqi people by building schools and hospitals and paving roads. I knew, however, that he had already made up his mind to resort to force.”

“I asked the Americans to give us a chance to act accordingly. I then asked them: ‘What do you want from Saddam?’ I sensed that the region was on the verge of war and I was prepared to do anything to avoid it for the sake of the people. The Americans replied that they wanted to search for weapons of mass destruction.”

“I knew that the consequences of the war would be felt in the entire region, especially Iraq. It would be destructive. I tried to convince them to task Emiratis to carry out negotiates. We Arabs are alike in our traditions and understand how Saddam and his like think.”

“I was determined to personally visit Saddam… We had a clear and frank discussion. We spoke of everything I agreed with him on and others I did not. I reminded him of the ghost of war and I knew that I was addressing a man who had spent most of his life waging wars. It was obvious that he could not win the war against the Americans and that if he did not do anything to avert the impending invasion, Iraq would be lost. I tried to use reason with him.”

“I told him that if he was ultimately forced to leave Iraq, Dubai was his second city and he was always welcome there. He looked at me and said: ‘But Sheikh Mohammed, I am speaking about saving Iraq, not myself.’ I held him in much higher regard after he said this.”

A five-hour tense and frank meeting ensued with a visibly agitated Saddam.

“When the meeting ended, he escorted me to my vehicle and bid me farewell. I heard that this was not usual of him,” said Sheikh Mohammed. Sheikh Zayed offered Saddam asylum in Abu Dhabi in a last-ditch effort to avoid the invasion. It was in vain, as the US and Britain soon invaded and Iraq was again left to bleed.

“Saddam miscalculated. He believed that planting fear and terror and using violence were the best way to rule. Everyone around him feared him and no one ever had the courage to tell him of his military’s real capabilities,” he recalled.

Bashar… Syria
“I remember how Bashar Assad visited Dubai in the late 1990s. His father, Hafez, was still in power and was possibly living his final days. It was only a matter of time before Bashar came to power. I wanted to spend more time with him away from the prying eyes of his entourage.”

“He joined me in my car, which I drove myself, and we headed to one of the major department stores for a stroll…. No one bothered us. We spoke of the future of technology and its role in development. He showed great interest in investing in technology for serving his country. He assured me that he will make changes in Syria. I forged a good relationship with him after that day.”

“A few years later, he again visited Dubai. This time as President Bashar Assad. He asked me how the government of Dubai rules its city. He had a great desire to develop the administration and government in Syria. I spoke to him a lot about Dubai and its openness and how our governance focuses on the private sector… I told him that we hoped to build a model for the Arab world. He expressed his deep admiration for Dubai, saying that he wanted to replicate the experience in Syria.”

“Indeed, Bashar Assad tried during the early years of his rule to open up the Syrian economy. He allowed the people to open bank accounts in foreign currencies and invited foreign investors to Syria. I remember sending a delegation to inspect real estate investment opportunities there. They came back to me with good ideas.”

“After that, Bashar started living in a different world as he watched his country drown in blood.”

I want Dubai in Africa
Sheikh Mohammed recalled his relations with late Libyan ruler Moammar al-Gaddafi.

“I remember how he once called me to tell me that he wanted to build a new Dubai in Libya and for it to act as the economic capital of Africa.”

“After the US invasion of Iraq in search of weapons of mass destruction that it alleged that Saddam possessed, Gaddafi came out before the world to declare that Libya had a nuclear program.” He asked that it be removed, paving the way for prosperity in his country.

“We were among those whom he approached. He asked me to help him build a new Dubai in Libya as part of his drive to become open to the world.”

Sheikh Mohammed recalled how he dispatched an envoy, Mohammed al-Qarqawi, who was then head of his executive office. He arrived in Libya and was escorted to Gaddafi’s residence in Tripoli. “There, he saw the Libyan leader sitting in a large office and surfing the internet in a way that showed that he had little knowledge of what he was doing.”

“After his little show, Gaddafi told him that he greatly admired what Sheikh Mohammed has done in Dubai. ‘I want to do the same thing in Libya. I am asking you to invest in Libya.’ …. He gave the impression that he was not very aware of the world and history. He seemed to be surrounded by a team that kept facts from him, either out of fear or deliberately. I suspect the former. He spoke at length and tended to ramble. He said that he did not admire any state or any president. He spoke his mind very firmly in a way that did not broach argument or discussion. He did not speak like a leader.”

“After receiving Qarqawi’s report, I personally went to Tripoli. On the first day, we went to the Old City, It makes you sad. How can a country this rich be like this? Sewage was running in the streets and garbage was strewn everywhere. At its worst point in the 1950s, when water was scarce and people did not have electricity, Dubai was never this miserable.”

“I then visited Gaddafi in a tent in Sirte city. Just like last time, he spoke for a long time. Later that night, we headed to a square in Tripoli, but we were met with hysterical crowds after someone leaked the news of our visit.”

The security entourage was forced to use violence to disperse the people. “I never wanted them to disperse them in such a way.”

“Afterwards, Gaddafi wanted to show me the Jabal al-Akhdar region in northeastern Tripoli. We road a plane with his son Seif al-Islam and head of internal security and military intelligence Abdullah al-Senussi, who was known as a violent man.”

“As the plane took off, Senussi turned to me to inform me that it had been years since he last rode an aircraft. I asked how come, and he replied that he was constantly a target for attacks. Silence then fell over the plane as each of us weighed the words he had just uttered. Did he want his first plane ride to be with us?”

“Seif al-Islam then started talking and he seemed more learned and informed than his father. He said that he always thought of the type of economy that his father had adopted. It was neither socialist nor communist, not even capitalist. He said that he had spoken to his father about the importance of returning the land to the people and for Libya to be more open to the world.”

“The visit ended and the Libyan people remained in our hearts. We wished to help, but matters were not all right. We withdrew from talks about a new project when we realized that we were running around in circles. The horizon was clouded with corruption and we were going to be used a propaganda in his media machine.”

“Gaddafi did not desire change, he only wished it. Change does not need speeches, but action,” stated Sheikh Mohammed.



Ethiopia Builds Secret Camp to Train Sudan RSF Fighters 

Satellite imagery shows new construction and drone support infrastructure at Asosa airport in Benishangul-Gumuz, Ethiopia, January 28, 2026. (Vantor/Handout via Reuters)
Satellite imagery shows new construction and drone support infrastructure at Asosa airport in Benishangul-Gumuz, Ethiopia, January 28, 2026. (Vantor/Handout via Reuters)
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Ethiopia Builds Secret Camp to Train Sudan RSF Fighters 

Satellite imagery shows new construction and drone support infrastructure at Asosa airport in Benishangul-Gumuz, Ethiopia, January 28, 2026. (Vantor/Handout via Reuters)
Satellite imagery shows new construction and drone support infrastructure at Asosa airport in Benishangul-Gumuz, Ethiopia, January 28, 2026. (Vantor/Handout via Reuters)

Ethiopia is hosting a secret camp to train thousands of fighters for the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces in neighboring Sudan, Reuters reporting has found, in the latest sign that one of the world’s deadliest conflicts is sucking in regional powers from Africa and the Middle East.

The camp is the first direct evidence of Ethiopia’s involvement in Sudan’s civil war, marking a potentially dangerous development that provides the RSF a substantial supply of fresh soldiers as fighting escalates in Sudan’s south.

Eight sources, including a senior Ethiopian government official, said the United Arab Emirates financed the camp’s construction and provided military trainers and logistical support to the site, a view also shared in an internal note by Ethiopia’s security services and in a diplomatic cable, reviewed by Reuters.

The news agency could not independently verify UAE involvement in the project or the purpose of the camp. In response to a request for comment, the UAE foreign ministry said it was not a party to the conflict or “in any way” involved in the hostilities.

Reuters spoke to 15 sources familiar with the camp's construction and operations, including Ethiopian officials and diplomats, and analyzed satellite imagery of the area. Two Ethiopian intelligence officials and the satellite images provided information that corroborated details contained in the security memo and cable.

The location and scale of the camp and the detailed allegations of the UAE’s involvement have not been previously reported. The images show the extent of the new development, as recently as in the past few weeks, along with construction for a drone ground control station at a nearby airport.

Satellite imagery shows a camp with hundreds of tents in Benishangul-Gumuz, Ethiopia, January 22, 2026. (Vantor/Handout via Reuters)

Activity picked up in October at the camp, which is located in the remote western region of Benishangul-Gumuz, near the border with Sudan, satellite images show.

Ethiopia’s government spokesperson, its army and the RSF did not respond to detailed requests for comment about the findings of this story.

On January 6, UAE and Ethiopia issued a joint statement that included a call for a ceasefire in Sudan, as well as celebrating ties they said served the defense of each other’s security.

The Sudanese Armed Forces did not respond to a request for comment.

As of early January, 4,300 RSF fighters were undergoing military training at the site and “their logistical and military supplies are being provided by the UAE,” the note by Ethiopia’s security services seen by Reuters read.

Sudan's army has previously accused the UAE of supplying the RSF with weapons, a claim UN experts and US lawmakers have found credible.

The camp’s recruits are mainly Ethiopians, but citizens from South Sudan and Sudan, including from the SPLM-N, a Sudanese rebel group that controls territory in Sudan’s neighboring Blue Nile state, are also present, six officials said.

Reuters was unable to independently establish who was at the camp or the terms or conditions of recruitment.

A senior leader of the SPLM-N, who declined to be named, denied his forces had a presence in Ethiopia.

The six officials said the recruits are expected to join the RSF battling Sudanese soldiers in Blue Nile, which has emerged as a front in the struggle for control of Sudan. Two of the officials said hundreds had already crossed in recent weeks to support the paramilitaries in Blue Nile.

The internal security note said General Getachew Gudina, the Chief of the Defense Intelligence Department of the Ethiopian National Defense Force, was responsible for setting up the camp. A senior Ethiopian government official as well as four diplomatic and security sources confirmed Getachew’s role in launching the project.

Getachew did not respond to a request for comment.

The camp was carved out of forested land in a district called Menge, about 32 km from the border and strategically located at the intersection of the two countries and South Sudan, according to the satellite imagery and the diplomatic cable.

The first sign of activity in the area began in April, with forest clearing and the construction of metal-roofed buildings in a small area to the north of what is now the area of the camp with tents, where work began in the second half of October.

Satellite imagery shows a forested area where, ten months later, a camp with hundreds of tents was built in Benishangul-Gumuz, Ethiopia, December 15, 2024. (Vantor/Handout via Reuters)

The diplomatic cable, dated November, described the camp as having a capacity of up to 10,000 fighters, saying activity began in October with the arrival of dozens of Land Cruisers, heavy trucks, RSF units and UAE trainers. Reuters is not revealing the country that wrote the cable, to protect the source.

Two of the officials described seeing trucks with the logo of the Emirati logistics company Gorica Group heading through the town of Asosa and towards the camp in October. Gorica did not respond to a request for comment.

The news agency was able to match elements of the timeframe specified in the diplomatic cable with satellite imagery. Images from Airbus Defense and Space show that after the initial clearing work, tents began filling the area from early November. Multiple diggers are visible in the imagery.

An image taken by US space technology firm Vantor on November 24 shows more than 640 tents at the camp, approximately four meters square. Each tent could comfortably house four people with some individual equipment, so the camp could accommodate at least 2,500 people, according to an analysis of the satellite imagery by defense intelligence company Janes.

Janes said it could not confirm the site was military based on their analysis of the imagery.

New recruits were spotted travelling to the camp in mid-November, two senior military officials said.

Satellite imagery shows an area where trucks come and go at a camp in Benishangul-Gumuz, Ethiopia, January 22, 2026. (Vantor/Handout via Reuters)

On November 17, a column of 56 trucks packed with trainees rumbled through dirt roads of the remote region, the officials, who witnessed the convoys, told Reuters, with each truck holding between 50 and 60 fighters, the officials estimated.

Two days later, both officials saw another convoy of 70 trucks carrying soldiers driving in the same direction, they said.

The November 24 image shows at least 18 large trucks at the site. The vehicles’ size, shape and design match those of models frequently used by the Ethiopian military and its allies to transport soldiers, according to Reuters analysis.

Development continued in late January, the Vantor images show, including new clearing and digging in the riverbed just north of the main camp and dozens of shipping containers lined around the camp visible in a January 22 image. A senior Ethiopian government official said construction on the camp was ongoing but did not elaborate on future building plans.

Sudan’s civil war erupted in 2023 after a power struggle between the Sudanese army and the RSF ahead of a planned transition to civilian rule.


Gaza Girls Take Up Boxing to Heal War’s Scars

Palestinian girls and young women attend a boxing training session between displacement tents in Khan Younis, in the southern Gaza Strip, on February 9, 2026. (AFP)
Palestinian girls and young women attend a boxing training session between displacement tents in Khan Younis, in the southern Gaza Strip, on February 9, 2026. (AFP)
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Gaza Girls Take Up Boxing to Heal War’s Scars

Palestinian girls and young women attend a boxing training session between displacement tents in Khan Younis, in the southern Gaza Strip, on February 9, 2026. (AFP)
Palestinian girls and young women attend a boxing training session between displacement tents in Khan Younis, in the southern Gaza Strip, on February 9, 2026. (AFP)

In a makeshift boxing ring etched into the sand between the tens of displaced Palestinians in southern Gaza, a dozen young girls warmed up before delivering fierce blows at their coach's command.

Osama Ayub once ran a boxing club in Gaza City, in the north of the Palestinian territory, until it was destroyed in a strike along with his home during the war between Israel and Hamas.

After finding shelter in the southern city of Khan Younis, he opted to put his sporting skills at the service of displaced Gazans, crammed by the tens of thousands in tents and makeshift shelters.

"We decided to work inside the camp to offer the girls some psychological relief from the war", Ayub told AFP.

Behind him, some of the young athletes faced each other in the ring surrounded by cheering gymmates, while others trained on a punching bag.

"The girls have been affected by the war and the bombardments; some have lost their families or loved ones. They feel pain and want to release it, so they have found in boxing a way to express their emotions," said Ayub.

Ayub now runs these free training sessions for 45 boxers aged between 8 and 19 three times a week, with positive feedback from his students as well as from the community.

One of the youngsters, Ghazal Radwan, aged 14, hopes to become a champion and represent her country.

"I practice boxing to develop my character, release pent-up energy and to become a champion in the future, compete against world champions in other countries, and raise the Palestinian flag around the world", she told AFP.

- Call for aid -

One after the other, the girls trained with Ayub, shifting from right to left jabs, hooks and uppercuts at his command.

In war-devastated Gaza, where construction materials are scarce, Ayub had to improvise to build his small training facility.

"We brought wood and built a square boxing ring, but there are no mats or safety measures," he said.

He called on the international community to support the boxers and help them travel abroad to train, "to strengthen their confidence and offer them psychological support".

The strict blockade that Israel imposed on the Gaza Strip makes the reconstruction of sports facilities particularly complicated, as building materials are routinely rejected by Israeli officials.

The official Palestinian news agency Wafa reported in January that a shipment of artificial turf donated by China to Gaza's youth and sports council was not allowed in by Israel.

With medicine, food and fuel all in short supply, sports equipment comes much lower on the list of items entering the Palestinian territory.

Rimas, a 16-year-old boxer, said she and her friends continued "to practice boxing despite the war, the bombardments and the destruction".

"We, the girls who box, hope for your support, that you will bring us gloves and shoes. We train on sand and need mats and punching bags," she said in comments addressed to the international community.


Is Iran Pushing Houthis Toward Military Action Against Washington?

Houthis continue mobilization, fundraising, and declare combat readiness (AP) 
Houthis continue mobilization, fundraising, and declare combat readiness (AP) 
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Is Iran Pushing Houthis Toward Military Action Against Washington?

Houthis continue mobilization, fundraising, and declare combat readiness (AP) 
Houthis continue mobilization, fundraising, and declare combat readiness (AP) 

As US military movements intensify in the Middle East and the possibility of strikes on Iran looms, Yemen’s Houthi group has continued military preparations, mobilizing fighters and establishing new weapons sites.

The Houthi mobilization comes at a time when the group is widely viewed as one of Iran’s most important regional arms for retaliation.

Although the Iran-backed group has not issued any official statement declaring its position on a potential US attack on Iran, its leaders have warned Washington against any military action and against bearing full responsibility for any escalation and its consequences.

They have hinted that any response would be handled in accordance with the group’s senior leadership's assessment, after evaluating developments and potential repercussions.

Despite these signals, some interpret the Houthis’ stance as an attempt to avoid drawing the attention of the current US administration, led by President Donald Trump, to the need for preemptive action in anticipation of a potential Houthi response.

The Trump administration previously launched a military campaign against the group in the spring of last year, inflicting heavy losses.

Islam al-Mansi, an Egyptian researcher specializing in Iranian affairs, said Iran may avoid burning all its cards unless absolutely necessary, particularly given US threats to raise the level of escalation should any Iranian military proxies intervene or take part in a confrontation.

Iran did not resort to using its military proxies during its confrontation with Israel or during a limited US strike last summer because it did not perceive an existential threat, al-Mansi said.

That calculation could change in the anticipated confrontation, potentially prompting Houthi intervention, including targeting US allies, interests, and military forces, he told Asharq Al-Awsat.

Al-Mansi added that although Iran previously offered, within a negotiating framework, to abandon its regional proxies, including the Houthis, this makes it more likely that Tehran would use them in retaliation, noting that Iran created these groups to defend its territory from afar.

Many intelligence reports suggest that Iran’s Revolutionary Guard has discussed with the Houthis the activation of alternative support arenas in a potential US-Iran confrontation, including the use of cells and weapons not previously deployed.

Visible readiness

In recent days, Chinese media outlets cited an unnamed Houthi military commander as saying the group had raised its alert level and carried out inspections of missile launch platforms in several areas across Yemen, including the strategically important Red Sea region.

In this context, Yemeni political researcher Salah Ali Salah said the Houthis would participate in defending Iran against any US attacks, citing the group’s media rhetoric accompanying mass rallies, which openly supports Iran’s right to defend itself.

While this rhetoric maintains some ambiguity regarding Iran, it repeatedly invokes the war in Gaza and renews Houthi pledges to resume military escalation in defense of the besieged enclave’s population, Salah told Asharq Al-Awsat.

He noted that Iran would not have shared advanced and sophisticated military technologies with the Houthis without a high degree of trust in their ability to use them in Iran’s interest.

In recent months, following Israeli strikes on the unrecognized Houthi government and several of its leaders, hardline Houthi figures demonstrating strong loyalty to Iran have become more prominent.

On the ground, the group has established new military sites and moved equipment and weapons to new locations along and near the coast, alongside the potential use of security cells beyond Yemen’s borders.

Salah said that if the threat of a military strike on Iran escalates, the Iranian response could take a more advanced form, potentially including efforts to close strategic waterways, placing the Bab al-Mandab Strait within the Houthis’ target range.

Many observers have expressed concern that the Houthis may have transferred fighters and intelligence cells outside Yemen over recent years to target US and Western interests in the region.

Open options

After a ceasefire was declared in Gaza, the Houthis lost one of their key justifications for mobilizing fighters and collecting funds. The group has since faced growing public anger over its practices and worsening humanitarian conditions, responding with media messaging aimed at convincing audiences that the battle is not over and that further rounds lie ahead.

Alongside weekly rallies in areas under their control in support of Gaza, the Houthis have carried out attacks on front lines with Yemen’s internationally recognized government, particularly in Taiz province.

Some military experts describe these incidents as probing attacks, while others see them as attempts to divert attention from other activities.

In this context, Walid al-Abara, head of the Yemen and Gulf Studies Center, said the Houthis entered a critical phase after the Gaza war ended, having lost one of the main justifications for their attacks on Red Sea shipping.

As a result, they may seek to manufacture new pretexts, including claims of sanctions imposed against them, to maintain media momentum and their regional role.

Al-Abara told Asharq Al-Awsat that the group has two other options. The first is redirecting its activity inward to strengthen its military and economic leverage, either to impose its conditions in any future settlement or to consolidate power.

The second is yielding to international and regional pressure and entering a negotiation track, particularly if sanctions intensify or its economic and military capacity declines.

According to an assessment by the Yemen and Gulf Studies Center, widespread protests in Iran are increasingly pressuring the regime’s ability to manage its regional influence at the same pace as before, without dismantling its network of proxies.

This reality is pushing Tehran toward a more cautious approach, governed by domestic priorities and cost-benefit calculations, while maintaining a minimum level of external influence without broad escalation.

Within this framework, al-Abara said Iran is likely to maintain a controlled continuity in its relationship with the Houthis through selective support that ensures the group remains effective.

However, an expansion of protests or a direct military strike on Iran could open the door to a deeper Houthi repositioning, including broader political and security concessions in exchange for regional guarantees.