Exclusive – In New Book, Dubai Ruler Says Offered Saddam Asylum in UAE

Ruler of Dubai Sheikh Mohammed bin Rashid Al Maktoum. (AFP)
Ruler of Dubai Sheikh Mohammed bin Rashid Al Maktoum. (AFP)
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Exclusive – In New Book, Dubai Ruler Says Offered Saddam Asylum in UAE

Ruler of Dubai Sheikh Mohammed bin Rashid Al Maktoum. (AFP)
Ruler of Dubai Sheikh Mohammed bin Rashid Al Maktoum. (AFP)

Vice President of the United Arab Emirates and Ruler of Dubai Sheikh Mohammed bin Rashid Al Maktoum reveals in a new book set to be published Monday that he had offered late Iraqi ruler Saddam Hussein asylum in the UAE prior to the US invasion of 2003.

“Dubai is your second city,” he told the former ruler, recalled Sheikh Mohammed in his book “My Story … 50 Stories in 50 Years.” Saddam, however, refused the offer.

Sheikh Mohammed speaks of his life, work and responsibilities, touching on Libya, Syria and Lebanon in excerpts exclusively published by Asharq Al-Awsat.

Beirut
He recalled that he visited Beirut at a young age with his siblings. “I was fascinated by it when I was young and have grown deeply sad over its fate,” he said. “In the early 1960s, its streets were clean, neighborhoods beautiful, its markets modern. It was a source of inspiration for me. I had a dream for Dubai to become like Beirut some day.”

Unfortunately, Lebanon “has been fragmented and divided along sectarian lines. Beirut is no longer the Beirut I knew and Lebanon is no longer the same,” lamented Sheikh Mohammed.

He said that two major developments in Lebanon have been imprinted in his memory. The first, he said was the eruption of the country’s civil war on April 13, 1975. The 15-year conflict left more than 150,000 people dead and 300,000 wounded and Lebanon incurred more than $25 billion in damages.

No sooner, had the first bullet been fired that violence spread throughout Beirut and the capital was soon divided along sectarian lines. “This was the beginning of the end,” said Sheikh Mohammed.

None of the efforts exerted by Sheikh Zayed succeeded in bringing together the rivals to negotiations. “Along with my father, I used to help him in the negotiations, but we started to despair due to the ongoing failure. Comprehensive Arab intervention took place to ensure that this beautiful country would not be destroyed,” he added.

June 1976 witnessed a changing point in the civil war through Syria’s intervention.

He recalled the convening of Arab summits in Riyadh and Cairo in 1976 that culminated in the formation of an Arab Deterrent Force of which the UAE was a part of and that was aimed at reaching a ceasefire in Lebanon.

Sheikh Mohammed said that only “temporary solutions” were reached at the Arab summits and the “roots of the problems were still buried below the surface.”

“Those were burdensome days,” said Sheikh Mohammed. “I did everything in my power to prepare my men … I told them that ‘we are headed for peace, not war, in order to save a friendly and brotherly people and not to serve sectarian interests.’”

“I cannot describe the horrors of war. From my own experience in fighting, I can say that it is not the solution for anything,” he stated.

The second most remarkable memory he has of Lebanon took place in 1982 with the Israeli invasion of the country. The development turned the country into an open battle between the Palestinian Liberation Organization, Syria and Israel.

“Even though the invasion, which began in June under the command of Defense Minister Ariel Sharon, was expected, its horrors were not,” said Sheikh Mohammed.

After two months of fighting, a ceasefire was reached that culminated with the PLO’s withdrawal from Beirut to Tunisia. Despite this withdrawal, Sharon insisted that some “2,000 terrorists” remained in Palestinian refugee camps in Beirut and so it was after the departure of the last Palestinian fighter that the Israeli army occupied West Beirut on September 15. This was followed with the Sabra and Shatila refugee camps massacre on September 16 and 18 that left hundreds of innocent civilians dead.

“I have never accepted the idea of killing and shedding of blood,” said Sheikh Mohammed. “I have never understood why such things happen in our world. I had kept in touch with all partners in the region. I knew that a massacre was going to happen. When I saw the images of the victims, especially the women and children, I realized that our efforts have been in vain.”

Many years later, “Lebanon is still, unfortunately, a pawn many players are toying with. The Lebanese youth are still paying the price of regional conflicts and Lebanon is still an arena for settling never-ending conflicts and scores,” he added.

Invasion of a brother
“The invasion of Kuwait on August 2, 1990 was a shock … I relayed the news to my older brother Sheikh Maktoum. I then declared a state of emergency for all armed and security forces. I spoke to Sheikh Zayed and witnessed his anger and sorrow. How could Saddam do such a thing? What was his next move?” recalled Sheikh Mohammed.

“We never imaged that Saddam would dare to invade a brotherly neighboring country that had a history in standing by his side. Saddam’s move was a changing point for the entire region.”

“We received tens of thousands of Kuwaitis and opened our hotels and residential buildings for them. Many of our people opened their houses to them.”

He recalled how the UAE’s ports became harbors for the forces of Operation Desert Storm that was launched by US forces on January 16, 1991 to liberate Kuwait from Iraq. Emirati forces also helped support the coalition to liberate Kuwait.

“I personally visited the Desert Storm command center several times,” said Sheikh Mohammed. “My mission was to limit the number of civilian casualties. Neither the Kuwaiti people nor the Iraqi people wanted the invasion. It was reckless act. I was keen to ensure that the people did not pay the price for this stupidity.”

Saddam was forced to withdraw his forces after a successful military operation and the “Emirati forces had the honor to be the first troops to enter Kuwait to liberate it. Had the war gone any longer, we would have paid with our lives to see its liberation.”

“The invasion ended with a humiliating withdrawal of the Iraqi forces. It was not the end, however. It was the beginning of a new phase in the region marked by the collapse of its major countries and fragmentation of great armies. The invasion of Kuwait was the major historic error that forever altered the shape of the region.”

No one wins in war
“I still remember the end of the exhausting war between Iraq and Iran that left more than a million people dead.” When a war ends, its memory lingers for years to come, said Sheikh Mohammed.

“At the time, Saddam was at the peak of his pride and glory. I still remember how he frankly expressed his reservations against me to Sheikh Zayed. He said I leaned too much to the West and did not treat Arabs properly.”

“Sheikh Zayed then asked me to meet with Saddam as was his habit to settle any differences that could affect our interests,” he added.

The meeting eventually took place and “after some pleasantries, Saddam charged that he had a report that implicates me in supporting Iran in various ways. He then placed the report in front of me.”

“I answered him that I did not need a report and that I was sitting right there with him,” he said. “‘If you mean arms shipments, then I challenge anyone to prove that. If you mean food aid shipments, then, yes. You do not need these reports because our ships go there and to Iraq as well,’ I replied.”

“Saddam was shocked at my words because they were bold. He was used to hearing what he wanted to. Perhaps my response was surprising to him because he had formed a weak impression of me.”

“We became friends after this confrontation,” revealed Sheikh Mohammed.

“This was followed by Iraq’s invasion of Kuwait and bridges of communication then collapsed. In the world of politics, however, you must leave one small channel open for times of crisis. After Kuwait’s liberation in February 1991, the Gulf was treating its wounds and rebuilding what was destroyed.”

“Iraq grew weary of wars and Saddam, who had suffered successive defeats, slept with one eye open. In 2003, the Americans returned to the Middle East. They wanted to build a model that meets their own vision in wake of the September 11, 2001 attacks that altered their view of the region and changed their priorities.”

“I knew that the invasion of Iraq was among President George W. Bush’s goals. We tried to dissuade him against invading Iraq. I asked him to maintain his efforts to support the Iraqi people by building schools and hospitals and paving roads. I knew, however, that he had already made up his mind to resort to force.”

“I asked the Americans to give us a chance to act accordingly. I then asked them: ‘What do you want from Saddam?’ I sensed that the region was on the verge of war and I was prepared to do anything to avoid it for the sake of the people. The Americans replied that they wanted to search for weapons of mass destruction.”

“I knew that the consequences of the war would be felt in the entire region, especially Iraq. It would be destructive. I tried to convince them to task Emiratis to carry out negotiates. We Arabs are alike in our traditions and understand how Saddam and his like think.”

“I was determined to personally visit Saddam… We had a clear and frank discussion. We spoke of everything I agreed with him on and others I did not. I reminded him of the ghost of war and I knew that I was addressing a man who had spent most of his life waging wars. It was obvious that he could not win the war against the Americans and that if he did not do anything to avert the impending invasion, Iraq would be lost. I tried to use reason with him.”

“I told him that if he was ultimately forced to leave Iraq, Dubai was his second city and he was always welcome there. He looked at me and said: ‘But Sheikh Mohammed, I am speaking about saving Iraq, not myself.’ I held him in much higher regard after he said this.”

A five-hour tense and frank meeting ensued with a visibly agitated Saddam.

“When the meeting ended, he escorted me to my vehicle and bid me farewell. I heard that this was not usual of him,” said Sheikh Mohammed. Sheikh Zayed offered Saddam asylum in Abu Dhabi in a last-ditch effort to avoid the invasion. It was in vain, as the US and Britain soon invaded and Iraq was again left to bleed.

“Saddam miscalculated. He believed that planting fear and terror and using violence were the best way to rule. Everyone around him feared him and no one ever had the courage to tell him of his military’s real capabilities,” he recalled.

Bashar… Syria
“I remember how Bashar Assad visited Dubai in the late 1990s. His father, Hafez, was still in power and was possibly living his final days. It was only a matter of time before Bashar came to power. I wanted to spend more time with him away from the prying eyes of his entourage.”

“He joined me in my car, which I drove myself, and we headed to one of the major department stores for a stroll…. No one bothered us. We spoke of the future of technology and its role in development. He showed great interest in investing in technology for serving his country. He assured me that he will make changes in Syria. I forged a good relationship with him after that day.”

“A few years later, he again visited Dubai. This time as President Bashar Assad. He asked me how the government of Dubai rules its city. He had a great desire to develop the administration and government in Syria. I spoke to him a lot about Dubai and its openness and how our governance focuses on the private sector… I told him that we hoped to build a model for the Arab world. He expressed his deep admiration for Dubai, saying that he wanted to replicate the experience in Syria.”

“Indeed, Bashar Assad tried during the early years of his rule to open up the Syrian economy. He allowed the people to open bank accounts in foreign currencies and invited foreign investors to Syria. I remember sending a delegation to inspect real estate investment opportunities there. They came back to me with good ideas.”

“After that, Bashar started living in a different world as he watched his country drown in blood.”

I want Dubai in Africa
Sheikh Mohammed recalled his relations with late Libyan ruler Moammar al-Gaddafi.

“I remember how he once called me to tell me that he wanted to build a new Dubai in Libya and for it to act as the economic capital of Africa.”

“After the US invasion of Iraq in search of weapons of mass destruction that it alleged that Saddam possessed, Gaddafi came out before the world to declare that Libya had a nuclear program.” He asked that it be removed, paving the way for prosperity in his country.

“We were among those whom he approached. He asked me to help him build a new Dubai in Libya as part of his drive to become open to the world.”

Sheikh Mohammed recalled how he dispatched an envoy, Mohammed al-Qarqawi, who was then head of his executive office. He arrived in Libya and was escorted to Gaddafi’s residence in Tripoli. “There, he saw the Libyan leader sitting in a large office and surfing the internet in a way that showed that he had little knowledge of what he was doing.”

“After his little show, Gaddafi told him that he greatly admired what Sheikh Mohammed has done in Dubai. ‘I want to do the same thing in Libya. I am asking you to invest in Libya.’ …. He gave the impression that he was not very aware of the world and history. He seemed to be surrounded by a team that kept facts from him, either out of fear or deliberately. I suspect the former. He spoke at length and tended to ramble. He said that he did not admire any state or any president. He spoke his mind very firmly in a way that did not broach argument or discussion. He did not speak like a leader.”

“After receiving Qarqawi’s report, I personally went to Tripoli. On the first day, we went to the Old City, It makes you sad. How can a country this rich be like this? Sewage was running in the streets and garbage was strewn everywhere. At its worst point in the 1950s, when water was scarce and people did not have electricity, Dubai was never this miserable.”

“I then visited Gaddafi in a tent in Sirte city. Just like last time, he spoke for a long time. Later that night, we headed to a square in Tripoli, but we were met with hysterical crowds after someone leaked the news of our visit.”

The security entourage was forced to use violence to disperse the people. “I never wanted them to disperse them in such a way.”

“Afterwards, Gaddafi wanted to show me the Jabal al-Akhdar region in northeastern Tripoli. We road a plane with his son Seif al-Islam and head of internal security and military intelligence Abdullah al-Senussi, who was known as a violent man.”

“As the plane took off, Senussi turned to me to inform me that it had been years since he last rode an aircraft. I asked how come, and he replied that he was constantly a target for attacks. Silence then fell over the plane as each of us weighed the words he had just uttered. Did he want his first plane ride to be with us?”

“Seif al-Islam then started talking and he seemed more learned and informed than his father. He said that he always thought of the type of economy that his father had adopted. It was neither socialist nor communist, not even capitalist. He said that he had spoken to his father about the importance of returning the land to the people and for Libya to be more open to the world.”

“The visit ended and the Libyan people remained in our hearts. We wished to help, but matters were not all right. We withdrew from talks about a new project when we realized that we were running around in circles. The horizon was clouded with corruption and we were going to be used a propaganda in his media machine.”

“Gaddafi did not desire change, he only wished it. Change does not need speeches, but action,” stated Sheikh Mohammed.



Why Israel Fears Military Rapprochement Between Egypt and Türkiye

Egyptian Abdel Fattah al-Sisi meets Turkish Recep Tayyip Erdogan on the sidelines of the D-8 Organization for Economic Cooperation summit in Egypt’s New Administrative Capital in December 2024. (Egyptian Presidency)
Egyptian Abdel Fattah al-Sisi meets Turkish Recep Tayyip Erdogan on the sidelines of the D-8 Organization for Economic Cooperation summit in Egypt’s New Administrative Capital in December 2024. (Egyptian Presidency)
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Why Israel Fears Military Rapprochement Between Egypt and Türkiye

Egyptian Abdel Fattah al-Sisi meets Turkish Recep Tayyip Erdogan on the sidelines of the D-8 Organization for Economic Cooperation summit in Egypt’s New Administrative Capital in December 2024. (Egyptian Presidency)
Egyptian Abdel Fattah al-Sisi meets Turkish Recep Tayyip Erdogan on the sidelines of the D-8 Organization for Economic Cooperation summit in Egypt’s New Administrative Capital in December 2024. (Egyptian Presidency)

The growing rapprochement between Egypt and Türkiye is raising concern in Israel, particularly as military cooperation expands through joint training and exercises between two of the region’s largest and most strategically significant armed forces.

Those concerns resurfaced after international military drills involving Egyptian and Turkish forces concluded in the Libyan city of Sirte.

Experts who spoke to Asharq Al-Awsat said the unease stems from several factors, including the two countries’ military weight and their growing alignment on regional issues and defense manufacturing.

They expect the rapprochement could evolve into a regional alliance with expanding influence, while ruling out any imminent military confrontation.

Israeli concerns

The Israeli newspaper Maariv published an article by retired general Yitzhak Brik warning that Tel Aviv could face a “difficult war” against a potential Egyptian-Turkish alliance as both countries strengthen their military capabilities.

Brik warned that strategic cooperation between Cairo and Ankara could extend to joint military production and defense integration.

Any military rapprochement between Egypt and Türkiye, he said, could reshape deterrence dynamics in the region and pose new security challenges for Israel, requiring a comprehensive reassessment of its military doctrine and defense strategies.

Israeli channel i24NEWS reported on April 18 that talks between Egypt and Türkiye were accelerating, noting that in-depth discussions had been referred to Turkish parliamentary committees on security, defense, and intelligence.

Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan visited Cairo in February, where several agreements were signed, including in the defense sector. During a joint press conference, Egyptian President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi said the two countries share converging views on regional and international issues, particularly Gaza, Sudan, Libya and the Horn of Africa.

Israel has also expressed reservations about the possibility of Ankara participating in international stabilization forces in Gaza, after Türkiye became involved in mediation and guarantees for implementing a ceasefire agreement in October. Media reports have also pointed to the possibility of a future military confrontation between Israel and Türkiye following tensions linked to Iran.

‘Cold peace’

Egyptian military and strategic expert Samir Ragheb said Türkiye’s direct presence in the region, combined with its rapprochement with Egypt, reinforces what he described as a “cold peace” with Israel.

He told Asharq Al-Awsat that Cairo and Ankara command the region’s two largest armies and maintain strong ties with key regional powers, something Israel views with concern.

One of the most sensitive issues for Israel, he said, is cooperation in drone manufacturing.

Both Egypt and Türkiye have significant capabilities in this field, and joint production could meet their domestic needs while positioning them as strong competitors to Israeli drones in regional markets, particularly as negative perceptions of Israeli products grow due to ongoing conflicts, making Egyptian-Turkish alternatives more appealing.

Coordination between Egypt and Türkiye spans a broad geographic arc from Somalia to Syria, including Libya. This, Ragheb said, adds to Israeli concerns, particularly as Türkiye seeks to expand its footprint in Africa through Egypt, the continent’s main gateway.

Turkish affairs researcher Taha Ouda Oglu told Asharq Al-Awsat that cooperation between Egypt and Türkiye on Gaza, Libya and Africa is further raising Israeli concerns.

Rising military cooperation

Military cooperation between Egypt and Türkiye has accelerated in recent months. In late 2025, for the first time in 13 years, Egyptian forces took part in joint naval exercises on Turkish soil, involving Turkish frigates, attack boats, a submarine and F-16 fighter jets, alongside Egyptian naval units.

Türkiye’s Defense Ministry said on Thursday that the “Flintlock 2026” exercises, which were in Sirte from April 13 to 30, had concluded. The drills, which included Egyptian forces, aimed to enhance military cooperation and combat readiness through integrated land, air and naval scenarios.

In September, Turkish Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan said in a televised interview that Ankara is seeking to strengthen cooperation with Egypt in defense industries and joint security, noting that regional threats are driving deeper discussions on security as ties develop.

Egypt and Türkiye also signed an agreement in late August to locally produce the “Turkha” drone in Egypt, a step aimed at localizing drone technology and boosting domestic defense industries. The aircraft features advanced surveillance and reconnaissance systems and vertical takeoff and landing capabilities.

Ragheb ruled out the possibility of Israel waging a military confrontation against either Egypt or Türkiye, saying Israeli military doctrine does not allow for fighting on multiple fronts simultaneously against major powers.

He added that the United States would be unlikely to support Israel in a war against countries the size of Egypt or Türkiye, noting both nations rely on deterrence through strength rather than rhetoric.

He said the rapprochement, while not directed against Israel, could evolve into a broader regional alliance that may include major countries, such as Pakistan.

Oglu said military cooperation between Egypt and Türkiye is likely to deepen further and expand across multiple arenas, increasing their influence in the region, without leading to a direct confrontation with Israel.


Sudanese Schoolchildren Race to Make Up for Years Lost to War

Displaced Sudanese students attend a class at an elementary school run by the Sudanese Coalition for Education in partnership with the United Nations International Children's Emergency Fund (UNICEF), south of Port Sudan, on April 26, 2026. (AFP)
Displaced Sudanese students attend a class at an elementary school run by the Sudanese Coalition for Education in partnership with the United Nations International Children's Emergency Fund (UNICEF), south of Port Sudan, on April 26, 2026. (AFP)
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Sudanese Schoolchildren Race to Make Up for Years Lost to War

Displaced Sudanese students attend a class at an elementary school run by the Sudanese Coalition for Education in partnership with the United Nations International Children's Emergency Fund (UNICEF), south of Port Sudan, on April 26, 2026. (AFP)
Displaced Sudanese students attend a class at an elementary school run by the Sudanese Coalition for Education in partnership with the United Nations International Children's Emergency Fund (UNICEF), south of Port Sudan, on April 26, 2026. (AFP)

Sudanese 13-year-old Afrah wants to become a surgeon, and nothing will stop her, not even the war that has ravaged her country and forced millions of children out of school.

Quiet and determined, she kept learning on her own for months, uprooted by the now three-year conflict between Sudan's army and the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF).

"I would study my lessons again and again," she told AFP at a displacement camp in Port Sudan, where she is again receiving an education thanks to UNICEF and local organization SCEFA.

Afrah is one of more than 25 million minors in Sudan, or half the total population, of whom eight million are currently out of school, according to the UN children's agency.

At the Al-Hishan camp, tents arranged in a square function as an elementary school for more than 1,000 children -- nearly a third of whom required an accelerated curriculum to make up for lost time.

Laughter fills the camp now, but most of the children arrived traumatized by horrors including starvation and rocket fire.

Their drawings, educators said, were at first dominated by war: depictions of the tanks, weapons and death they saw as their families fled.

"They come here scared, exhausted, isolated, but over time you see their drawings change," UNICEF spokesperson Mira Nasser told AFP.

"They start to adapt and process."

In one tent, children repeated hand-washing instructions after a social worker, while in another, they recited a poem in choral unison.

Elsewhere, a teacher -- herself displaced and living at the camp -- explained chemical and physical reactions to her class, as her three-year-old son pulled at her skirt.

"These children's future is at stake, and education is itself a form of protection," Nasser said.

"Here they can at least get a sense of normalcy, even in a displacement site. They can resume their education, they can play, they can make friends."

Displaced Sudanese students attend a class at an elementary school run by the Sudanese Coalition for Education in partnership with the United Nations International Children's Emergency Fund (UNICEF), south of Port Sudan, on April 26, 2026. (AFP)

- DIY operation -

Awatef al-Ghaly, a 48-year-old Arabic teacher who was displaced from North Darfur, remembered her first days at the site, when thousands of families were left listless with their kids in tow.

"There were 60 teachers here. We just got to work," she told AFP, at the same empty plot where they started, in the shadow of the Red Sea mountains.

They lined the students up by grade, threw together a schedule and started going through old lessons.

Soad Awadallah, 52, taught English for four decades in South Darfur before arriving in Port Sudan.

"It took a lot of patience, we had the kids all sat on the ground at first," she said, gesturing towards the rows of desks that now fill the tents, a welcome addition even if students have to squeeze in four to a bench.

According to Nasser, because of the time that students lost, ranging from months to years, "some even forgot how to read and write".

But their determination was indomitable, and the makeshift school recently graduated its first class from elementary to middle school, Ghaly said with pride.

"Even when things were difficult, in the heat of summer with bugs everywhere, the kids wanted to learn," she said.

Before the final exam, "some of them would follow us teachers home begging for more review sessions".

Sudanese students leave a school operated by the Sudanese Coalition for Education for All, in partnership with the United Nations International Children's Emergency Fund (UNICEF), south of Port Sudan on April 26, 2026. (AFP)

- 'Want to help people' -

Fatma, 16, wants to become a psychiatrist to help those hurt by the fighting in Sudan.

"This war has destroyed people emotionally... My father was in the main market in Khartoum when the RSF went through killing people. He ran away, and he still feels that pain," she told AFP.

"When I sit with the social worker, I feel better. I want to help people like that."

One little girl, who came up to an AFP journalist's hip, was missing her right arm, amputated after she was wounded in the capital Khartoum.

She high-fived with her left hand.

Across Sudan, five million children are internally displaced, according to UNICEF. Millions are going hungry, including over 825,000 children under five suffering severe acute malnutrition.

The use of child soldiers has been reported across the country, and rampant sexual violence against minors has prevented many from returning to school even in areas now safe from the fighting.

Many just want to go home.

"I miss my friends and my family, I miss my school in Khartoum -- it was full of trees," 14-year-old Ibrahim said.

But he has a goal. "I want to become a petroleum engineer," he told AFP, as the sound of children playing outside filled the tent.

During recess, dozens of pupils dashed around their teachers, laughing, playing and making hearts at AFP's cameras.

One boy named Rizeq, clad in a red Manchester United jersey, steeled himself and walked up to the adults.

His voice a little shaky but his chest puffed out, he said: "I want more English classes in the evening."


Timeline of Decades of Conflict Between Israel and Hezbollah

 Mourners carry coffins during a funeral ceremony of four Hezbollah fighters and two civilians, amid a temporary ceasefire between Lebanon and Israel, in the village of Maaroub, southern Lebanon, April 26, 2026. (Reuters)
Mourners carry coffins during a funeral ceremony of four Hezbollah fighters and two civilians, amid a temporary ceasefire between Lebanon and Israel, in the village of Maaroub, southern Lebanon, April 26, 2026. (Reuters)
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Timeline of Decades of Conflict Between Israel and Hezbollah

 Mourners carry coffins during a funeral ceremony of four Hezbollah fighters and two civilians, amid a temporary ceasefire between Lebanon and Israel, in the village of Maaroub, southern Lebanon, April 26, 2026. (Reuters)
Mourners carry coffins during a funeral ceremony of four Hezbollah fighters and two civilians, amid a temporary ceasefire between Lebanon and Israel, in the village of Maaroub, southern Lebanon, April 26, 2026. (Reuters)

The ongoing war between Israel and the Lebanese armed group Hezbollah is far from the first conflict between them. The two have an enmity that goes back more than four decades, with outbursts of fighting or outright war punctuated by periods of tense calm.

Here is a timeline of some significant events in the hostilities between the two:

1982: Israel invades Lebanon in an offensive against the Palestine Liberation Organization and allied groups. Hezbollah is formed, with Iranian backing and based on the Iran's revolution model, to fight Israel’s ensuing occupation of southern Lebanon. It launches a guerrilla war against Israel.

1992: Hezbollah leader Abbas Mousawi is killed by an Israeli helicopter attack. His successor is Hassan Nasrallah, who will lead the group for the next three decades.

1996: Israel launches an offensive aiming to push Hezbollah north of the Litani River, some 30 kilometers (20 miles) from the border. Israeli artillery shelling on a United Nations compound housing hundreds of displaced people in Qana kills at least 100 civilians and wounds scores more.

2000: After a long war of attrition, Israel withdraws its forces from southern Lebanon, which is heralded around the Arab world as a major victory for Hezbollah.

2006: Hezbollah fighters ambush an Israeli patrol, killing three Israeli soldiers and taking two hostage in a cross-border raid, sparking a monthlong war between Hezbollah and Israel that ends in a draw. Israeli bombardment razes villages and residential blocks in southern Lebanon and Beirut's southern suburbs, a scorched-earth approach that is dubbed the “Dahiyeh Doctrine.”

2008: Imad Mughniyeh, Hezbollah’s military chief, is killed when a bomb planted in his car exploded in Damascus. The assassination is blamed on Israel.

2012: Hezbollah enters the Syrian civil war in support of then-President Bashar Assad. In the years that follow, Israel begins periodically carrying out airstrikes in Syria targeting Iranian and Hezbollah facilities and officials or weapons shipments that it said were bound for Hezbollah. Israel still avoided carrying out strikes on Hezbollah on Lebanese territory during this period.

OCT. 8, 2023: One day after the Hamas-led attack in southern Israel sparks the war in Gaza, Hezbollah fires missiles across the border. Israel responds with airstrikes and shelling and the two enter into a low-level conflict that initially remains mainly confined to the border area.

SEPT. 17, 2024: Israel launches an attack in Lebanon using remotely-triggered explosive-laden pagers issued to Hezbollah fighters and civilian employees. A day later, a similar attack targets walkie-talkies. The attacks kill dozens of people and maim thousands, most of them Hezbollah members but also including women and children.

SEPT. 27, 2024: Hassan Nasrallah is killed in a series of massive airstrikes in Beirut's southern suburbs.

NOV. 27, 2024: A US-brokered ceasefire nominally ends the Israel-Hezbollah war. Israel continues to carry out regular strikes in Lebanon that it says aim to stop Hezbollah from rebuilding.

MARCH 2, 2026: Two days after Israel and the US attacked Iran, triggering a wide-reaching war in the Middle East, Hezbollah launches missiles toward Israel. It says the salvo is in retaliation for the killing of Iranian Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei and for “repeated Israeli aggressions” in Lebanon.