2-Month Idlib Campaign Nets Little for Syrian Regime

A man looks on at the site of a rocket attack by Syrian regime forces and their allies on the village of Kafr Nabl, south of Idlib. (AFP)
A man looks on at the site of a rocket attack by Syrian regime forces and their allies on the village of Kafr Nabl, south of Idlib. (AFP)
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2-Month Idlib Campaign Nets Little for Syrian Regime

A man looks on at the site of a rocket attack by Syrian regime forces and their allies on the village of Kafr Nabl, south of Idlib. (AFP)
A man looks on at the site of a rocket attack by Syrian regime forces and their allies on the village of Kafr Nabl, south of Idlib. (AFP)

Two months of intensive airstrikes by Syrian regime forces and their Russian allies, coupled with a fierce ground assault on opposition-controlled Idlib province, have killed hundreds of people and caused massive displacement while achieving little to no gain for regime leader Bashar Assad, said The Associated Press Saturday.

Despite the heavy bombardment, Assad's forces have been unable to make any significant advances against al-Qaida-linked militants and other extremist groups who dominate Idlib province, the last significant area held by opposition forces. Militant attacks have killed an average of more than a dozen soldiers and allied militiamen a day in recent weeks.

The struggling campaign underscores the limits of Syria's and Russia's airpower and inability to achieve a definitive victory in the country's long-running war, now in its eighth year.

With crucial military assistance from Russia and Iran, regime forces have in the past few years recovered most other opposition-held parts of the country with crushing offensives and long-running sieges. In each of those places, the opposition factions either surrendered or were forcibly exiled to Idlib, where they are now cornered with nowhere left to go. Bitter and desperate, they can only fight to the end.

Sam Heller, a Syria expert with the International Crisis Group who closely follows the situation in the opposition-controlled area, said, "Idlib's armed opposition may not be able to win an open battle for the northwest, but they can make a Syrian regime victory terribly costly, maybe intolerably so."

Politically, Idlib reflects the tug of war among international players supporting opposing sides of Syria's conflict, said the AP.

A ceasefire brokered last September by Russia, a key ally of Assad, and Turkey, which supports the opposition, collapsed on April 30 when the regime began its offensive following months of violations by both sides. Turkey, which hosts 3 million Syrian refugees, fears a full-blown regime offensive would cause a new wave of displaced people heading toward its border, but it has been unable — or some say, unwilling — to control the opposition in Idlib that it supports.

Crucially, Iran-backed fighters, including members of Lebanon's Hezbollah party whose participation has been key in previous battles, have not joined fight for Idlib, deeming the region a low priority, unlike more strategic areas bordering Iraq and Lebanon. Even Russia hasn't thrown all its weight into the fray and has continued to talk to Turkey about ways to reinstate the ceasefire.

Rather than a full-blown offensive to recover the province, which is packed with 3 million people, Assad's regime has for now restricted its assault to the edges of the province with the aim of reopening key highways crossing through opposition-held areas. But even that has proved futile as the opposition factions fight back aggressively.

According to the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights, a war monitor, 2,443 people have been killed since April 30. They include 629 civilians, among them 159 children. The dead also include 869 pro-regime fighters and troops as well as 945 opposition fighters, according to the Observatory. Many more have been wounded and many villages destroyed, with the United Nations saying the fighting has displaced more than 330,000 from their homes. Many of them now live in overcrowded tents near the border with Turkey.

Spearheading the offensive on Idlib and northern parts of the central province of Hama is the regime’s elite Tiger Force led by Brig. Gen. Suheil al-Hassan, a Russian-backed Syrian officer who took credit for some of the biggest regime victories in the eight-year conflict, said the AP.

But he has not succeeded in breaking Idlib's defenses and remains deadlocked. According to opposition activists, elite forces from the Republican Guards and the Fourth Division led by Assad's younger brother, Maher, have recently started taking part in the offensive.

Opposition activists say regime forces and their Russian allies have been targeting schools and medical centers, reportedly killing 10 medical staff since the offensive began, to make it difficult for the local population to stay. The tactic has been used by regime elsewhere in Syria. Airstrikes have also targeted paramedics, killing four ambulance workers in recent weeks, activists say.

The Idlib offensive began with regime forces capturing more than a dozen villages, including Qalaat al-Madiq and Kfar Nabudah, which are considered the militants' first line of defense of Idlib. Since then, Kfar Nabudah has changed hands several times. Opposition factions later took regime forces by surprise by launching an offensive and opening another front, in which they succeeded in capturing the villages of Madraset al-Dahra, Tel Milh and Jubain. Repeated regime attacks to retake the area were unsuccessful.

Mohammed al-Ali, a journalist based in Idlib province, said that two months into the offensive the regime now only controls the village of Qassabiyeh in Idlib as well as some dozen villages in northern Hama province and the town of Qalaat al-Madiq.

Al-Ali said one of the opposition's biggest successes was opening the new front, in which they cut a main road linking the central city of Hama with regime-held villages on the edge of Idlib.

"The opposition's steadfastness and regime's heavy losses made them fail to achieve advances similar to those they did at the start," he said of the regime offensive. He said anti-tank missiles were key in slowing the regime's offensive.

The battle could last for months and claim more lives unless Turkey, Iran and Russia reach a new deal for the region similar to last year's ceasefire. The faltering offensive could encourage Russia to reach such a deal with Turkey.

Turkey's presidential spokesman, Ibrahim Kalin, said Ankara is planning to host a summit between the leaders of the three nations in August to discuss Syria, mainly Idlib.

"The Syrian regime’s inability so far to make more headway in Idlib does not mean it cannot ultimately achieve victory nationwide," Heller, of Crisis Group, said. "It does show, however, that its military victory is contingent on politics that are bigger than just Syria."



Yemen’s Presidential Leadership Council Praises Saudi Arabia’s Continued Support

Yemeni Presidential Leadership Council meeting in Riyadh (Asharq Al-Awsat)
Yemeni Presidential Leadership Council meeting in Riyadh (Asharq Al-Awsat)
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Yemen’s Presidential Leadership Council Praises Saudi Arabia’s Continued Support

Yemeni Presidential Leadership Council meeting in Riyadh (Asharq Al-Awsat)
Yemeni Presidential Leadership Council meeting in Riyadh (Asharq Al-Awsat)

Yemen’s Presidential Leadership Council renewed its appreciation to the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia for its continued support of the Yemeni people, the Saudi Press Agency said on Saturday.

The council praised the Kingdom’s leadership under Custodian of the Two Holy Mosques King Salman bin Abdulaziz Al Saud and Prince Mohammed bin Salman bin Abdulaziz Al Saud, Crown Prince and Prime Minister, for their sincere and steadfast positions in backing Yemen. It also commended Saudi Arabia’s dedicated efforts to enhance security and stability, strengthen state institutions, and provide generous humanitarian and development assistance.

The remarks were made during a meeting of the Presidential Leadership Council held on Friday in Riyadh.

The meeting reviewed local developments across various levels, including progress toward restoring recovery and normalizing conditions in the temporary capital, Aden, and in the liberated governorates.

Discussions also focused on the ongoing efforts of local authorities, as well as security and military agencies, to stabilize the situation and advance institutional performance.


Lebanese Army Chief Faces Labeling Dispute During Washington Visit

Lebanese Army Commander General Rodolphe Haykal during his visit to Washington (Lebanese Army Command)
Lebanese Army Commander General Rodolphe Haykal during his visit to Washington (Lebanese Army Command)
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Lebanese Army Chief Faces Labeling Dispute During Washington Visit

Lebanese Army Commander General Rodolphe Haykal during his visit to Washington (Lebanese Army Command)
Lebanese Army Commander General Rodolphe Haykal during his visit to Washington (Lebanese Army Command)

What was meant to be a routine visit by Lebanese Army Commander General Rodolphe Haykal to Washington to discuss military support and aid coordination turned into a political flashpoint, after a brief meeting with US Senator Lindsey Graham ignited a dispute over whether the army chief would describe Hezbollah as a “terrorist organization.”

The controversy was sparked by a brief meeting with hardline Republican Senator Lindsey Graham, who publicly said he cut the meeting short after Haykal declined to use the designation in what he called the “context of Lebanon.”

What happened in the Graham meeting

In a post on X, Graham said: “I just had a very brief meeting with the Lebanese Chief of Defense General Rodolphe Haykal. I asked him point blank if he believes Hezbollah is a terrorist organization. He said, “No, not in the context of Lebanon.” With that, I ended the meeting.”

“They are clearly a terrorist organization. Hezbollah has American blood on its hands. Just ask the US Marines,” he added.

“They have been designated as a foreign terrorist organization by both Republican and Democrat administrations since 1997 – for good reason.”

“As long as this attitude exists from the Lebanese Armed Forces, I don’t think we have a reliable partner in them.”

“I am tired of the double speak in the Middle East. Too much is at stake,” Graham concluded.

The reaction went beyond expressions of displeasure. Some US coverage suggested Graham effectively raised questions about the “usefulness” of continuing support for the Lebanese army if such a gap persists between the US position and Lebanon’s official language.

Haykal’s answer raises its cost in Washington

Inside Lebanon, the issue is not limited to the stance on Hezbollah. Still, it extends to the army’s role as a unifying institution in a country whose political balance rests on sectarian arrangements and deep sensitivities.

Adopting an external designation, even a US one, in official language by the head of the military could be interpreted domestically as a move that risks triggering political and sectarian division or drawing the army into confrontation with a component that has organized political and popular representation.

That explains why Lebanese voices, including some critics of Hezbollah, defended the logic that “the state does not adopt this classification.” Therefore, the army commander cannot formally do so.

In other words, Haykal sought to avoid two conflicting languages: Washington’s legal and political framing of Hezbollah, and the Lebanese state’s language, which walks a fine line between the demand for exclusive state control over arms and the avoidance of reproducing internal fractures.

US State Department position

Amid the controversy surrounding the Graham meeting, an official US position emerged on Tuesday through the US Embassy in Beirut, welcoming the visit and focusing on the core US message.

The statement said that “the Lebanese Armed Forces’ ongoing work to disarm non-state actors and reinforce national sovereignty as Lebanon’s security guarantor is more important than ever.”

The wording was notable because it separated two levels: continued US reliance on the army as a state institution, and, in practice, linking that reliance to the issue of disarming non-state actors.

The phrase avoids direct naming but, in the Lebanese context, is widely understood to refer primarily to Hezbollah.

The visit’s broader track

Despite the political awkwardness, Haykal’s visit was not reduced to a single meeting. He held senior-level military talks, including meetings with US Central Command chief Admiral Brad Cooper and Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff General Dan Caine.

According to a statement from a Joint Chiefs spokesperson, the meeting “reaffirmed the importance of enduring US defense relationships in the Middle East.”

The visit coincided with broader discussions in Washington on support for the Lebanese army and plans to extend state authority, as international reports spoke of Lebanon entering new phases of a plan to dismantle illegal weapons structures in the south and north.

The army commander’s visit had initially been delayed for reasons that add another layer to understanding Washington’s sensitivity to the military’s language.

In November 2025, sources quoted the US State Department as saying Washington canceled scheduled meetings with the Lebanese army commander after objecting to an army statement on border tensions with Israel, prompting the visit to be postponed to avoid a pre-emptive political failure.


Egypt Steps Up Efforts to Support Gaza Administration Committee After Entry Stalled

Displaced Palestinians inspect the damage after Israeli aircraft targeted a five floor house last night, in Khan Younis southern Gaza Strip on February 6, 2026. (AFP)
Displaced Palestinians inspect the damage after Israeli aircraft targeted a five floor house last night, in Khan Younis southern Gaza Strip on February 6, 2026. (AFP)
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Egypt Steps Up Efforts to Support Gaza Administration Committee After Entry Stalled

Displaced Palestinians inspect the damage after Israeli aircraft targeted a five floor house last night, in Khan Younis southern Gaza Strip on February 6, 2026. (AFP)
Displaced Palestinians inspect the damage after Israeli aircraft targeted a five floor house last night, in Khan Younis southern Gaza Strip on February 6, 2026. (AFP)

Egypt is intensifying efforts to back the National Committee for the Administration of Gaza, hoping it can begin operating inside the enclave to implement commitments under the second phase of the ceasefire agreement, which started about two weeks ago but has yet to take shape on the ground.

Experts told Asharq Al-Awsat that those Egyptian efforts, through phone calls and meetings with international partners, are focused on two main objectives: pushing for the deployment of police forces and an international stabilization force on the one hand, and securing a gradual Israeli withdrawal on the other, increasing pressure on Israel to move the agreement forward.

A member of the administration committee said in a brief phone statement to Asharq Al-Awsat, speaking on condition of anonymity, that there is still no specific date for entering the enclave.

In the Slovenian capital, Ljubljana, Egyptian Foreign Minister Badr Abdelatty stressed Cairo’s full support for the work of the committee headed by Dr. Ali Shaath.

He made the remarks during a dialogue session of the Arab-Islamic committee on Gaza with Slovenian Foreign Minister Tanja Fajon.

The foreign ministers of Saudi Arabia, Jordan, and Bahrain attended the meeting. Abdelatty stressed the importance of the committee’s role in managing the daily affairs of Gaza’s residents and meeting their basic needs during the transitional phase.

He underscored the need to ensure the continued flow of humanitarian and relief aid into the enclave, as well as the formation and deployment of an international stabilization force to monitor the ceasefire.

Abdelatty reiterated his stance during a phone call on Friday with British Foreign Secretary Yvette Cooper.

The Gaza committee, established under the ceasefire agreement, operates under the supervision of the Board of Peace, chaired by US President Donald Trump. The committee has been holding meetings in Cairo since it was announced last month and has yet to enter Gaza.

Ahmed Fouad Anwar, a member of the Egyptian Council for Foreign Affairs and an academic specializing in Israeli affairs, said Egypt is making significant efforts to facilitate the committee’s mission as quickly as possible and enable it to operate.

He said this would limit Israeli obstacles, increase pressure on Israel, and place it under the obligations set out in the plan, particularly withdrawal from Gaza. This would counter intense pressure from Tel Aviv to accelerate the disarmament of Hamas without implementing its Gaza agreement commitments.

Palestinian political analyst Abdel Mahdi Motawea said Israel objected not only to the committee’s work but even to its emblem.

He noted, however, that Israel is not the only party hindering the committee. Hamas and other factions want to impose conditions on the committee’s work.

He warned of serious concerns that the committee could be marginalized, stressing that Egypt’s extensive efforts to support it are crucial at this critical stage of the Gaza agreement.

Hamas announced days ago that it was ready to hand over management of the enclave to the committee, while Israel continues to obstruct it.

Anwar expects the committee to begin operating in the enclave soon if Egypt’s efforts and those of international partners succeed and Washington responds positively.

He warned that the committee's failure would threaten the ceasefire agreement.