ISIS Exploits Iraq's Virus Lockdown, Political Deadlock to Resurge

An Iraqi fighter with the Popular Mobilisation Forces inspects the site of the ISIS group attack in Mukaishefah, north of Baghdad | AFP
An Iraqi fighter with the Popular Mobilisation Forces inspects the site of the ISIS group attack in Mukaishefah, north of Baghdad | AFP
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ISIS Exploits Iraq's Virus Lockdown, Political Deadlock to Resurge

An Iraqi fighter with the Popular Mobilisation Forces inspects the site of the ISIS group attack in Mukaishefah, north of Baghdad | AFP
An Iraqi fighter with the Popular Mobilisation Forces inspects the site of the ISIS group attack in Mukaishefah, north of Baghdad | AFP

Remnants of the ISIS terrorist group in Iraq are exploiting a coronavirus lockdown, coalition troop withdrawals and simmering political disputes to ramp up deadly attacks, according to analysts and intelligence officials.

The bloodiest so far was an ambush early Saturday that killed 10 Iraqi fighters north of Baghdad that observers say demonstrated a new escalation in the jihadist group's tactics but one that could still be contained.

Iraq declared ISIS defeated in late 2017 but sleeper cells have survived in remote northern and western areas, where security gaps mean the group wages occasional attacks.

They have spiked since early April as jihadists plant explosives, fire on police patrols and launch mortars and rockets at villages, local security sources told AFP.

"Combat operations have reached a level we haven't seen in a while," said Iraqi security expert Hisham al-Hashemi.

He said ISIS militants were using abandoned villages to edge towards urban areas, looking to re-establish funding mechanisms, smuggling routes, and hideouts while targeting local infrastructure and officials to cause panic.

Days before early Saturday's ambush -- which was multi-pronged and took place in Salahaddin province -- the militants claimed a suicide attack that wounded four people outside an intelligence headquarters in Kirkuk, a restive northern province.

An intelligence officer there said ISIS had tripled its attacks in Kirkuk in April compared to March.

In the rural Diyala region northeast of Baghdad, daily attacks on agricultural fields have terrified farmers and recalled memories of ISIS' steady build-up across Iraq.

Adnan Ghadban, a tribal sheikh in the city of Baquba, said two of his relatives were shot in their fields last week by ISIS militants. They both remained in a critical condition, he added.

"What's happening now is taking us back to 2014," he said, referring to the year when ISIS seized swathes of the country in a lightning offensive.

- 'Opportunistic increase' -

In part, the escalation may be linked to security units being redeployed to enforce a nationwide lockdown aimed at curbing the spread of the novel coronavirus, which has infected more than 2,000 people and killed over 90 in Iraq.

"These fighters took advantage of the fact that security forces were busy with imposing the curfew and began to move around much more freely," Ghadban told AFP.

The jihadists could also be exploiting the political deadlock in Baghdad, where top leaders are focused on tense talks over a new government, the consequences of a collapse in global oil prices and budget disputes with autonomous Kurdish authorities.

"ISIS fighters have sensors on the political situation. Every time it deteriorates, they opportunistically increase their activity," said Fadel Abu Raghif, an Iraqi analyst focused on political and security affairs.

Abu Raghif and the Kirkuk intelligence officer said a significant troop drawdown by the 7,500-strong US-led coalition had also paved the way for IS to boost attacks.

The international alliance deployed in Iraq in 2014 to help local troops defeat the jihadists by providing airstrikes, advice, surveillance, and combat support.

Seeing that the threat from ISIS had "shifted", the coalition has pulled out of five Iraqi bases in recent weeks, including in Kirkuk and ISIS' former stronghold of Mosul.

It also redeployed hundreds of trainers out of the country indefinitely, as Iraqi security forces had halted training programs to limit possible COVID-19 transmissions.

Despite years of training, the US Defense Department assessed this year that Iraqi troops were still unable to adequately collect and use intelligence in anti-IS raids on their own, or maintain operations in tough terrain without coalition help.

"Without a US troop presence in Iraq, ISIS would likely resurge," the Pentagon's inspector general wrote.

- 'Crude, elementary' -

Still, analysts and observers said the recent wave of ISIS attacks did not mean the group could once again threaten cities like it did in 2014.

"ISIS will not be able to return to its former size," said Abu Raghif, meaning the UK-sized "caliphate" that the militants declared across swathes of Iraq and Syria.

A senior official in the US-led coalition told AFP it had noted "successful low-level attacks" by ISIS in recent weeks but did not consider them a "substantial uptick".

"It's not just the number of the attacks but what's the quality of the attack? Is it complex? What equipment or tactics were used? Most of what we've seen has been crude and elementary," the official said.

Sam Heller, an independent analyst focused on militant groups, said the recent shift hardly compares to the peak of ISIS activity around the creation of the "caliphate".

Instead, they were "seemingly indicative of the group's more aggressive posture, not necessarily new and impressive capabilities," he wrote.



Israeli Defense Minister: We Will Never Withdraw our Forces from Gaza

Israeli Defense Minister Israel Katz. (dpa)
Israeli Defense Minister Israel Katz. (dpa)
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Israeli Defense Minister: We Will Never Withdraw our Forces from Gaza

Israeli Defense Minister Israel Katz. (dpa)
Israeli Defense Minister Israel Katz. (dpa)

Israeli Defense Minister Israel Katz said on Tuesday that Israel “will never withdraw from the Gaza Strip,” announcing that new settlement outposts will be established in the northern part of the enclave “when the appropriate time comes.”

Israeli media reported that Katz made the remarks during a ceremony held in Beit El, stating: “We will do this in the right way and at the right time. There will be those who protest, but we are ministers.”


A Shaky Start for Lebanon’s Financial Gap Bill

Depositors hold protest banners against the draft deposit recovery law during popular demonstrations on the road to the Presidential Palace (Asharq Al-Awsat). 
Depositors hold protest banners against the draft deposit recovery law during popular demonstrations on the road to the Presidential Palace (Asharq Al-Awsat). 
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A Shaky Start for Lebanon’s Financial Gap Bill

Depositors hold protest banners against the draft deposit recovery law during popular demonstrations on the road to the Presidential Palace (Asharq Al-Awsat). 
Depositors hold protest banners against the draft deposit recovery law during popular demonstrations on the road to the Presidential Palace (Asharq Al-Awsat). 

A widening wave of objections in Lebanon to the draft “financial gap” bill has exposed the hurdles facing its passage in parliament.

Prepared by a ministerial and legal committee chaired by Prime Minister Nawaf Salam, the bill has drawn resistance from influential political and sectoral actors, bolstering the opposition voiced by depositors’ associations and the banking lobby.

Conflicting ministerial positions ahead of Monday’s special cabinet session to review the final draft underscore the sharp disputes likely to intensify once the bill is formally sent to parliament, a senior financial official told Asharq Al-Awsat.

With parliamentary elections due next spring, candidates are wary of confronting voters or powerful interest groups.

According to the government’s forthcoming brief, the bill marks the end of years of disorder and the start of a clear path to restore rights, protect social stability, and rebuild confidence in the financial system after six years of paralysis, silent erosion of deposits, and crisis mismanagement.

It is framed not as a narrow technical fix, but as a strategic shift, from denying losses and letting them fall haphazardly, to acknowledging and organizing them within an enforceable legal framework.

The government argues the plan would protect about 85% of depositors by enabling access to a guaranteed portion of savings, up to $100,000 over four years, while preserving the nominal value of all deposits via central bank–guaranteed bonds maturing in 10, 15, and 20 years.

Banks, however, have openly declared their “fundamental reservations and strong objection” to the bill on financial regularization and deposit treatment.

Professional associations and unions have joined depositors’ groups in opposing proposals they say would load the bulk of losses onto depositors, either through direct haircuts or by stretching repayment over one to two decades.

The Beirut Order of Engineers added its voice, warning that the near-final draft manages collapse rather than delivers reform, distributing losses unfairly at the expense of depositors and productive sectors, and failing to explicitly protect union funds.

Legal objections have also surfaced over provisions with retroactive effect, taxes, levies, and accounting adjustments applied to transfers made after the crisis erupted in autumn 2019, as well as to past deposit returns.

Banks say such measures constitute an unjustified infringement of rights and lack sound legal and financial grounding or precedent.

The financial official noted that these retroactive elements could be challenged before the State Council, as they contradict the principle that laws apply only after promulgation. Most transactions, he added, were conducted under then-valid laws and central bank approvals.

By contrast, previous governments compelled the central bank to spend more than $11 billion on poorly controlled subsidies, much of which was smuggled abroad, notably to Syrian markets.

Banks insist that any credible solution must begin with a precise, transparent assessment of the financial gap at the Central Bank, based on audited, unified accounts and realistic financial modeling.

They argue that the plan effectively wipes out banks’ capital and - under loss-sharing rules set by Law 23/2025 - ultimately hits depositors, while the state avoids settling its debts to the central bank or covering its balance-sheet shortfall.

 

 

 


Gazans Fear Renewed Displacement after Israeli Strikes

This overview shows a destroyed mosque and other buildings in Khan Younis in the southern Gaza Strip on October 7, 2024 on the first anniversary of the ongoing war in the Palestinian territory between Israel and Hamas. (AFP)
This overview shows a destroyed mosque and other buildings in Khan Younis in the southern Gaza Strip on October 7, 2024 on the first anniversary of the ongoing war in the Palestinian territory between Israel and Hamas. (AFP)
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Gazans Fear Renewed Displacement after Israeli Strikes

This overview shows a destroyed mosque and other buildings in Khan Younis in the southern Gaza Strip on October 7, 2024 on the first anniversary of the ongoing war in the Palestinian territory between Israel and Hamas. (AFP)
This overview shows a destroyed mosque and other buildings in Khan Younis in the southern Gaza Strip on October 7, 2024 on the first anniversary of the ongoing war in the Palestinian territory between Israel and Hamas. (AFP)

When her children, trembling with fear, ask where the family can go to escape Israel's continued bombardment in southern Gaza's Khan Yunis area, Umm Ahmed has no answer.

In her small, devastated village near Khan Yunis city, recent Israeli drone and artillery strikes shattered the tenuous sense of peace delivered by a ceasefire that has largely held since October 10, AFP said.

Residents say the strikes have targeted neighborhoods east of the so-called Yellow Line -- a demarcation established under the truce between Israel and Hamas.

The Israeli military says its troops are deployed in the area in accordance with the ceasefire framework, accusing Hamas militants of "crossing the Yellow Line and carrying out terrorist activities".

More than two years after Hamas's October 7 attack on Israel sparked a devastating war, tens of thousands of Gazans still live in tents or damaged homes in these areas, where the Israeli army maintains control and operates checkpoints.

Now, many fear being forced from their homes, compelled to move west of the Yellow Line.

"We don't sleep at night because of fear. The bombardments in the east are relentless," said Umm Ahmed, 40.

"My children tremble at every explosion and ask me, 'Where can we go?' And I have no answer."

Her home in Bani Suheila has been completely destroyed, yet the family has stayed, pitching a tent beside the ruins.

"Staying close to our destroyed home is easier than facing the unknown," Umm Ahmed said.

Crossing the Yellow Line to Al-Mawasi, west of Khan Yunis, is not an option for them.

There, makeshift camps stretch as far as the eye can see, housing tens of thousands of Palestinians who fled the fighting.

"There is no place left for anyone there, and not enough food or water," Umm Ahmed said, as Gaza remains trapped in a catastrophic humanitarian crisis.

- 'We will not leave' -

The Israeli military blames continued threats from the Hamas group for its actions in the area.

The Israeli military said in a statement to AFP that the army’s “current operations in Gaza, and their deployment in the Yellow Line area in particular, are carried out to address direct threats from terrorist organizations in Gaza.”

The war in Gaza began with Hamas's attack on Israel on October 7, 2023 that resulted in the deaths of 1,221 people, mostly civilians, according to an AFP tally based on official Israeli figures.

Since the war began, more than 70,000 people have been killed in Gaza, according to the Hamas-run territory's health ministry.

The vast majority of Gaza's more than two million residents were displaced during the war, many multiple times.

A fragile ceasefire has been in place since October 10, though both sides regularly accuse each other of violations.

Under the truce, Israeli forces withdrew to positions east of the Yellow Line.

Earlier this month, Israeli army chief Lieutenant General Eyal Zamir described the Yellow Line as the "new border line" with Israel.

"The Yellow Line is a new border line -- serving as a forward defensive line for our communities and a line of operational activity," he said to reserve soldiers in Gaza.

For Palestinian officials, the line is seen as a tool for permanent displacement.

"The objective is to frighten residents, expel them from their areas, and force them west," said Alaa al-Batta, mayor of Khan Yunis, denouncing the bombardments as "violations of the ceasefire agreement".

Mahmud Baraka, 45, from Khuzaa, east of Khan Yunis, described constant artillery fire and home demolitions in the area.

"It feels like we are still living in a war zone," he said.

"Explosions happen as if they are right next to us. The objective of the occupation is clear: to intimidate us and drive us out, so the region is emptied."

For now, residents feel trapped between bombardment and displacement, uncertain how long they can endure.

Despite the danger, Abdel Hamid, 70, refuses to leave his home located north of Khan Yunis, where he lives with his five children.

"We will not leave... this is our land," he said.

"Moving would not be a solution, but yet another tragedy."