Ending Cross-Border Aid Is a 'Death Sentence' for the Syrian People, Woodward Tells Asharq Al-Awsat

UK Ambassador to the UN Says 'Iran Is Part of the Problem' and the Houthis Has to Agree on a Ceasefire

Dame Barbara Woodward, UK Ambassador to the United Nations
Dame Barbara Woodward, UK Ambassador to the United Nations
TT

Ending Cross-Border Aid Is a 'Death Sentence' for the Syrian People, Woodward Tells Asharq Al-Awsat

Dame Barbara Woodward, UK Ambassador to the United Nations
Dame Barbara Woodward, UK Ambassador to the United Nations

What is happening in Syria is “one of the most tragic crises” in the world, the UK Permanent Representative to the United Nations Barbara Woodward told Asharq Al-Awsat. In a wide-ranging interview coinciding with the World Refugee Day, the British diplomat warned against the failure of the UN Security Council to renew the authorization to send aid to 13 million Syrians across the border from Turkey, saying that would be like a "death sentence" for the Syrian people.

Dame Woodward, whose country is a permanent member of the UN Security Council sees Iran as "part of the problem," not only in Syria, but also in Yemen, where it continues to support the Houthis instead of joining the efforts by the UN, US, Saudi Arabia, Oman and the UK to reach a settlement. A ceasefire would help move towards a political solution, and to deliver aid to 16 million Yemenis. She also touched on Libya, calling on Russia and Turkey to withdraw their forces and mercenaries from Libyan territories in accordance with the UN Security Council Resolution 2570 and what was stipulated in the agreements between the Libyans themselves.

Woodward also spoke of “great scope” of cooperation between the United Kingdom and Saudi Arabia, both bilaterally and at the global levels, to tackle major challenges such as COVID-19, climate change, and development.

Here is the full interview with Ambassador Barbara Woodward:

Our region is battered with old and new conflicts, but Syria stands out - still - as one of the worst. The Security Council tried many times to stop this war, and failed. Now there is a new administration in Washington, and of course, the summit between Presidents Biden and Putin, do you see any hope?

- You are right, Syria is one of the world's longest-running conflicts, and as we approach World Refugee Day, one of the world's most tragic refugee crises. It's one that the Security Council discusses three times a month, whether the political situation, the humanitarian crisis, and the use of chemical weapons. But the new administration in Washington has bought, I think, a breath of fresh commitment to trying to find a resolution. I know the US Permanent Representative, Ambassador Linda Thomas Greenfield, has just been to the region to see for herself the situation in Syria, and it remains very disturbing that 13 million Syrians are in urgent need of humanitarian aid, which a UN operation is doing its very best to reach into help. And that's what we'll be discussing in the Security Council next month, how we can in the face of this humanitarian crisis, as a first step, get more humanitarian aid to 13 million Syrian refugees, I mean that's more than the population of Riyadh or London, there are 2 million children in that group of 13 million. So that's why we want to see more crossing points, open for humanitarian aid, why we're calling for a ceasefire, and why we want to work towards a political solution.

But now it is all hanging on whether Russia would accept, or not accept, to keep at least this border line open for the humanitarian aid. Do you have any hints from your Russian colleagues, whether they're going to allow it this time?

- I know that it was something that was raised during the summit between President Putin and President Biden, but I don't have any hints at the moment. To be very frank to close the border now would be a death sentence for the Syrian people. So, a vote to close the border or a veto on the resolution would frankly be playing politics with the lives of Syrians, with the health and security of the region. This is about food aid, humanitarian aid, it's about getting COVID vaccines in to people stuck in northwest Syria. So I very much hope that the Russians will see the importance of not just keeping open the Bab ell Hawa crossing, but actually reopening crossings at Yaroubia at Bab el Salam, because what we've seen over the last year is that one crossing is not enough. And with the conflict continuing there's at least 20% more people, now, in need of humanitarian aid than they were before...So we will be talking very closely with the Russians in the weeks in the run-up to this crucial vote.

Besides the dire humanitarian situation for the Syrians themselves, neighboring countries like Jordan, Iraq, Lebanon, have been facing significant challenges with refugees, how would you propose that the international community help with this issue?

- This is a very topical question for World Refugee Day, the neighboring countries are carrying a huge burden of refugees, and that's why we in the UK are so committed to helping the UN humanitarian programs and the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (Filippo Grandi) who I saw only last week in order to ensure that we can bring immediate aid to refugees and then work towards ceasefires and political solutions that will find a way forward for people out of refugee camps.

Let’s be straightforward, do you see Iran as part of this solution or this problem? So where do you put Iran in this game?

- Iran has huge potential to be part of the solution, not just here, but also in other regional conflicts, but I have to be very frank and say, up until now, Iran has seemed more part of the problem with their support to the Houthis for example, with regional destabilization, with ballistic missile tests. And so we very much hope that Iran could return to playing a constructive role in the region, which would help a great deal, I think.

I’m going to move to Yemen. But before that, when it comes to refugees, what are your thoughts also about Lebanon specifically?

- The neighboring countries are shouldering a huge and enormous burden of refugees and that's of course terrible for the refugees themselves. So I think it's very important to try and work through some of these critical questions that refugees bring, not just in Lebanon, but in the neighboring countries and genuinely around the world at this stage.

As you just mentioned, Yemen is one of the worst humanitarian disasters in the world as well. We saw a lot of efforts recently from the United Nations, from the United States, from Saudi Arabia, from the United Kingdom, and others, but nothing bears any fruits. Do you see Iran playing a constructive role in this conflict?

- In Yemen, we see 16 million people in need of humanitarian assistance, a long-standing conflict (...) so Iran, I think, is not contributing to helping find a ceasefire to moving towards a political solution to getting aid into Yemen. And as you say we very much welcome the efforts of Saudi Arabia, the efforts of Oman, to try and find a way forward in this and as Martin Griffiths, the UN special envoy said to us. He has tried multiple ways to bring the parties to dialogue to see a ceasefire, to open up the ports of Hodeidah, to open the airport at Sanaa, to find a resolution to the Safer oil tanker which is effectively rusting and could spew out over a million barrels of oil into the sea. So there's a huge number of intersecting problems I think here. And again, it would be very helpful if Iran could play a constructive role but most importantly I think if the Houthis could agree to a ceasefire, and step away from this persistent violence; like the ballistic missile attacks 10 days ago in Maarib, also, the attack on a Saudi school, none of that is helping towards a ceasefire and a solution.

Now, I understand there are three contenders to replace Martin Griffiths, among which there is one British. Are you pushing for a British replacement for Martin Griffiths?

- So we very much welcome the unstinting efforts that Martin Griffiths has played along with so many actors in the region, including the recently appointed US Special Envoy Tim Linderking. I think the most important thing is that the person who succeeds Martin has his patience, his determination, his resilience, and his creative ability to try and find solutions to this. So the most important thing is for the Secretary-General (António Guterres), whose decision this is to appoint someone who has those skills and those qualities.

Should the replacement follow the same approach?

- We’ve seen the arrival of Tim Linderking for example, bringing new ideas (...) we've seen a number of creative advances from both Saudi Arabia, and from Oman. So I think there's, there's always scope for new approaches for the situation that is both evolving and deteriorating. At the same time.

I will move to Libya. This is a country also that the UK is the Penholder for in the Security Council, and are you hopeful now about Berlin 2 conference? And what are the next necessary steps in the political roadmap and the role that the UN has been playing to try to ease the remaining problems?

- We're looking forward to the Berlin Conference on the 23rd of June, I think it will be an important opportunity to take stock. There has been, I think progress in many areas, and we very much welcome the appointment of the new Special Envoy Jan Kubis and the arrival of the UN monitors, all to prepare for the elections in December, but the really critical thing in line with the Security Council resolution 2570, the really critical thing now is to see the foreign forces who remained in Libya, leave Libya. That's in line with what the Libyans have asked for. These foreign forces are destabilizing the situation, so they're not helping move towards peace and stability and move through to the electoral process. So we very much hope that Berlin will be able to discuss this and perhaps find a way forward to see the foreign forces out of Libya.

Again, there is always the Russian role, besides the Turkish role and that of others in providing new mercenaries, arms, and other stuff in this conflict. So do you see any hopes that Russia might cooperate to solve this problem?

- It’s clear that the people of Libya and the Provisional Government of Libya, want the foreign fighters to leave in line with Security Council resolution 2570 (...) so Russian forces must leave, and it's equally important that Turkish forces leave too, so I think that's the critical thing we need.

In Tigray, you said recently that the situation is worsening and probably there's going to be a man-made famine if the international community doesn't do anything. So, what do you think should be done to prevent famine and worsening the crisis there?

- I think you're completely right, the tragedy here is that this is a man-made famine. This is not about drought or locusts. This is a man-made famine, it's created by decisions taken by people in power, and it can be averted by the decisions of people in power. So the critical thing is for the Eritrean forces to withdraw. We agreed that that should happen back in March and we've now got to June, and there's no sign that it has happened so that is the most important thing that we need to see. And then of course, with 350,000 people at high risk of famine, and millions more at risk of food insecurity. The critical thing is to get food aid into the Tigray area (...) And then, what becomes critical is that we can somehow, reverse the lack of planting this year, which means that without it next year there will be famine too. So, the withdrawal of the Eritrean forces, and then the decisions by people in power to allow humanitarian aid I think are the two critical things.

In all the conflicts that you mentioned, we saw grave violations of human rights. Do you think that we can do anything without accountability in these countries?

- I think your point about human rights is very important for my foreign secretary (Dominic Raab). So one of the things that the UK has been doing has been imposing what we call Magnitsky sanctions on individuals who are responsible as we understand it for some of these violations, so we've done that in Myanmar, we've done that with respect to the situation in (Muslim-majority) Xinjiang. So, this accountability question I think is very important. And it's not just bilateral. We've seen this week Karim Khan start as a judge at the International Criminal Court, so we have international bodies to enforce accountability.

How do you see the future of the UK-Saudi relationship?

I think that's probably the area of expertise for our respective ambassadors, but I think we've had some very successful visits recently, as well as very successful high-level dialogues between our two capitals. Also, we've got strong bilateral cooperation, as well as strong multilateral cooperation, so we'll see the G20 foreign ministers meeting shortly next month, as part of our multilateral cooperation. I very much hope that we can continue to work together on tackling COVID, making contributions to Covax, working together on climate change, eliminating fossil fuels, and finding technical solutions to support some developing countries in mitigation and adaptation to climate change, as well as working together in many other areas, including development and financial assistance. I think there's a lot of scope for us to work together.

And last but not least, can you say something about the meetings that happened in the UK, like the G7, NATO and EU in Brussels, and the Biden-Putin summit in Geneva? Do you see a new atmosphere in the international community to take collective action to improve the situation in the world?

Yes, I think there are two very strong positive elements here. The UK was delighted to host the G7 Summit, which was, of course, the first in-person summit that the world has seen for more than a year. To bring together the leaders of countries that represent two-thirds of the global economy, I think, was a very significant achievement, and to see those leaders, to commit, both to aid for COVID to expand the vaccine program, to commit to further developments towards climate change, and commit to open societies and democracy, I think is a very strong statement indeed about the power of the G7 and the role that the UK is playing. Now that we've left the European Union, we remain as permanent five members of the United Nations, as members of NATO leaders of Commonwealth, we remain as we say, global Britain, a force for good in the world. And I think that global Britain force for good comes alongside the new approach of the administration of President Biden, we've heard them say very clearly that the United States is back, and that the United States is back as a multilateral player...

All this, I think, shows the important dynamic that the US is bringing to global affairs.

So I think there are some positive trends, but we need those positive trends because we do have some very big problems to solve. COVID and climate change being the most obvious ones, but there are also underlying ones like economic inequality, development, and lack of progress with the UN Sustainable Development Goals, so we do need to work together, multilaterally in the G7, in the G20 with Saudi Arabia, and in other international fora such as the UN, to try and solve these problems.



Microsoft President: Saudi Arabia is Moving from Exporting Oil to Exporting Artificial Intelligence

Naim Yazbeck, President of Microsoft for the Middle East and Africa (Microsoft) 
Naim Yazbeck, President of Microsoft for the Middle East and Africa (Microsoft) 
TT

Microsoft President: Saudi Arabia is Moving from Exporting Oil to Exporting Artificial Intelligence

Naim Yazbeck, President of Microsoft for the Middle East and Africa (Microsoft) 
Naim Yazbeck, President of Microsoft for the Middle East and Africa (Microsoft) 

As Saudi Arabia accelerates its national transformation under Vision 2030, the region’s technology landscape is undergoing a decisive shift. For the first time, “the region is not merely participating in a global transformation, it is clearly leading it,” said Naim Yazbeck, President of Microsoft for the Middle East and Africa, in an interview with Asharq Al-Awsat.

Yazbeck argued that Saudi Arabia now stands at the forefront of what he called “a historic turning point not seen in the past century,” defined by sovereign cloud infrastructure, artificial intelligence, and national innovation capabilities.

He noted that Saudi Arabia’s rapid progress is driven by clear political will, explaining that the state is not simply modernizing infrastructure, but views AI as a strategic pillar comparable to the historical role of oil. While oil underpinned the economy for decades, AI has emerged as the new resource on which the Kingdom is staking its economic future.

According to Yazbeck, the recent visit of Crown Prince and Prime Minister Mohammed bin Salman to the United States underscored this shift, with AI and advanced technologies taking center stage in discussions, reflecting Saudi Arabia’s intent to build a globally influential knowledge economy.

This direction marks the start of a new phase in which the Kingdom is no longer a consumer of imported AI technologies but a developer of local capabilities and a producer of exportable knowledge, strengthening technological sovereignty and laying the foundation for an innovation-driven economy.

A Distinctive Tech Market

Yazbeck stressed that the regional landscape, especially in Saudi Arabia, is witnessing an unprecedented shift. Gulf countries are not only deploying AI but also developing and exporting it. The Kingdom is building advanced infrastructure capable of running large-scale models and providing massive computing power, positioning it for the first time as a participant in global innovation rather than a mere technology importer.

He pointed to a common sentiment he encountered in recent meetings across Riyadh’s ministries, regulatory bodies, national institutions, and global companies: “Everyone wants to be ahead of AI, not behind it.” Ambition has translated into action through revised budgets, higher targets, and faster project timelines.

He added that Saudi institutions now demand the highest standards of data sovereignty, especially in sensitive financial, health, and education sectors. The regulatory environment is evolving rapidly; Saudi Arabia has modernized its cybersecurity, data governance, cloud, and AI frameworks faster than many countries worldwide, turning regulatory agility into a competitive asset.

Yazbeck emphasized that success is not measured by the number of AI projects but by their alignment with national priorities, productivity, healthcare, education, and cybersecurity, rather than superficial, publicity-driven initiatives.

The ‘Return on Investment’ Equation

According to the Microsoft official, building an AI-driven economy requires more than advanced data centers. It begins with long-term planning for energy production and the expansion of connectivity networks. He further said that running large models demands enormous electrical capacity and long-term stability, which the Kingdom is addressing through strategic investments in renewable energy and telecommunications.

Yazbeck said return on investment is a central question. Nationally, ROI is measured through economic growth, job creation, higher productivity, enhanced innovation, and stronger global standing. At the institutional level, tangible results are already emerging: with tools such as Copilot, employees are working faster and with higher quality, shedding routine tasks and redirecting time toward innovation. The next phase, he added, will unlock new business models, improved customer experiences, streamlined operations, and higher efficiency across sectors.

Sovereignty and Security

Digital sovereignty is now indispensable, Yazbeck said. Saudi Arabia requires cloud providers to meet the highest accreditation standards to host sensitive national systems, which are criteria Microsoft is working to fulfill ahead of launch. Once the new cloud regions in Dammam go live, they will become part of the Kingdom’s sovereign infrastructure, requiring maximum protection.

Microsoft invests billions annually in cybersecurity and has repelled unprecedented cyberattacks, an indicator of the threats national infrastructure faces. The company offers a suite of sovereign cloud solutions, data-classification tools, and hybrid options that allow flexible operation and expansion. Yazbeck noted that sovereignty is not a single concept but a spectrum that includes data protection, regulatory control, and local hosting all play critical roles.

Data: The Next Source of Advantage

Yazbeck identified data as the decisive factor in AI success. He warned that any model built on unclean data becomes a source of hallucinations. Thus, national strategy begins with assessing the readiness of Saudi Arabia’s data landscape.

He revealed that the Kingdom, working with SDAIA, the Ministry of Communications, and national companies, is constructing a vast, high-quality data ecosystem, laying the groundwork for competitive Arabic language models.

He also called for a robust framework for responsible AI, saying that speed alone is not enough. He stressed that safe and trustworthy use must be built from the start, noting that Microsoft is collaborating with national bodies to craft policies that prevent misuse, protect data, and ensure fairness and transparency.

Skills: A National Advantage

Human capability is the true engine of national power; Yazbeck underlined, pointing that infrastructure means little without talent to run and advance it. He stated that Saudi youth represent the Kingdom’s greatest competitive advantage.

Microsoft has trained more than one million Saudis over the past two years through programs with SDAIA, the Ministry of Communications, the Ministry of Education, and the MISK Foundation. Its joint AI Academy has graduated thousands of students from over 40 universities, and it has launched broad programs to train teachers on AI tools in education.

 

 


El-Mahboub Abdul Salam to Asharq Al-Awsat: Al-Turabi Was Shocked by Deputy’s Role in Mubarak Assassination Plot

Dr. El-Mahboub Abdul Salam speaks to Asharq Al-Awsat. (Asharq Al-Awsat)
Dr. El-Mahboub Abdul Salam speaks to Asharq Al-Awsat. (Asharq Al-Awsat)
TT

El-Mahboub Abdul Salam to Asharq Al-Awsat: Al-Turabi Was Shocked by Deputy’s Role in Mubarak Assassination Plot

Dr. El-Mahboub Abdul Salam speaks to Asharq Al-Awsat. (Asharq Al-Awsat)
Dr. El-Mahboub Abdul Salam speaks to Asharq Al-Awsat. (Asharq Al-Awsat)

This happens only in thrillers. A religious leader summons an obscure army officer and meets him for the first time two days before a planned coup. He appoints him president with an unprecedented line, “You will go to the palace as president, and I will go to prison as a detainee.”

That is what happened on June 30, 1989. The officer, Omar al-Bashir, went to the presidential palace while security forces took Dr. Hassan Al-Turabi to the notorious Kober Prison along with other political leaders.

Al-Turabi’s “ruse” aimed to conceal the Islamic nature of the coup so that near and distant governments would not rush to isolate it. Intelligence agencies in neighboring states, including Egypt, fell for the deception and assumed that Bashir had seized power at the head of a group of nationalist officers. Cairo recognized the new regime and encouraged others to follow.

This happens only in stories. A young man landed at Khartoum airport carrying a passport that said his name was Abdullah Barakat. He arrived from Amman. One day he would knock on Al-Turabi’s office door, though Al-Turabi refused to see him.

Soon after, Sudanese security discovered that the visitor was a “poisoned gift,” in Al-Turabi’s words. He was the Venezuelan militant known as Carlos the Jackal, a “revolutionary” to some and a “notorious terrorist” to others.

He led the 1975 kidnapping of OPEC ministers in Vienna under instructions from Palestinian militant Dr. Wadie Haddad, an architect of aircraft hijackings. One night, and with the approval of Al-Turabi and Bashir, French intelligence agents arrived in Khartoum. Carlos awoke from sedatives aboard the plane taking him to France, where he remains imprisoned for life.

Bashir’s government was playing with explosives. In the early 1990s, it also hosted a prickly young man named Osama bin Laden, who after Afghanistan was seeking a base for training and preparation. He arrived under the banner of investment and relief work. Mounting pressure left bin Laden with no option but to leave.

This happens only in thrillers. The leadership of the National Islamic Front gathered with its top figures, Bashir, and security chiefs. The occasion was the assassination attempt against Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak in Addis Ababa.

Ali Osman Taha, Al-Turabi’s deputy, stunned attendees by admitting that Sudanese security services were linked to the attempt. Those present understood that he had been one of its sponsors. Neither the sheikh nor the president had prior knowledge.

After the attempt, some proposed killing the operatives who had returned from the Ethiopian capital to eliminate any trail that could incriminate the Sudanese regime. Al-Turabi opposed the assassinations. The impression spread that Bashir supported the killings and signs of a rift between him and Al-Turabi began to appear.

The split later became formal in what came to be known as the “separation” among Islamists. Power is a feast that cannot accommodate two guests. Bashir did not hesitate to send to prison the man who had placed him in the palace. Al-Turabi did not hesitate to back Bashir’s handover to the International Criminal Court. Al-Turabi tasted the betrayal of his own disciples. Disciples, after all, are known to betray.

This happens only in thrillers. Through Al-Turabi’s mediation, Osama bin Laden agreed to meet an intelligence officer from Saddam Hussein’s regime named Farouk Hijazi. The meeting produced no cooperation, but it became one of the early arguments George W. Bush used in 2003 to justify the invasion of Iraq.

Hijazi also met senior Sudanese security officials who later visited Baghdad and were warmly received, and it became clear that Ali Osman Taha was among Saddam’s most enthusiastic admirers.

Sudanese blood now flows like the waters of the Nile. Bodies scattered on the streets of el-Fasher are almost making the world forget the bodies buried under the rubble of Gaza. Hard men are pouring fire onto the oil of ethnic and regional hatreds. Making corpses is far easier than making a settlement, a state, or institutions.

Since independence, Sudan has been a sprawling tragedy. Because the present is the child of the recent past, searching for a witness who knows the game and the players, and journalism leads to meeting and interviewing the experienced politician and researcher Dr. El-Mahboub Abdul Salam.

For a decade he served as Al-Turabi’s office director. For another decade, he wrote some of Bashir’s speeches.

In recent years, his bold conclusions stood out, including that Sudan’s Islamic movement has exhausted its purposes, that it shares responsibility with other elites for the country’s condition, and that it erred in dealing with others just as it erred when it chose the path of coups, violence, ghost houses, and contributed to pushing the South outside Sudan’s map.

Abdul Salam does not hesitate to scrutinize Al-Turabi’s own mistakes and his passion for wielding power. I sat down for an interview with him, and this is the first installment.

Abdul Salam was a first-year university student when Al-Turabi’s ideas caught his attention. Al-Turabi then appeared different, moving outside Sudan’s traditional social divides. He also knew the West, having studied in Paris and London. In 1990, Abdul Salam became Al-Turabi’s office director until the end of that decade.

Abdul Salam recalled: “I am often asked this question, are you a disciple of Al-Turabi? I have told them more than once, yes, I am a disciple of Al-Turabi, a devoted one. But I graduated from this school and became an independent person with my own ideas and experiences, perhaps broader than those of the Islamic movement’s earlier leaders.”

Asked about when he discovered Al-Turabi’s mistakes and developed a critical sense toward his experience Abdul Salam said that it was “perhaps in 2011, with the ‘Arab Spring’, and the Egyptian revolution in particular and the change that took place in Egypt.”

A tense beginning

Abdul Salam said Al-Turabi’s relationship with Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak began on polite terms when they met in 1986 during an Al-Azhar conference on the Prophet’s biography. At the time, he recalled, Cairo was hostile or deeply wary of the Sudanese government under Sadiq al-Mahdi. The meeting, in his words, “was more courtesy than substance.”

According to Abdul Salam, relations later deteriorated sharply because of the deception surrounding the 1989 coup, then worsened further after the 1995 assassination attempt against Mubarak in Addis Ababa.

The Addis Ababa shock

Abdul Salam recounted that a major political meeting was convened after the failed attempt, held at the home of Ali Osman Mohammed Taha and attended by Al-Turabi, Bashir and all senior leaders. He said that during this gathering, both Bashir and Al-Turabi learned “for the first time” that Sudanese security services and Al-Turabi’s own deputy had been involved in the operation without informing them, describing the moment as a “huge shock” to the leadership.

He said Taha admitted at the meeting that the security services were involved and that it later became clear he himself was implicated. When a proposal emerged to kill the operatives returning from Ethiopia to erase evidence, Abdul Salam said Al-Turabi “rose in fierce opposition,” calling the idea outside both politics and Sharia. He cited Dr. Ali al-Haj as saying this moment “marked the beginning of the split.”

Egyptian intelligence reassesses Sudan

Abdul Salam describes how the Sudanese and Egyptian intelligence services eventually moved toward reconciliation. He said Omar Suleiman, Egypt’s intelligence chief, sent a message through French intelligence stating that the attack had been carried out by Egyptian Islamist groups.

According to Abdul Salam, Suleiman maintained that Sudan had only provided what he described as logistical support including money, shelter and weapons, rather than planning or executing the attack. This understanding, he says, prevented Egypt from responding harshly.

The communication opened a door for “major repair” of relations, Abdul Salam added, as Sudan began presenting itself as a pragmatic government after distancing itself from Al-Turabi.

After 1999: Rapprochement with Cairo

The reconciliation with Egypt and the region, Abdul Salam noted, took shape after 1999. He recalled that Taha’s visit to Cairo came after that date, followed by a visit from intelligence chief Salah Gosh. Foreign Minister Mustafa Osman regularly traveled to Egypt and maintained a friendship with his Egyptian counterpart, further improving ties.

The memorandum that shifted power

Abdul Salam described the turning point in relations between Bashir and Al-Turabi as the “Memorandum of Ten” in October 1998. During a major Shura gathering attended by hundreds of party, state and tribal leaders, ten members presented a document calling for the removal of Al-Turabi and the installation of Bashir as both head of state and leader of the movement.

He said the memorandum included reform language, but its essence was ending dual leadership. Bashir, according to Abdul Salam, “conspired with the ten” and accepted the proposal, calling the conspiracy “clear and very public.”

Abdul Salam recounted that Bashir wanted to confine Al-Turabi to a symbolic role and that some officers close to Bashir even asked Al-Turabi to remain as a spiritual figure who would bless decisions made elsewhere. “Al-Turabi would not accept this,” he stressed.

Al-Turabi’s influence and gradual reemergence

Reflecting on the early years of the Salvation regime, Abdul Salam said Al-Turabi authored all strategic decisions while the government handled daily business independently. He avoided public appearances during the first five years, he recalls.

Abdul Salam added that Al-Turabi gradually reemerged and became speaker of the National Assembly in 1996. He said Al-Turabi’s influence “never truly faded” because of his charisma, knowledge and strong presence, and diminished only when he was imprisoned after the split.

The 2001 Memorandum and South Sudan

Abdul Salam said Al-Turabi was arrested after the signing of a memorandum of understanding with the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement in February 2001. He confirmed he personally signed the document.

Asked whether he felt responsible for South Sudan’s independence, Abdul Salam rejected the suggestion. He said his position was clear and aligned with Sheikh Rached Ghannouchi, who argued that unity required suspending the hudud laws introduced under President Jaafar Nimeiri. Abdul Salam told southern leaders that unity should take precedence over maintaining those laws, adding that Islamic legislation, like all legal systems, is shaped by its psychological and historical context.

Complicated relationship

Abdul Salam described the relationship between Al-Turabi and his deputy Ali Osman Taha as complex and shaped by long-standing philosophical differences. He recalled a sharp split within the Islamist movement in 1968 when Taha aligned with figures who believed Al-Turabi had grown too dominant.

He cited Taha’s personal doctrine as follows: if an individual disagrees with the organization he sides with the organization, if the organization disagrees with the state he sides with the state, and if the state disagrees with Islam he sides with Islam. Al-Turabi, Abdul Salam said, did not operate that way and pursued his own ideas regardless of circumstance.

Abdul Salam recalled that during the Salvation regime, Ahmed Osman Maki had originally been prepared to succeed Al-Turabi but later moved to the United States. He stated that Maki’s strong charisma may have made him unsuitable as number two, while Taha excelled at concealing his emotions and functioning as deputy. He said the two leaders worked in outward harmony during the early years of the regime before deep differences surfaced later.

Abdul Salam added that Taha admired Saddam Hussein’s model of governance and believed Sudanese society was not ready for liberalism or pluralism.

The Arab Spring and the Islamic movement’s decline

According to Abdul Salam, the Arab Spring was “harsh on the Islamic movement.” Although the regional wave ended around 2012, Sudan’s version of it erupted in 2019. He said the uprising struck Islamists hard and reflected the real sentiment of the Sudanese street.

He argued that during its years in power, the Islamic movement held a barely concealed hostility toward civil society, youth, women and the arts. Sudanese intellectual and cultural life, he said, naturally opposed the regime’s long authoritarian rule. The revolution’s slogans of peace, freedom and justice were not part of the movement’s vocabulary, and over time the movement evolved into a posture “contrary to Sudanese society.”

The Communist Party’s influence

Abdul Salam said the Sudanese Communist Party helped shape opposition to the Salvation regime. After the execution of its leaders in 1971, the party underwent major transformation, and after the collapse of the Soviet Union it fully embraced liberalism. He remarked that many young Sudanese seeking freedom, justice and an expanded role for women found the Communist Party closer to their aspirations than the conservative Islamist movement.

Responsibility for Sudan’s political impasse

Abdul Salam rejected the narrative that Sudan’s decades of military rule make the military solely responsible for the country’s crises. He stressed that responsibility also lies with the civilian elite. Officers were part of this elite, and civilians who supported them in government shared responsibility. Sudan’s civilian parties, he argued, lacked clear programs to address longstanding distortions inherited from the colonial era.

One of Abdul Salam’s most sensitive moments with Al-Turabi occurred on the eve of the Islamist split. He said he personally succeeded in arranging a meeting between Al-Turabi and Bashir after months of estrangement, trying to avoid complete rupture. Bashir proposed turning the party conference into a political showcase while setting aside differences. Al-Turabi agreed, but according to Abdul Salam, disagreements reappeared by the end of the day.

Writing Bashir's speeches and choosing a side

Abdul Salam described his relationship with Bashir as very good and said he wrote the president’s speeches from early 1990 until the late 1990s. The speeches reflected the movement’s overall positions.

When the split occurred, Abdul Salam aligned with Al-Turabi not on personal grounds, but because he shared his positions on democracy, public freedoms, federal governance and adherence to agreements with the South.

Abdul Salam said the relationship between Al-Turabi and Bashir resembles other regional cases involving a sheikh and a president only to a limited extent. Bashir was originally a member of the Islamist movement led by Al-Turabi and obeyed him even after becoming president.

The split emerged naturally once the visible authority of the presidency clashed with the hidden authority of the movement, “which was the one truly governing,” he said.


UK Chancellor to Asharq Al-Awsat: Strengthening Partnership with Saudi Arabia a Top Priority

Reeves speaks during the Future Investment Initiative Conference in Riyadh (Asharq Al-Awsat)
Reeves speaks during the Future Investment Initiative Conference in Riyadh (Asharq Al-Awsat)
TT

UK Chancellor to Asharq Al-Awsat: Strengthening Partnership with Saudi Arabia a Top Priority

Reeves speaks during the Future Investment Initiative Conference in Riyadh (Asharq Al-Awsat)
Reeves speaks during the Future Investment Initiative Conference in Riyadh (Asharq Al-Awsat)

UK Chancellor of the Exchequer Rachel Reeves affirmed that strengthening relations and economic partnership with Saudi Arabia represents a top priority for her government, noting that under the ambitious Vision 2030, Saudi Arabia finds in the United Kingdom an ideal partner thanks to Britain’s stability, regulatory flexibility, and global expertise.

She revealed her government’s plan to support major projects that unleash growth, starting with the expansion of Heathrow Airport and extending to infrastructure spending exceeding £725 billion ($958.7 billion) over the next decade.

In an exclusive interview with Asharq Al-Awsat from Riyadh, Reeves said her participation in the Future Investment Initiative (FII) Conference stems from a key goal: deepening mutual investment and trade. She confirmed that this visit, the first by a UK Chancellor to the Gulf in six years, reflects London’s seriousness in strengthening regional relations.

“This visit marks the first time a UK Chancellor has travelled to the Gulf in six years, which reflects just how seriously this government takes our relationship with Saudi Arabia and the wider region,” Reeves said.

“I’m here with one of the largest UK business delegations to the Gulf in recent years, and our participation is driven by our number one priority: growth.”

“At a time of global uncertainty, the UK offers stability, regulatory agility and world-class expertise – qualities that make us an ideal partner for Saudi Arabia's ambitious Vision 2030 transformation,” she added.

Reeves emphasized the economic complementarity between the two nations, noting that her delegation includes UK business leaders in key sectors such as financial services, life sciences, AI, clean energy, and advanced manufacturing.

She pointed out that Britain’s expertise in these fields uniquely positions London to support Saudi Arabia’s economic diversification, while Gulf investment helps drive growth and create jobs across the UK. According to her, joint trade and investment deals exceeded £10 billion over the past 18 months alone, creating more than 4,100 jobs in the United Kingdom.

Reeves and her accompanying delegation meet with Saudi Minister of Commerce Majid Al-Qasabi at the National Competitiveness Center in Riyadh (Ministry)

Deepening Mutual Investment and Trade

The Chancellor said: “My discussions are focused on deepening the two-way investment and trade that benefits families and businesses in both our countries. The £6.4 billion ($8.4 billion) package we've announced this week demonstrates the tangible results of this approach.”

According to Reeves, the package includes £5 billion in Saudi-backed exports supporting British manufacturing, alongside major investments by Barclays, HSBC and others, strengthening their presence in Saudi Arabia.

Key Priorities

Reeves said that one of her top priorities is accelerating progress on a UK–GCC Free Trade Agreement, noting that such a deal could boost bilateral trade by 16 percent and represents the kind of forward-looking partnership that creates prosperity for both sides.

“My vision is straightforward: I want Britain and Saudi Arabia to be partners of choice for each other. We regulate for growth, not just risk. We're backing key infrastructure projects like Heathrow expansion – where the Saudi Public Investment Fund holds a 15 percent stake,” she said.

She added: “We’re creating opportunities for co-investment, particularly through our National Wealth Fund and pension reforms that will unlock tens of billions for infrastructure and innovation.”

“My message at the FII this week was clear – I'm championing the UK as a stable investment destination,” she stressed, referring to Britain’s “ironclad commitment to fiscal rules and our modern Industrial Strategy focused on the sectors of the future.”

Reeves speaks during the Future Investment Initiative Conference in Riyadh (Asharq Al-Awsat)

Saudi–British Cooperation

On the most prominent areas and nature of cooperation between Riyadh and London, Reeves said: “Our partnership – built on mutual respect and shared ambition – spans multiple high-value sectors and continues to deepen.”

“Over the past 18 months alone, we've secured over £10 billion in two-way trade and investment, creating more than 4,100 UK jobs and many others in Saudi Arabia. Over 1,600 UK companies also now have a presence in the Kingdom – this is a partnership that works to the benefit of families and businesses on both sides,” she added.

“In financial services, London remains a world-leading international financial centre. We’ve launched a new concierge service – the Office for Investment: Financial Services – to help international firms establish and expand in the UK, while banking giants like Barclays and HSBC are expanding their operations in Riyadh,” Reeves explained.

She highlighted that Riyadh Air’s first-ever flight landed in London this past weekend, powered by UK-manufactured wings and Rolls-Royce engines – showing how British engineering is integral to Gulf aviation ambitions.

According to Reeves, UK firms like Quantexa are launching new AI services in the region, while Saudi cybersecurity firm Cipher is investing $50 million to open its European headquarters in London, demonstrating a partnership at the forefront of technology and innovation.

She added: “We are also collaborating closely in areas like sustainable infrastructure, clean energy, education and the life sciences. But I feel we can and must go further – a UK–GCC Free Trade Agreement would unlock huge mutual benefits, including boosting bilateral trade by 16 percent.”

Reeves and the UK business delegation at the British Residence in Riyadh (Ministry)

A British Plan to Contain Financial Challenges

On her government’s plan to address the financial challenges facing the United Kingdom, Reeves said: “After years of decline – from austerity to Brexit to the mini-budget – we inherited significant challenges. But we've moved decisively to address them whilst investing in our future.”

“We have an ironclad commitment to robust fiscal rules. This provides the stability and certainty that investors need. The IMF now projects that, after the US, the UK will be the fastest-growing G7 economy. This didn't happen by accident – it's the result of tough choices and disciplined economic management,” she added.

Reeves emphasized that “growth is our number one priority, because it's how we overcome challenges and put more money in working people's pockets. Our modern Industrial Strategy focuses on key sectors of the future – AI, life sciences, financial services, clean energy – where Britain has genuine competitive advantages, many of which are shared by our partners in the Gulf.”

She continued: “We're catalysing private investment through our National Wealth Fund, which is driving over £70 billion in investment, and pension reforms unlocking up to £50 billion for infrastructure and innovation. This creates opportunities for co-investment with partners like Gulf sovereign wealth funds.”

Reeves confirmed that the United Kingdom offers strength in uncertain times by combining stability with ambition. She referred to her government’s plan to support major projects that unleash growth, from Heathrow Airport expansion to infrastructure spending exceeding £725 billion over the next decade.

“We're open for business, but we're being strategic about building partnerships that create good jobs, boost business and bring investment into communities across the UK – from the North East to the Oxford–Cambridge corridor. That's how we build an economy that works for, and rewards, working people in Britain,” she said.

The minister concluded by stressing that “turning inwards is the wrong response to global challenges.” She affirmed that Britain remains open for business and is taking a strategic approach to building partnerships that create jobs and benefit working people across the United Kingdom.

“After landmark deals with the US, EU and India, we're accelerating progress with the GCC,” she said.