Sudanese Migrants in Israel Fear Deportation after Coup

FILE - A Sudanese migrant family are seen in a closed Sudanese restaurant in south Tel Aviv, Israel, Oct. 27, 2020. (AP Photo/Oded Balilty, File)
FILE - A Sudanese migrant family are seen in a closed Sudanese restaurant in south Tel Aviv, Israel, Oct. 27, 2020. (AP Photo/Oded Balilty, File)
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Sudanese Migrants in Israel Fear Deportation after Coup

FILE - A Sudanese migrant family are seen in a closed Sudanese restaurant in south Tel Aviv, Israel, Oct. 27, 2020. (AP Photo/Oded Balilty, File)
FILE - A Sudanese migrant family are seen in a closed Sudanese restaurant in south Tel Aviv, Israel, Oct. 27, 2020. (AP Photo/Oded Balilty, File)

For nearly 10 years, Monim Haroon has only known one home: Israel. Like thousands of Sudanese migrants, he lives and works without legal status, fearing that a return to his native land would be a death sentence.

Israel's normalization of ties with Sudan, announced last year, had raised fears among the migrants that they would lose their migrant status and be forced to return. Now, weeks after a military coup derailed Sudan's transition to democracy, they dread being forcibly returned to a country under the full control of generals blamed for past atrocities, The Associated Press said.

“I am not against normalization," said Haroon. "But the normalization should be through the civilian Sudanese government, not the military powers that now control Sudan.”

The asylum-seekers' plight points to one of the less savory aspects of the so-called Abraham Accords, a series of deals reached between Israel and four Arab countries last year.

Sudan's military leaders, the driving force behind the agreement, secured the country's removal from the US list of terrorism sponsors, unlocking vital international aid and commerce.

But then last month, Sudan's top military leader, Gen. Abdel-Fattah Burhan, disbanded the transitional government and ordered the arrest of civilian leaders, quashing hopes of a democratic transition after the 2019 overthrow of longtime autocrat Omar al-Bashir.

The coup, which has been condemned by the United States and other Western nations, has left Israel in a potentially awkward situation.

Israel has been silent on the coup and its aftermath, indicating it intends to maintain normalized ties. A report on the Israeli news site Walla that an Israeli delegation had secretly visited Sudan to meet with the coup leaders deepened migrant fears that they could soon be deported. The Israeli Foreign Ministry and Sudanese officials did not respond to requests for comment.

Sudanese and Eritrean migrants began arriving in Israel in 2005, with many of the Sudanese fleeing persecution in the western Darfur region and the country's south. Seeking safety and opportunity in Israel, they made often dangerous journeys across Egypt's rugged Sinai Peninsula.

Israel initially did little to stop the influx, but as more migrants arrived, the authorities began detaining thousands in remote desert prisons. And in 2013, Israel completed construction of a fenced barrier along its border with Egypt that mostly halted the migration.

The migrants' presence has sparked a backlash among many Israelis who associate them with the crime and poverty in south Tel Aviv, where most of them settled. Right-wing governments in recent years have made various attempts to expel them.

Ayelet Shaked, a prominent right-wing politician, has described Sudanese migrants as “infiltrators” and said they should be sent back since ties have been normalized. She is now the interior minister in Israel's new government, a position that oversees immigration policies.

“We are worried because she has always been against asylum-seekers,” Haroon said.

The Interior Ministry said the status of Sudanese migrants has not changed following the coup but declined to answer further questions.

Israel has resolved only a small fraction of the thousands of Eritrean and Sudanese asylum claims, deeming the vast majority to be economic migrants. Under international law, Israel cannot deport migrants back to countries where their life or basic freedoms are seriously threatened.

Sudan's incarcerated former president al-Bashir was charged with genocide by the International Criminal Court for mass killings that took place in Darfur during the 2000s. The region remains unstable, with deadly tribal clashes are still common. Since the October coup, at least 23 Sudanese protesters have been killed in confrontations between pro-democracy demonstrators and military forces.

“Although Israel does not send migrants back, consecutive decrees have purposefully made life unbearable for African refugees,” said Sigal Rozen, public policy director at the Israeli Hotline for Refugees and Migrants, an advocacy group that assists the Africans.

Most of the estimated 28,000 Sudanese and Eritrean migrants work in menial jobs and struggle to make ends meet. Their numbers have dwindled by half since the 2000s, with most traveling onward to third countries, considering it unsafe to return home.

In 2012, Israel ordered the deportation of over 1,000 migrants back to South Sudan after it gained independence, arguing that it was safe for them to go home. Those who voluntarily returned were given a cash incentive of about $1,000. The move was criticized by rights groups following South Sudan’s descent into civil war in 2013.

Stuck in Israeli legislative limbo, most African migrants are barred from basic social rights such as sick pay and driving licenses and are also subject to financial penalties. Among the most controversial of these was the “Deposit Law,” which limited asylum seekers to accessing only 80% of their salaries while they remained in Israel. The law, which returned the remainder of their salaries only if they left the country, was later reversed in 2020.

In April, Israel's Supreme Court ordered the Interior Ministry to resolve thousands of the unanswered Sudanese asylum claims by the end of the year or grant them temporary residency.

Sudan was noticeably absent from anniversary commemorations of the Abraham Accords earlier this fall. As Israel and the other three nations trumpeted high-level visits and opened embassies, there has been little on the Sudan front beyond a surprise meeting between Israeli and Sudanese officials in the UAE weeks before the coup.

Sudan also said in September that it would seize the assets of companies linked to Hamas, the Palestinian militant group that rules Gaza.

Haim Koren, former Israeli ambassador to Egypt and South Sudan, attributed the delays to concerns by Sudanese officials over whether Israel's new government and the Biden administration would follow through on the promises of the normalization agreement. Both have expressed strong support for deepening and expanding the Abraham Accords.

“There remain areas that still require negotiation, but I expect full relations to be established,” said Koren. “Maybe not today, but it will happen.”



Int’l Momentum Builds for Paris Conference to Support Lebanese Army, Enforce Arms Monopoly

Lebanese President Joseph Aoun chairs a meeting with representatives of the “Quintet” at the Presidential Palace in Beirut (AFP). 
Lebanese President Joseph Aoun chairs a meeting with representatives of the “Quintet” at the Presidential Palace in Beirut (AFP). 
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Int’l Momentum Builds for Paris Conference to Support Lebanese Army, Enforce Arms Monopoly

Lebanese President Joseph Aoun chairs a meeting with representatives of the “Quintet” at the Presidential Palace in Beirut (AFP). 
Lebanese President Joseph Aoun chairs a meeting with representatives of the “Quintet” at the Presidential Palace in Beirut (AFP). 

The announcement of a conference to support the Lebanese Army, scheduled to be held in Paris on March 5, has gathered notable international momentum, bolstered by the backing of the so-called “Quintet” comprising Saudi Arabia, the United States, France, Egypt, and Qatar.

The conference is widely seen as part of a broader effort to strengthen the army’s ability to carry out its mandate, particularly enforcing the state’s exclusive control over weapons and dismantling Hezbollah’s military infrastructure.

The announcement came amid intensified Arab and international diplomatic engagement with Beirut, after Lebanon pledged last week to move to the second phase of its plan to confine weapons to official state institutions.

The government tasked the Lebanese Army with drafting an implementation plan by early February.

Lebanese ministerial sources following the issue told Asharq Al-Awsat that the diplomatic backing “has given the announcement strong momentum and significantly improved the conference’s prospects for success.”

Following a meeting at the presidential palace between President Joseph Aoun, Saudi Foreign Ministry adviser Prince Yazid bin Farhan, and French envoy and former foreign minister Jean-Yves Le Drian, and attended by several ambassadors, including that of the United States, presidential spokesperson Najat Charafeddine said the talks focused on preparations for a conference to support the Lebanese Army and Internal Security Forces.

She announced that the conference would be held in Paris on March 5 and opened by French President Emmanuel Macron, adding that participants agreed to step up contacts to ensure the widest possible participation.

In the run-up to the conference, meetings are expected between the Lebanese Army command and donor countries to assess needs and requirements. The sources noted that discussions in Baabda also addressed Lebanon’s plan to implement the arms monopoly. Representatives of countries supporting Lebanon urged authorities to accelerate the plan’s various stages.

Paris had previously hosted a meeting on December 18 attended by Army Commander Rodolphe Haykal and envoys from Saudi Arabia and the United States, focusing on ways to support the army and verify progress on the ground in dismantling Hezbollah’s weapons.

Since the government approved the arms-monopoly plan last August, Lebanon has received promises of an international support conference amid severe shortages in equipment, manpower, and technical capabilities.

Lebanon’s plan faces two principal obstacles: the limited capabilities of the Lebanese Army and Hezbollah’s refusal to relinquish its weapons.

While the Paris conference aims to address the army’s resource constraints, ministerial sources said Hezbollah’s rejection would not affect international support, stressing that assistance “is not conditional on the party’s cooperation,” though cooperation would increase donor enthusiasm.

According to official statements, the Baabda meeting was attended by the US ambassador, the ambassadors of Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Qatar, and France, as well as a Qatari assistant foreign minister.

Le Drian later met Prime Minister Nawaf Salam to brief him on preparations for the Paris conference and reaffirm France’s support for financial reform legislation and the restoration of deposits.

He also met Speaker of Parliament Nabih Berri, who praised French and international efforts to support Lebanon and its army, reaffirmed Lebanon’s commitment to Resolution 1701, and warned against continued Israeli violations of Lebanese sovereignty and the ongoing occupation of parts of southern Lebanon.

 

 

 


Ali Shaath Appointed Head of Gaza Administration Committee: What Do We Know About Him?

Palestinian Ali Shaath, the leading candidate for the chairmanship of the Gaza Administration Committee (photo released by his family). 
Palestinian Ali Shaath, the leading candidate for the chairmanship of the Gaza Administration Committee (photo released by his family). 
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Ali Shaath Appointed Head of Gaza Administration Committee: What Do We Know About Him?

Palestinian Ali Shaath, the leading candidate for the chairmanship of the Gaza Administration Committee (photo released by his family). 
Palestinian Ali Shaath, the leading candidate for the chairmanship of the Gaza Administration Committee (photo released by his family). 

Mediators from Egypt, Qatar, and Türkiye announced on Wednesday the formation of a Palestinian technocratic committee to administer the Gaza Strip, headed by Ali Shaath. The move follows changes to the committee’s membership and broader political maneuvering that point to an imminent transfer of governance from Hamas.

Earlier on Wednesday, US Special Envoy Steve Witkoff announced the launch of “Phase Two of President Donald Trump’s 20-point plan to end the conflict in Gaza,” saying it marks a shift “from a ceasefire to disarmament, technocratic governance, and reconstruction.”

The plan calls for the establishment of a technocratic body to oversee governmental and civilian affairs in Gaza as an alternative to Hamas rule.

While several well-known figures had previously been mentioned as potential leaders, Gaza residents and observers were surprised by the emergence of new names. Among those reported by Asharq Al-Awsat on Tuesday evening was Ali Shaath, who has since emerged as the leading candidate to chair the committee.

Who Is Ali Shaath?

Ali Shaath was born in 1958 in Khan Younis, southern Gaza, into a prominent Palestinian family and large clan with a long record of national and political engagement. Many members of his family are affiliated with Fatah.

He earned a bachelor’s degree in civil engineering from Ain Shams University in Cairo in 1982, a master’s degree in 1986, and a PhD in civil engineering from Queen’s University in the United Kingdom in 1989, specializing in infrastructure planning and urban development.

Shaath has held several senior posts within the Palestinian Authority and is widely regarded as a technical expert rather than a political figure. Early in the Authority’s formation, he served as deputy to then–Minister of Planning and International Cooperation Nabil Shaath, helping draft strategic development plans for a future Palestinian state.

He later served as undersecretary at the Ministry of Transport, overseeing major infrastructure and road projects. He went on to lead the Palestinian Industrial Estates and Free Zones Authority, chair the Palestinian Housing Council, head the Palestinian Ports Authority, and advise the Palestinian Economic Council for Development and Reconstruction (PECDAR). Most recently, despite retirement, he served as an adviser to the Ministry of Housing and Public Works.

Politically, Shaath participated in final-status negotiation committees in 2005 and contributed as a technical expert on border and maritime access issues. His background in economic development and postwar reconstruction appears to have positioned him to lead the technocratic committee.

Sources close to the Shaath family told Asharq Al-Awsat that he has lived in the West Bank for years, including before the Gaza war, and has consistently avoided factional politics, focusing instead on technical and professional roles.


Israel Seeks to Cement Status Quo of Its New Occupation in Syria

Members of Israel’s special reserve unit “Alpine Mountains” during training on Mount Hermon in Syria (Israeli army) 
Members of Israel’s special reserve unit “Alpine Mountains” during training on Mount Hermon in Syria (Israeli army) 
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Israel Seeks to Cement Status Quo of Its New Occupation in Syria

Members of Israel’s special reserve unit “Alpine Mountains” during training on Mount Hermon in Syria (Israeli army) 
Members of Israel’s special reserve unit “Alpine Mountains” during training on Mount Hermon in Syria (Israeli army) 

A senior Israeli official has acknowledged that disagreements with Syria remain “very deep,” dismissing what the United States has described as a positive atmosphere surrounding negotiations. “The reality is quite different,” the official said.

The remarks indicate that Israel intends to preserve the current situation created by its recent occupation of Syrian territory and rejects any withdrawal, not only from Mount Hermon but also from the nine positions it established following the collapse of Bashar al-Assad’s regime.

Israel has reportedly set far-reaching conditions in return, including barring Syria from deploying anti-aircraft missiles.

According to a report by Maariv political correspondent Anna Barsky, intensive talks held in Paris over two days last week, involving representatives from Israel, Syria, and the United States, produced only a limited outcome.

The discussions resulted in an agreement to establish a coordination mechanism aimed at preventing field-level friction, to be managed with active US involvement, but fell short of any broader political or security breakthrough.

Barsky wrote that there is currently no possibility of reaching a security agreement between Israel and Syria. While she cited Syria’s demand for an Israeli withdrawal from Syrian Mount Hermon as the main obstacle, the report suggests that Israel’s own demands are the primary factor blocking progress.

According to the senior official, Israel’s conditions include maintaining the new reality that emerged after Assad’s downfall in December 2024. This includes areas formerly designated as a UN-monitored buffer zone, an additional strip deeper along the border covering about 450 square kilometers, and all the peaks of Mount Hermon.

Israel is also seeking to strip the Syrian army of what it defines as strategic weapons, including advanced anti-aircraft systems or any arms that could disrupt the existing military balance. In addition, it demands that no foreign forces be present in Syria if they could restrict the Israeli army’s freedom of movement, specifically Russian or Turkish forces.

The report noted that the US administration, while pressing both sides to advance toward security understandings, supports Israeli demands it considers essential to Israel’s security, particularly remaining on Mount Hermon, though Washington is expected to propose compromise arrangements.

At the same time, Barsky reported growing concern in Tel Aviv over a parallel Syrian track: efforts by Damascus to coordinate with Moscow to redeploy Russian military forces in Syria, especially in the south.

Israel views such a move as a direct threat to its operational freedom and has worked to thwart initiatives aimed at restoring a Russian presence there. According to Maariv, Israel has conveyed a firm message to Damascus, Moscow, and Washington that it will not tolerate Russian forces in southern Syria.

The newspaper linked this stance to past experience, noting that while Russia maintained two main bases in Syria - Hmeimim Air Base and the naval facility in Tartus - it also deployed military police and observation posts near the disengagement zone in the south. Israel believes a return to that model would impose new operational constraints and alter the rules of engagement.

Although Russia’s footprint in Syria shrank after Assad’s fall, Israeli assessments suggest Moscow is seeking, in coordination with Syria’s new authorities, to rebuild its influence despite its preoccupation with the war in Ukraine.

The report said that both Moscow and Damascus view a Russian presence in southern Syria as strategically valuable, particularly as a means of constraining Israel.