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Arab World

HTS Takes Over Afrin in Syria’s Northern Aleppo

Members of the Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) group bring reinforcements on the outskirts of the Afrin region of Syria's northern Aleppo province, on October 13, 2022, amid ongoing reported clashes between rival factions competing for power in northwest Syria. (Photo by Rami al SAYED / AFP)
Members of the Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) group bring reinforcements on the outskirts of the Afrin region of Syria's northern Aleppo province, on October 13, 2022, amid ongoing reported clashes between rival factions competing for power in northwest Syria. (Photo by Rami al SAYED / AFP)
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HTS Takes Over Afrin in Syria’s Northern Aleppo

Members of the Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) group bring reinforcements on the outskirts of the Afrin region of Syria's northern Aleppo province, on October 13, 2022, amid ongoing reported clashes between rival factions competing for power in northwest Syria. (Photo by Rami al SAYED / AFP)
Members of the Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) group bring reinforcements on the outskirts of the Afrin region of Syria's northern Aleppo province, on October 13, 2022, amid ongoing reported clashes between rival factions competing for power in northwest Syria. (Photo by Rami al SAYED / AFP)

Violent confrontations and bloody clashes continued on Thursday for the fourth day in a row between the Turkish-backed Syrian National Army factions and Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS), which allied with the Hamza Division and Sultan Suleiman Shah Division and took control of Afrin city and a number of surrounding villages in northern Syria’s Aleppo province.

Humanitarian organizations and the Syrian Civil Defense - known as the White Helmets - called on all parties to spare civilians and the displaced from the conflict, and to facilitate the work of rescue teams.

Activists in Afrin reported that tanks and military vehicles belonging to HTS entered the city, supported by the Hamza Division (Al-Hamzat) and Sultan Suleiman Shah Division (Al-Amashat), encircling it from all sides and imposing their full control.

This was followed by the withdrawal of the Levant Front, the Third Legion and Jaysh al-Islam factions form their bases, towards the city of Azaz, north of the city of Afrin, while several factions have declared neutrality and their refusal to engage in the fighting.

After its full control over the city, HTS published a statement on Telegram, conveying messages of reassurance to citizens of all ethnic affiliations.

“HTS confirms that the Arab and Kurdish people… or the displaced are the subject of our attention and appreciation, and we warn them against listening to the factional interests… We specifically mention the Kurdish brothers; they are the people of those areas and it is our duty to protect them and provide services to them,” the statement read.

Hundreds of families are still besieged in the neighborhoods near Al-Marwaha roundabout in the city of Al-Bab as a result of the clashes between the Hamza Division and the Third Corps, amid calls and appeals to allow civilians to leave for the sake of their safety.

Muayyad al-Najjar, an opposition activist, said that HTS and Al-Amashat factions managed to control the areas of Turaykhem, Zughra, and Al-Hamran commercial crossing, while violent clashes continue between the two parties in and around the city of Al-Bab, where two civilians died, including a child, and many were seriously injured.

Civilian activists in the city of Al-Bab organized a vigil, calling for an end to the fighting between the factions.

Leaders in the Ankara-backed Syrian National Army factions said that the alliance of some of the factions affiliated with the army, such as the Hamza Division, Sultan Suleiman Shah Division, and other factions, with Hayat Tahrir al-Sham, thwarted all efforts to build the army and consolidate its unity.

However, factions allied with HTS see that the latter’s entry into the Olive Branch areas and its involvement in the ongoing confrontations there, would put “an end to the project of the Third Corps and its ally (Jaysh al-Islam), which aspires to engulf the other factions and control decision-making in the areas of Turkish operations (the Euphrates Shield, the Olive Branch, and the Peace Spring).

Observers believe that Türkiye’s silence and its failure to take a firm military position against the involvement of HTS in the ongoing fighting between the opposition factions, highlights its consent to the ongoing intervention.

Others noted that HTS’ involvement in the fighting, amid Turkish silence, constituted a threat that would put the SDF and its allies before one option: A Turkish military operation, or a military operation by HTS.

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Arab World

Yemeni Tribal Affairs Chief to Houthis: ‘Your Time Is Near’

Sheikh Bakil Naji al-Soufi, head of the Tribal Affairs Authority at Yemen’s Interior Ministry. (Asharq Al-Awsat)
Sheikh Bakil Naji al-Soufi, head of the Tribal Affairs Authority at Yemen’s Interior Ministry. (Asharq Al-Awsat)
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Yemeni Tribal Affairs Chief to Houthis: ‘Your Time Is Near’

Sheikh Bakil Naji al-Soufi, head of the Tribal Affairs Authority at Yemen’s Interior Ministry. (Asharq Al-Awsat)
Sheikh Bakil Naji al-Soufi, head of the Tribal Affairs Authority at Yemen’s Interior Ministry. (Asharq Al-Awsat)

Sheikh Bakil Naji al-Soufi, head of the Tribal Affairs Authority at Yemen’s Interior Ministry, has warned the Houthis that “your time is near, and you will leave Yemen because of your actions.”

Al-Soufi believes mounting anger in Houthi-controlled areas has moved beyond frustration over economic and living conditions and is nearing a point of action, with tribes awaiting “zero hour” and what he described as a “glimmer of hope” or support from the Yemeni government.

In a new episode of the Asharq Al-Awsat Podcast, recorded in the newspaper’s Riyadh newsroom, al-Soufi discussed the tribal practice of “nakaf,” the Al-Rayyan tribal encampments in Al-Jawf province and relations between the tribes and the Houthis. He also recalled his experience mediating with Houthi leaders more than a decade ago and outlined his view of the future confrontation, pointing to expected military “surprises.”

In the interview, filmed Aug. 20, 2026, al-Soufi described “nakaf” as a tradition under which tribes gather at encampments known as “matarah” when faced with a grievance or a situation requiring mobilization. He said developments in Al-Jawf reflected what tribes had experienced from Houthi conduct and attempts to subjugate and humiliate them.

Al-Soufi explained that tribes had historically been “an integral part of the state” and its supporting “backbone.” Where official institutions are absent, tribal customs and ties play a role in maintaining security and stability.

Deceptive slogans

Al-Soufi noted that the Houthis initially succeeded in appealing to public sentiment when they entered Sanaa by invoking poverty, high prices and corruption. The tribes later discovered, he argued, that those slogans were a means of reaching power.

He accused the group of imposing levies and taxes on various activities and using talk of a “blockade” to justify deteriorating living conditions.

The more significant shift, in his view, is occurring inside Houthi-controlled areas themselves. He stressed that tribes were not merely waiting to join the encampments but that there was broader readiness to move against the Houthis.

“People are only waiting for zero hour,” he stated, adding that he is personally in contact with figures inside Houthi-held areas whose names he declined to disclose. He described the situation as being “on the rim of a volcano.”

Al-Soufi recalled heading a mediation committee between the Houthis and Salafists in Kitaf in 2011 and 2012, when he dealt with Mahdi al-Mashat and met Abu Ali al-Hakim, Youssef al-Fishi and Saleh al-Sammad.

He said that experience led him at the time to conclude that the group was implementing an Iranian project. He described Abu Ali al-Hakim as one of the most important Houthi figures he had encountered because of the security and military portfolios he oversaw.

Failed negotiations

Al-Soufi recounted that years of negotiations had failed to demonstrate an ability to end the crisis. He argued that the Houthis maneuver when under pressure and were more willing to make concessions when in a weaker position.

On the delay in reaching a military resolution, he said the government acts as a state with domestic and international obligations and must weigh the economic and military consequences before and after any battle, unlike armed groups.

The Yemeni official concluded by saying that “strong preparations” were underway and that Yemenis would soon hear of “surprises.”

Asked whether those surprises would be “in the air or on the ground,” he replied briefly: “In the air and on the ground.”

Arab World

Disarmament Stalemate Casts Shadow Over Iraqi Government, Coordination Framework

Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi (Reuters)
Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi (Reuters)
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Disarmament Stalemate Casts Shadow Over Iraqi Government, Coordination Framework

Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi (Reuters)
Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi (Reuters)

Iraq’s ruling coalition has been forced to abandon plans to create deputy prime minister posts amid disputes over bringing weapons under state control, while sources say political factions are moving to recalculate their shares of the remaining vacant ministries.

Since parliament has approved Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi’s government on May 15, 2026, giving the green light to 14 out of 23 ministers, political disputes have prevented appointments to nine portfolios, most notably the interior and defense ministries.

A more complicated dispute involved attempts by forces within the Coordination Framework to create four deputy prime minister posts. Asa’ib Ahl al-Haq was among the leading proponents, with its leader, Qais al-Khazali, putting forward his brother Laith al-Khazali for one of the positions.

Reliable sources told Asharq Al-Awsat that Asa’ib Ahl al-Haq had sought the post after formally agreeing to the plan to bring weapons under state control, but US objections blocked the appointment.

The sources described a “test of strength” between al-Zaidi and Coordination Framework forces because of the overlap between completing the Cabinet and the weapons issue. Scrapping the deputy prime minister posts, they said, opens the door to bargaining and forces all sides to recalculate the points assigned to ministries.

Observers believe efforts to complete the Cabinet began to falter as some political forces backed away from the weapons plan.

Al-Zaidi had made bringing arms under state control a key pillar of his government program. Asa’ib Ahl al-Haq and other factions later joined the proposed settlement in hopes of easing international pressure.

Sources said the Coordination Framework’s latest meeting exposed sharp divisions between leaders opposed to creating deputy PM posts and others insisting on them, preventing the coalition from issuing a statement afterward.

Al-Zaidi has held a series of meetings with Coordination Framework leaders in recent days in an effort to reach agreement on completing his Cabinet, particularly after his government marked its first 100 days.

Figures close to the prime minister’s office said he urged ruling coalition leaders to continue supporting the government in resolving outstanding issues, including bringing weapons under state control, combating corruption and filling Cabinet vacancies, regardless of disputes over deputy prime minister posts.

Under Iraq’s informal power-sharing system, ministries are distributed among election-winning political forces according to points based on each party’s number of parliamentary seats.

Legal and legislative affairs researcher Saif al-Saadi told Asharq Al-Awsat that scrapping the deputy PM posts would increase the value of the remaining portfolios, with sovereign ministries potentially worth 15 to 20 points and service ministries 10 to 12.

Al-Saadi expected two or three ministries to be filled, while the rest could remain under acting ministers because of domestic and external factors. He said the United States opposes militia-linked figures taking senior government posts, while competition among Shiite political forces is delaying agreement on candidates for the vacant portfolios.

Arab World

Washington Supports Deeper Security, Economic Cooperation with Algeria

Algerian President Abdelmadjid Tebboune (Photo: The Presidency)
Algerian President Abdelmadjid Tebboune (Photo: The Presidency)
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Washington Supports Deeper Security, Economic Cooperation with Algeria

Algerian President Abdelmadjid Tebboune (Photo: The Presidency)
Algerian President Abdelmadjid Tebboune (Photo: The Presidency)

Senior Adviser to the US President for Arab and African Affairs Massad Boulos has stressed that Washington “supports deeper security cooperation” with Algeria.

In a statement published by the US embassy in Algiers on its Facebook page, Boulos said he held a “productive call” with Algerian President Abdelmadjid Tebboune “to discuss the US-Algeria partnership.”

“The United States supports deeper security cooperation and expanding economic opportunities for US companies in Algeria, with our growing energy partnership paving the way for shared prosperity,” said Boulos.

He said he also expressed his condolences to the communities affected by Algeria’s recent wildfires.

Boulos held a productive meeting last April with Algerian Foreign Minister Ahmed Attaf, aimed at deepening the trade and security partnership between the two countries.

They welcomed the progress achieved in discussions concerning Algeria’s unconventional gas resources and reviewed opportunities for American companies to support the country’s critical minerals sector.

The two parties also discussed ways to expand cooperation in counterterrorism and military collaboration as part of their shared goal of strengthening regional security. In addition, they addressed regional issues of mutual interest, particularly various conflicts and humanitarian crises.