This has become a pressing question after the recent crisis between the President’s office and the Chaldean Christian Church. If we were to categorize this dispute, we could call it a ‘question of sovereignty’ tied to Iraq’s national security and the foundational principles enshrined in the constitution of the modern Iraqi state. The constitution set criteria for the principles of democracy, civil society, federalism, and universal human rights, and violation of these principles harms Iraq as a whole. Christians have been at the core of Iraq’s modern state, its national security, and its stability.
Like those safeguards, Christians were, and still are, a political, social, cultural, developmental, and spiritual asset for Iraq, all of Iraq. Therefore, every Iraqi institution, regardless of the influence it exerts, should protect this Christian community. First and foremost, they have a duty to serve the Christians of Iraq and further their interests, as they are Iraqi citizens entitled to receive these rights under the constitution. Secondly, they enrich the country as a whole, and their presence has always benefited Iraq.
Iraqi Christians are not merely a demographic statistic or a minority that plays a marginal role in the economy, politics, and the general progress of the Iraqi people. They have been among the most dynamic and vibrant communities in Iraq, one that has an unparalleled capacity to spark change and development that serve Iraq’s interests.
Thus, the Iraqi authorities’ drive to bring the Christian community, its institutions, and its elites into their conflicts is shortsighted. This unwise decision will ultimately cost Iraq more of its cultural wealth and undermine its developmental potential without granting it anything worthwhile in return, neither in the present nor in the future.
Indeed Iraq has lost many of its Christians in the past years. They were pushed out by the wave of violence and the failure of our security and constitutional institutions to protect its citizens. After leaving them at the mercy of vicious terrorist groups, Iraq now has a duty to maintain what remains of its Christian community and safeguard its societal, cultural, economic, and political role. This is nothing less than a supreme national duty. All the institutions and authorities of the country should be judged according to their approach to this question.
Modern Iraq was not built on changing the country’s leadership alone. Rather, the emergence of the modern state means fundamentally reinventing the country’s political identity and, above all, the state’s relationship with its citizens. The old Iraq was a totalitarian military state that used religion to legitimize the rulers’ authority, and the new one should be built in opposition to that model. It should be a democratic, civil, and federal country where the authorities are committed to serving society and safeguarding its diversity at all costs. What it should not do is coerce its most pivotal community to gain an edge in fruitless political struggles that do nothing but aggravate their distrust of the state, as well as leave this community feeling threatened by its institutions and authorities.
There are only two measures that can allow the institutions in Iraq, including its parliament, government, and judiciary, to achieve this objective. One is positive discrimination towards “minority” groups, i.e., bolstering their representation and acknowledging their equality. The second is remaining neutral about their internal affairs, especially questions tied to the public sphere like ecclesiastical and endowment matters. These matters must be left to the members of the respective communities and their traditional/historical institutions, which have survived for many centuries thanks to their success in garnering the trust of these communities and building deep links with them.
By applying these two measures, Iraqi authorities and institutions would give rise to an inclusive state in which no party or community can impose its volition and authority on another. Indeed, an inclusive state is one without hegemony, not even that of the majority or parliamentary representatives. It also means imposing constraints on the exercise of power that apply to every authority in the country. Regardless of its jurisdiction, every authority must be regulated and made to comply with the law. Meanwhile, other domestic institutions must be protected from outside meddling. The decisions and inner workings of ecclesiastical institutions should be left to those who granted them their authority, i.e., the members of the community.
These essential prerequisites do not undermine Iraq’s sovereignty; they add value. Christians, like many of the other communities that Iraq has lost over its modern history, are instrumental in ensuring Iraq’s civic peace and sustainable human development.
This is not a defense of any particular Christian public institution or personality, nor is it a repudiation of another. Rather, the intention is to defend the Iraqi Christian community and, by extension, Iraq. Continuing along the path they have taken in recent years will crush what is left of Iraq’s Christian community, its role, and its contributions. Christians have been left to fend for themselves after being victimized by terrorism and deprived of constitutional or legal equality. Their demands for recognition and protective measures have been ignored. Their representation in parliament and government has been deliberately diminished in pursuit of narrow partisan interests. On top of that, their most intimate and vital institutions and decisions are being interfered with.
Indeed, Christians have played a pivotal role in shaping the contemporary history of Iraq, especially in that cities such as Baghdad, Basra, Erbil, and Mosul, fuelling modernization and development. In fact, their contributions to these urban centers are too numerous and significant to be enumerated in any single piece of writing.
As someone who has lived in these regions for many years, bearing witness to their contributions and the experiences they have undergone, I can empathize with Iraq’s Christians and their concerns. All Iraqi politicians and leaders ought to look beyond their narrow interests, as Iraq stands to lose one of its most valuable and meaningful assets.
