'We Don't Have Superpowers', Says Red Cross on Criticism over Gaza Response

A Red Cross vehicle, as part of a convoy believed to be carrying hostages abducted by Hamas armed men during the Oct. 7 attack on Israel, arrives at the Rafah border, amid a hostages swap deal between Hamas and Israel, in the southern Gaza Strip, Nov. 24, 2023. (Reuters)
A Red Cross vehicle, as part of a convoy believed to be carrying hostages abducted by Hamas armed men during the Oct. 7 attack on Israel, arrives at the Rafah border, amid a hostages swap deal between Hamas and Israel, in the southern Gaza Strip, Nov. 24, 2023. (Reuters)
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'We Don't Have Superpowers', Says Red Cross on Criticism over Gaza Response

A Red Cross vehicle, as part of a convoy believed to be carrying hostages abducted by Hamas armed men during the Oct. 7 attack on Israel, arrives at the Rafah border, amid a hostages swap deal between Hamas and Israel, in the southern Gaza Strip, Nov. 24, 2023. (Reuters)
A Red Cross vehicle, as part of a convoy believed to be carrying hostages abducted by Hamas armed men during the Oct. 7 attack on Israel, arrives at the Rafah border, amid a hostages swap deal between Hamas and Israel, in the southern Gaza Strip, Nov. 24, 2023. (Reuters)

The International Committee of the Red Cross, which has faced criticism for not doing enough to release the hostages in Gaza, stresses it has no "superpowers" and relies on the warring parties for access.

"From time to time, we have to tell people we're not bulletproof," ICRC spokesman Jason Straziuso told AFP.

"We don't have superpowers. We can only take humanitarian action when the authorities in a given area give us the permission."

In recent days, amid the temporary truce in Gaza, the Geneva-based organization's vehicles have brought dozens of hostages held by Hamas out of the Palestinian enclave.

On October 7, Hamas launched an attack on Israel, killing 1,200, according to Israeli authorities.

In response, Israel unleashed a severe air and ground military campaign that the Hamas government says has killed nearly 15,000 in Gaza, mostly civilians including more than 6,000 children.

The ICRC, founded 160 years ago, has been criticized for not taking part in negotiations that led to their liberation, and for not visiting those remaining in captivity in Gaza. It has also faced criticism for not pressuring Israel to liberate more Palestinian prisoners, and for not bringing more aid into Gaza.

Straziuso said much of the criticism showed "a lack of understanding of how we work or the limitations of our work".

"We are not an intelligence agency," he said stressing that “We couldn't possibly just simply start walking through Gaza and trying to locate hostages.”

Such an action, he said, "could directly put the hostages in danger and it could put our team in danger".

Julie Billaud, an associate professor at Geneva's Graduate Institute of International and Development Studies, said "The humanitarian organizations in general and ICRC in particular cannot substitute the political work needed" to end this war.

Marco Sassoli, an international law professor at Geneva University, meanwhile explained that if international humanitarian law was being respected, "hostages, unlike prisoners, must be freed unconditionally and without negotiation", he told AFP.

Thus, "the ICRC can offer its services as a neutral intermediary, but it will not negotiate the hostages' liberation".

Ever since Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky has repeatedly and publicly questioned the Committee's lack of access to prisoners of war held by Moscow.

Sassoli lamented that there today was "less and less understanding of neutrality", with everyone, including the ICRC, pressured to "take a position and say there are bad guys and good guys".

"If the ICRC only negotiates with good guys, they will have barely anyone to negotiate with in armed conflicts," the professor warned.



Int’l Momentum Builds for Paris Conference to Support Lebanese Army, Enforce Arms Monopoly

Lebanese President Joseph Aoun chairs a meeting with representatives of the “Quintet” at the Presidential Palace in Beirut (AFP). 
Lebanese President Joseph Aoun chairs a meeting with representatives of the “Quintet” at the Presidential Palace in Beirut (AFP). 
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Int’l Momentum Builds for Paris Conference to Support Lebanese Army, Enforce Arms Monopoly

Lebanese President Joseph Aoun chairs a meeting with representatives of the “Quintet” at the Presidential Palace in Beirut (AFP). 
Lebanese President Joseph Aoun chairs a meeting with representatives of the “Quintet” at the Presidential Palace in Beirut (AFP). 

The announcement of a conference to support the Lebanese Army, scheduled to be held in Paris on March 5, has gathered notable international momentum, bolstered by the backing of the so-called “Quintet” comprising Saudi Arabia, the United States, France, Egypt, and Qatar.

The conference is widely seen as part of a broader effort to strengthen the army’s ability to carry out its mandate, particularly enforcing the state’s exclusive control over weapons and dismantling Hezbollah’s military infrastructure.

The announcement came amid intensified Arab and international diplomatic engagement with Beirut, after Lebanon pledged last week to move to the second phase of its plan to confine weapons to official state institutions.

The government tasked the Lebanese Army with drafting an implementation plan by early February.

Lebanese ministerial sources following the issue told Asharq Al-Awsat that the diplomatic backing “has given the announcement strong momentum and significantly improved the conference’s prospects for success.”

Following a meeting at the presidential palace between President Joseph Aoun, Saudi Foreign Ministry adviser Prince Yazid bin Farhan, and French envoy and former foreign minister Jean-Yves Le Drian, and attended by several ambassadors, including that of the United States, presidential spokesperson Najat Charafeddine said the talks focused on preparations for a conference to support the Lebanese Army and Internal Security Forces.

She announced that the conference would be held in Paris on March 5 and opened by French President Emmanuel Macron, adding that participants agreed to step up contacts to ensure the widest possible participation.

In the run-up to the conference, meetings are expected between the Lebanese Army command and donor countries to assess needs and requirements. The sources noted that discussions in Baabda also addressed Lebanon’s plan to implement the arms monopoly. Representatives of countries supporting Lebanon urged authorities to accelerate the plan’s various stages.

Paris had previously hosted a meeting on December 18 attended by Army Commander Rodolphe Haykal and envoys from Saudi Arabia and the United States, focusing on ways to support the army and verify progress on the ground in dismantling Hezbollah’s weapons.

Since the government approved the arms-monopoly plan last August, Lebanon has received promises of an international support conference amid severe shortages in equipment, manpower, and technical capabilities.

Lebanon’s plan faces two principal obstacles: the limited capabilities of the Lebanese Army and Hezbollah’s refusal to relinquish its weapons.

While the Paris conference aims to address the army’s resource constraints, ministerial sources said Hezbollah’s rejection would not affect international support, stressing that assistance “is not conditional on the party’s cooperation,” though cooperation would increase donor enthusiasm.

According to official statements, the Baabda meeting was attended by the US ambassador, the ambassadors of Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Qatar, and France, as well as a Qatari assistant foreign minister.

Le Drian later met Prime Minister Nawaf Salam to brief him on preparations for the Paris conference and reaffirm France’s support for financial reform legislation and the restoration of deposits.

He also met Speaker of Parliament Nabih Berri, who praised French and international efforts to support Lebanon and its army, reaffirmed Lebanon’s commitment to Resolution 1701, and warned against continued Israeli violations of Lebanese sovereignty and the ongoing occupation of parts of southern Lebanon.

 

 

 


Ali Shaath Appointed Head of Gaza Administration Committee: What Do We Know About Him?

Palestinian Ali Shaath, the leading candidate for the chairmanship of the Gaza Administration Committee (photo released by his family). 
Palestinian Ali Shaath, the leading candidate for the chairmanship of the Gaza Administration Committee (photo released by his family). 
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Ali Shaath Appointed Head of Gaza Administration Committee: What Do We Know About Him?

Palestinian Ali Shaath, the leading candidate for the chairmanship of the Gaza Administration Committee (photo released by his family). 
Palestinian Ali Shaath, the leading candidate for the chairmanship of the Gaza Administration Committee (photo released by his family). 

Mediators from Egypt, Qatar, and Türkiye announced on Wednesday the formation of a Palestinian technocratic committee to administer the Gaza Strip, headed by Ali Shaath. The move follows changes to the committee’s membership and broader political maneuvering that point to an imminent transfer of governance from Hamas.

Earlier on Wednesday, US Special Envoy Steve Witkoff announced the launch of “Phase Two of President Donald Trump’s 20-point plan to end the conflict in Gaza,” saying it marks a shift “from a ceasefire to disarmament, technocratic governance, and reconstruction.”

The plan calls for the establishment of a technocratic body to oversee governmental and civilian affairs in Gaza as an alternative to Hamas rule.

While several well-known figures had previously been mentioned as potential leaders, Gaza residents and observers were surprised by the emergence of new names. Among those reported by Asharq Al-Awsat on Tuesday evening was Ali Shaath, who has since emerged as the leading candidate to chair the committee.

Who Is Ali Shaath?

Ali Shaath was born in 1958 in Khan Younis, southern Gaza, into a prominent Palestinian family and large clan with a long record of national and political engagement. Many members of his family are affiliated with Fatah.

He earned a bachelor’s degree in civil engineering from Ain Shams University in Cairo in 1982, a master’s degree in 1986, and a PhD in civil engineering from Queen’s University in the United Kingdom in 1989, specializing in infrastructure planning and urban development.

Shaath has held several senior posts within the Palestinian Authority and is widely regarded as a technical expert rather than a political figure. Early in the Authority’s formation, he served as deputy to then–Minister of Planning and International Cooperation Nabil Shaath, helping draft strategic development plans for a future Palestinian state.

He later served as undersecretary at the Ministry of Transport, overseeing major infrastructure and road projects. He went on to lead the Palestinian Industrial Estates and Free Zones Authority, chair the Palestinian Housing Council, head the Palestinian Ports Authority, and advise the Palestinian Economic Council for Development and Reconstruction (PECDAR). Most recently, despite retirement, he served as an adviser to the Ministry of Housing and Public Works.

Politically, Shaath participated in final-status negotiation committees in 2005 and contributed as a technical expert on border and maritime access issues. His background in economic development and postwar reconstruction appears to have positioned him to lead the technocratic committee.

Sources close to the Shaath family told Asharq Al-Awsat that he has lived in the West Bank for years, including before the Gaza war, and has consistently avoided factional politics, focusing instead on technical and professional roles.


Israel Seeks to Cement Status Quo of Its New Occupation in Syria

Members of Israel’s special reserve unit “Alpine Mountains” during training on Mount Hermon in Syria (Israeli army) 
Members of Israel’s special reserve unit “Alpine Mountains” during training on Mount Hermon in Syria (Israeli army) 
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Israel Seeks to Cement Status Quo of Its New Occupation in Syria

Members of Israel’s special reserve unit “Alpine Mountains” during training on Mount Hermon in Syria (Israeli army) 
Members of Israel’s special reserve unit “Alpine Mountains” during training on Mount Hermon in Syria (Israeli army) 

A senior Israeli official has acknowledged that disagreements with Syria remain “very deep,” dismissing what the United States has described as a positive atmosphere surrounding negotiations. “The reality is quite different,” the official said.

The remarks indicate that Israel intends to preserve the current situation created by its recent occupation of Syrian territory and rejects any withdrawal, not only from Mount Hermon but also from the nine positions it established following the collapse of Bashar al-Assad’s regime.

Israel has reportedly set far-reaching conditions in return, including barring Syria from deploying anti-aircraft missiles.

According to a report by Maariv political correspondent Anna Barsky, intensive talks held in Paris over two days last week, involving representatives from Israel, Syria, and the United States, produced only a limited outcome.

The discussions resulted in an agreement to establish a coordination mechanism aimed at preventing field-level friction, to be managed with active US involvement, but fell short of any broader political or security breakthrough.

Barsky wrote that there is currently no possibility of reaching a security agreement between Israel and Syria. While she cited Syria’s demand for an Israeli withdrawal from Syrian Mount Hermon as the main obstacle, the report suggests that Israel’s own demands are the primary factor blocking progress.

According to the senior official, Israel’s conditions include maintaining the new reality that emerged after Assad’s downfall in December 2024. This includes areas formerly designated as a UN-monitored buffer zone, an additional strip deeper along the border covering about 450 square kilometers, and all the peaks of Mount Hermon.

Israel is also seeking to strip the Syrian army of what it defines as strategic weapons, including advanced anti-aircraft systems or any arms that could disrupt the existing military balance. In addition, it demands that no foreign forces be present in Syria if they could restrict the Israeli army’s freedom of movement, specifically Russian or Turkish forces.

The report noted that the US administration, while pressing both sides to advance toward security understandings, supports Israeli demands it considers essential to Israel’s security, particularly remaining on Mount Hermon, though Washington is expected to propose compromise arrangements.

At the same time, Barsky reported growing concern in Tel Aviv over a parallel Syrian track: efforts by Damascus to coordinate with Moscow to redeploy Russian military forces in Syria, especially in the south.

Israel views such a move as a direct threat to its operational freedom and has worked to thwart initiatives aimed at restoring a Russian presence there. According to Maariv, Israel has conveyed a firm message to Damascus, Moscow, and Washington that it will not tolerate Russian forces in southern Syria.

The newspaper linked this stance to past experience, noting that while Russia maintained two main bases in Syria - Hmeimim Air Base and the naval facility in Tartus - it also deployed military police and observation posts near the disengagement zone in the south. Israel believes a return to that model would impose new operational constraints and alter the rules of engagement.

Although Russia’s footprint in Syria shrank after Assad’s fall, Israeli assessments suggest Moscow is seeking, in coordination with Syria’s new authorities, to rebuild its influence despite its preoccupation with the war in Ukraine.

The report said that both Moscow and Damascus view a Russian presence in southern Syria as strategically valuable, particularly as a means of constraining Israel.