A Year After the Surprises

Palestinians inspect a destroyed building after an Israeli air strike on Rafah in the southern Gaza Strip (dpa)
Palestinians inspect a destroyed building after an Israeli air strike on Rafah in the southern Gaza Strip (dpa)
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A Year After the Surprises

Palestinians inspect a destroyed building after an Israeli air strike on Rafah in the southern Gaza Strip (dpa)
Palestinians inspect a destroyed building after an Israeli air strike on Rafah in the southern Gaza Strip (dpa)

The world may have witnessed the beginning of the current round of the Palestinian-Israeli war, but it sure won't know when and how it will end.

This round of the conflict is different, marked by a series of unexpected turns.

- The first surprise: Israel

Hamas' sudden massive invasion of the settlements around the Gaza Strip took Israel by surprise during its Yom Kippur celebrations. As soon as it woke up from its almost coma-like slumber, Hamas had killed, destroyed, and taken numerous captives to Gaza.

- The second surprise: Hamas

Hamas' modest capabilities compared to its opponent's surprised me.

This time, the surprise came from the Hamas movement, not the other side. No one could have predicted this level of unforeseen success, or it could have yielded this number of spoils.

The unexpected outcome left Israel contemplating its response, ranging from a ground invasion to limited action.

- The third surprise: the US

In the world's eyes, the firm notion that the superpower's intelligence and its regional branch, Israel, possess complete knowledge of what is happening above and below the ground was shattered.

The US itself was surprised. Under the shock, there was no time to assess the situation carefully and instead seemed to have pulled the gun immediately.

Without hesitation, it ordered its giant aircraft carriers to move to the nearest location opposite Gaza and Israel. President Joe Biden quickly dispatched the Secretary of State in anticipation of his visit.

The institutions of the major state began preparing for a danger that threatened the existence of the Hebrew state and risked a comprehensive regional war, with "exposed" US interests as a target.

- Fourth surprise: The old equation no longer applies

US intuitive assessment of the Israeli military force was that a brief intervention in a few days or weeks would suffice.

Israel itself had the same assessments, and it still considers the war, especially in Gaza, to be merely a disciplinary act that results in death and destruction greater than what it lost.

Tel Aviv deluded itself that Gaza is under control and that a tight siege and some bombings are enough to silence it. It believed no small or large war didn't end with a ceasefire or a medium- or long-term truce.

Israel was maintaining a fragile truce through limited concessions, such as increasing the number of workers, expanding the fishing area, and other things that were extremely limited, effective, and cheap to the point that it settled on protecting its southern borders within an equation that included a great deal of reassurance that Gaza would not do anything.

On October 7, the two partner allies, the US and Israel, were surprised that the old equation with Hamas no longer worked.

- Fifth surprise: resistance

Israel grew accustomed to a seemingly comfortable, calm Gaza, which provided it with additional capabilities to devote itself entirely to the West Bank, its central goal.

The West Bank, and Jerusalem in its heart, represents Israel's biggest and most dangerous challenge, with its broader geography and many entrances and exits that lead to every place in Israel.

The empty and crowded settlements cover the entire West Bank from its southernmost point to its northernmost point. Gaza is different because the settlements are still there, and the settlers, estimated at hundreds of thousands, are the reservists ready to participate without the need to be called up.

The resistance in the West Bank does pose no surprise. However, Gaza posed a different story.

Surprisingly, the Israeli army was shocked by the ferocity of the resistance in Gaza, placing the generals' estimates that the war was under control from beginning to end as an unreachable target.

They are fighting over every square meter of the Strip, which, under military standards, is considered the narrowest place on Earth exposed to the greatest amount of fire, with no decisive end in sight, according to the Israeli announced goals.

Every surprise of this war brings about subsequent surprises, and all estimates drawn from previous wars are no longer of value.

- Sixth surprise: global perception

Israel was content with the narrative shared with the US, portraying the Gaza war as a fight against ISIS and what it described as its "Palestinian branch."

The story lasted a few days but later declined, faded, and is no longer debatable. Thus, the Israeli behavior appears more "ISIS-y" than a defensive war, as it claimed at the beginning.

Israel's behavior awakened the conscience of the world shaken by the destruction of Gaza and the killing of thousands of civilians, half of whom were children, without mentioning those under the rubble.

The term "Israel's self-defense" has become mere nonsense that the world does not accept.

Israel was not surprised on a propaganda and narrative level only but also on a political level, as the world unanimously agreed that getting out of this cycle meant reaching a radical political solution to the Palestinian issue after it had become certain that its liquidation was impossible. This may be the seventh surprise.

As we approach the end of the year, two possibilities emerge, one positive and the other negative.

The first is for the world to move seriously towards a two-state solution, offering a real opportunity for the establishment of a Palestinian state.

Alternatively, the world's enthusiasm may wane, relegating the two-state solution to a mere slogan that Israel can obstruct.



'We Will Die from Hunger': Gazans Decry Israel's UNRWA Ban

 Itimad Al-Qanou, a displaced Palestinian mother from Jabalia, eats with her children inside a tent, amid Israel-Gaza conflict, in Deir Al-Balah, central Gaza Strip, November 9, 2024. REUTERS/Ramadan Abed
Itimad Al-Qanou, a displaced Palestinian mother from Jabalia, eats with her children inside a tent, amid Israel-Gaza conflict, in Deir Al-Balah, central Gaza Strip, November 9, 2024. REUTERS/Ramadan Abed
TT

'We Will Die from Hunger': Gazans Decry Israel's UNRWA Ban

 Itimad Al-Qanou, a displaced Palestinian mother from Jabalia, eats with her children inside a tent, amid Israel-Gaza conflict, in Deir Al-Balah, central Gaza Strip, November 9, 2024. REUTERS/Ramadan Abed
Itimad Al-Qanou, a displaced Palestinian mother from Jabalia, eats with her children inside a tent, amid Israel-Gaza conflict, in Deir Al-Balah, central Gaza Strip, November 9, 2024. REUTERS/Ramadan Abed

After surviving more than a year of war in Gaza, Aisha Khaled is now afraid of dying of hunger if vital aid is cut off next year by a new Israeli law banning the UN Palestinian relief agency from operating in its territory.

The law, which has been widely criticised internationally, is due to come into effect in late January and could deny Khaled and thousands of others their main source of aid at a time when everything around them is being destroyed.

"For me and for a million refugees, if the aid stops, we will end. We will die from hunger not from war," the 31-year-old volunteer teacher told the Thomson Reuters Foundation by phone.

"If the school closes, where do we go? All the aspects of our lives are dependent on the agency: flour, food, water ...(medical) treatment, hospitals," Khaled said from an UNRWA school in Nuseirat in central Gaza.

"We depend on them after God," she said.

UNRWA employs 13,000 people in Gaza, running the enclave's schools, healthcare clinics and other social services, as well as distributing aid.

Now, UNRWA-run buildings, including schools, are home to thousands forced to flee their homes after Israeli airstrikes reduced towns across the strip to wastelands of rubble.

UNRWA shelters have been frequently bombed during the year-long war, and at least 220 UNRWA staff have been killed, Reuters reported.

If the Israeli law as passed last month does come into effect, the consequences would be "catastrophic," said Inas Hamdan, UNRWA's Gaza communications officer.

"There are two million people in Gaza who rely on UNRWA for survival, including food assistance and primary healthcare," she said.

The law banning UNRWA applies to the Israeli-occupied West Bank, Gaza and Arab East Jerusalem, areas Israel captured in 1967 during the Six-Day War.

Israeli lawmakers who drafted the ban cited what they described as the involvement of a handful of UNRWA's thousands of staffers in the attack on southern Israel last year that triggered the war and said some staff were members of Hamas and other armed groups.

FRAGILE LIFELINE

The war in Gaza erupted on Oct. 7, 2023, after Hamas attack. Israel's military campaign has levelled much of Gaza and killed around 43,500 Palestinians, Gaza health officials say. Up to 10,000 people are believed to be dead and uncounted under the rubble, according to Gaza's Civil Emergency Service.

Most of the strip's 2.3 million people have been forced to leave their homes because of the fighting and destruction.

The ban ends Israel's decades-long agreement with UNRWA that covered the protection, movement and diplomatic immunity of the agency in Israel, the West Bank and the Gaza Strip.

For many Palestinians, UNRWA aid is their only lifeline, and it is a fragile one.

Last week, a committee of global food security experts warned there was a strong likelihood of imminent famine in northern Gaza, where Israel renewed an offensive last month.

Israel rejected the famine warning, saying it was based on "partial, biased data".

COGAT, the Israeli military agency that deals with Palestinian civilian affairs, said last week that it was continuing to "facilitate the implementation of humanitarian efforts" in Gaza.

But UN data shows the amount of aid entering Gaza has plummeted to its lowest level in a year and the United Nations has accused Israel of hindering and blocking attempts to deliver aid, particularly to the north.

"The daily average of humanitarian trucks the Israeli authorities allowed into Gaza last month is 30 trucks a day," Hamdan said, adding that the figure represents 6% of the supplies that were allowed into Gaza before this war began.

"More aid must be sent to Gaza, and UNRWA work should be facilitated to manage this aid entering Gaza," she said.

'BACKBONE' OF AID SYSTEM

Many other aid organizations rely on UNRWA to help them deliver aid and UN officials say the agency is the backbone of the humanitarian response in Gaza.

"From our perspective, and I am sure from many of the other humanitarian actors, it's an impossible task (to replace UNRWA)," said Oxfam GB's humanitarian lead Magnus Corfixen in a phone interview with the Thomson Reuters Foundation.

"The priority is to ensure that they will remain ... because they are essential for us," he said.

UNRWA supports other agencies with logistics, helping them source the fuel they need to move staff and power desalination plants, he said.

"Without them, we will struggle with access to warehouses, having access to fuel, having access to trucks, being able to move around, being able to coordinate," Corfixen said, describing UNRWA as "essential".

UNRWA schools also offer rare respite for traumatised children who have lost everything.

Twelve-year-old Lamar Younis Abu Zraid fled her home in Maghazi in central Gaza at the beginning of the war last year.

The UNRWA school she used to attend as a student has become a shelter, and she herself has been living in another school-turned-shelter in Nuseirat for a year.

Despite the upheaval, in the UNRWA shelter she can enjoy some of the things she liked doing before war broke out.

She can see friends, attend classes, do arts and crafts and join singing sessions. Other activities are painfully new but necessary, like mental health support sessions to cope with what is happening.

She too is aware of the fragility of the lifeline she has been given. Now she has to share one copybook with a friend because supplies have run out.

"Before they used to give us books and pens, now they are not available," she said.