Votel to Asharq Al-Awsat: US Deterred Iran in Iraq, Syria… It Could in Yemen

A handout photo made available by German Armed Forces shows a C-130 of the bi-national German-French squadron “Rhein/Rhin” drops relief supplies over the Gaza Strip, 16 March 2024. (EPA/Sherifa Kaestner / German Armed Forces / Handout)
A handout photo made available by German Armed Forces shows a C-130 of the bi-national German-French squadron “Rhein/Rhin” drops relief supplies over the Gaza Strip, 16 March 2024. (EPA/Sherifa Kaestner / German Armed Forces / Handout)
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Votel to Asharq Al-Awsat: US Deterred Iran in Iraq, Syria… It Could in Yemen

A handout photo made available by German Armed Forces shows a C-130 of the bi-national German-French squadron “Rhein/Rhin” drops relief supplies over the Gaza Strip, 16 March 2024. (EPA/Sherifa Kaestner / German Armed Forces / Handout)
A handout photo made available by German Armed Forces shows a C-130 of the bi-national German-French squadron “Rhein/Rhin” drops relief supplies over the Gaza Strip, 16 March 2024. (EPA/Sherifa Kaestner / German Armed Forces / Handout)

The dire humanitarian situation in Gaza constitutes a major point of contention between the United States and Israel, General Joseph Votel, the former commander of the US Central Command, said in an interview with Asharq Al-Awsat, adding that Israel has eliminated 20 to 30 percent of Hamas so far.  

The four-star General said that the Houthis attacks against navigation in the Red Sea have become a “major problem.” He suggested an increase in the assets of the U.S. military in the region to make it “extremely painful” for the Houthis and Iran, to stop their attacks against the ships and international navigation in the Red Sea, noting that the United States recently “deterred” Iran from continuing its militia attacks in both Iraq and Syria against American forces and interests in the region.  

Votel said he believes that “there is no interest’ for Israel or Hezbollah in a full confrontation. He also expressed "concern" about the ongoing discussions regarding the withdrawal of American forces stationed in Iraq, which could also affect the presence of the US forces in Syria.  

Here is the full interview:  

* Let me start from the situation in Gaza, because the President tried to arrange for some ceasefire during Ramadan. Apparently, it's not the case. And probably that would have some implications from the military perspective, including on the US forces in the region. Your insights, please.  

I think everybody can agree that Israel needs to do what it needs to do to protect itself from the threat of Hamas, but I think a large part of the disagreement from our government standpoint is that the military operation does not seem to take into consideration the extreme humanitarian situation that is playing out on the ground.  

Nearly 80-90 percent of the population of Gaza has been displaced by this conflict, and a military operation while necessary, must also take place in the context of planning and coordinating and synchronizing with the humanitarian community to ensure that we don't we don't exacerbate the humanitarian situation and make things worse than they already are. So, I think this has been the major sticking point between the United States government and the government of Israel toward coming operations particularly in the southern part of Gaza in and around Rafah.  

Humanitarian challenge  

*If you were in the same position you were previously, and had the President needed your advice on the situation, what would say?

I think that some of the actions that we’ve seen by the administration reflects some of the advice that would be provided. For example, one of the things that I would try to emphasize is that we should do those things that are within our capacity to do, like delivering aid by air or by the sea. That's an appropriate thing for us to do. It helps demonstrate that we are attuned to the humanitarian situation, and we are trying to take measures to remedy it, and hopefully these means will provide a way to perhaps address the broader challenge of humanitarian issues in Gaza.

I think secondly, it's important to make sure that we are maintaining very good communications, not just with the Israelis, but with our other partners on the region, and across the region, to make sure that we are sharing best insights and then we are preserving relationships going forward. I am concerned that some of the political discourse that is taking place could be affecting some of the effectiveness of our military to military or intelligence community to intelligence community relationships. So, those are very important.  

Third, I would be encouraging the administration to be stronger against those activities that are outside of the Gaza area, for example, what's happening in the Red Sea. This has become a big problem.   

Not enough  

*While the US is trying to make some arrangements for humanitarian aid either by air or by sea, humanitarian organizations and the UN are saying that this is not enough to prevent famine. After five months of war, what has Benjamin Netanyahu have achieved other than this humanitarian crisis and the destruction of the strip?

I agree that airdrops of humanitarian food supplies are not going to be enough to address the problem. They are a start, and they will address some small portion of the problem. But again, the most effective way of addressing humanitarian situation will be to open up ground lines of communication, ground routes with non-government organizations, UN organizations, other humanitarian aid organizations who can be on the ground to distribute and make sure these materials get to the people that are needed, and can assess the progress we're making. So yes, I do agree what we are doing while it's necessary, it's insufficient to the to the need.

The over the shore option that we're not looking at for bringing up aid through a temporary port has the potential to have more impact. But again, it is just one other way of getting things in there. And there needs to be much more effort put into getting the right organizations on the ground to make sure the aid gets to where it is most needed. I agree with you that it is a humanitarian disaster.  

As to the leader of Israel, Mr. Netanyahu, my own personal opinion here is that what would they have accomplished so far, is they have removed a significant, or at least a good portion of Hamas' ability to effectively attack into Israel. They have neutralized a percentage of the of the Hamas fighters. I've seen estimates 20 to 30 percent.  

*Would you advise the President to put more pressure on Israel in order to try to alleviate this humanitarian disaster? This would have some military implications because the US is the main provider of arms to Israel.

I'm not sure I'm there on making a decision to stop providing all support to Israel. I'm not sure I'm there on that, or I would recommend that. I think the United States is putting a lot of pressure on the Israeli government, on the Prime Minister in particular. I mean War Cabinet Minister Benny Ganz was in Washington last week, and met with a number of our national leaders here. The President by the day has become more strident and more critical of the approach that the Netanyahu government is taking, to how they're conducting operations in Gaza.

I think it's important to keep that pressure up to try to change that. But I also think the United States has to continue to work, to connect all the different parties here, whether it is Hamas and in Israel to try to come to some kind of temporary or permanent ceasefire or some resolution of the hostage situation, or continuing to open up easier ways to get humanitarian aid into the people of Gaza. I think these are three areas where the United States should be continuing to push, and continuing to put pressure not just on Israel, but on Hamas and the backers of Hamas as well. I think it's important to make sure that we are putting equal pressure in all directions here.

Resistance Axis

*On the regional, or probably international dimensions of this conflict in the Red Sea. It seems to me, and probably this is silly to say, that the Houthis are happy that they are fighting America.

I think this is true. So far, the Houthis have derived more benefit by perpetrating these attacks than they have felt the effects of the pressure that we’ve put on them. While there have been a number of strikes that we have conducted and the British have conducted against coastal defense sites, against supply depots, against command and control nodes, they have not been to a level that has convinced the Houthis that they have more to lose than they have to gain by continuing to push these attacks and conduct these attacks. We've just seen waves and waves of them just over this last weekend, a lot of them launched at US military vessels that are operating in the Red Sea.  

So until we are able to do something that convinces the Houthis that the cost of continuing to have to take these attacks or launch these attacks, the cost associated that outweighs the benefit, they will likely continue to do this. And they are deriving a benefit from this. They are there in the news. They have had a significant impact on global shipping through the Red Sea; somewhere between 80 and 90 percent of it has stopped.  

They're being viewed as a group that is standing up against the United States and other Western powers, and they're being seen as a very good and loyal member of Iran's Axis of Resistance. So right now, all of these things are more beneficial to them than the cost associated with the strikes that we have done against them. So we either have to ramp things up and really go after this, and make it very painful for them and Iran who is supporting them, or we have to live with the fact that we're going to deal with these threats for a long time, for until the situation in Gaza is resolved.

*What is your main concern on the situation in the Red Sea for the time being?

 My main answer is that we have to go after the supplier routes and facilitation routes that are continuing to provide the Houthis with all the materials that they have. They’ve been getting these materials for years. So, they have a large supply on the ground. So, while we destroy some things, it's relatively easily replaced. If we want to stop this, we have to cut them off. And we have to go after those facilitators largely at the best of Iran, who are bringing materials into that country. We need to prevent them from doing that. And then in conjunction with our ongoing strike campaign, reduce their ability to launch these attacks. I think that's what we have to do. So that will require more resources. It'll require more focus, it'll likely require more combat to do that.  

These are all things that our government would weigh in when making a decision like this. But in order to address this effectively, we will have to commit more resources, and take more effort to shut this down completely, not just protect ourselves. Just shut down the ability of the Houthis to conduct these types of attacks.

Israel and Hezbollah

*And that might risk the US slipping into a war…

Well, it could. It would certainly require us to deploy more resources into the region that would draw get away from other things that are important to us, and likely could get us involved in more of a protracted conflict with the Houthis or, you know, maybe with Iran over something like this or others in the region. There are definitely risks that are associated with this, and as you know, there's risks involved in everything.  

*Another hot point is the border between Israel and Lebanon. And it's just simmering there, and we don't know what's going to happen in the in the near future, if the Gaza war doesn't stop.

My assessment is that both sides in this case the Lebanese Hezbollah and the Israeli government, neither of them want to have a confrontation along the northern border. That's in no one's interests. Hezbollah leader Hassan Nasrallah certainly remembers what happened there the last time when there was an Israeli incursion into Lebanon. The amount of destruction that resulted in, and the pressure that was put on him from the rest of the Lebanese government, and the broader population largely because of the policies that he was pursuing. There is no strong desire to do that.  

That said, Hezbollah will continue to hedge their bets, and they will continue to conduct harassing attacks to make it difficult for Israeli citizens to come back into their homes near the border, and that will continue to put more pressure on Netanyahu. They see it in their interest to continue to launch a few strikes here, a few strikes there, that aren’t overly effective, but which are constant reminders that Lebanese Hezbollah can impact things in Israel.  

It's important that we try to get this back to more of a status quo, where there are very few attacks across the border, and people can go back to living their lives in these areas. I don't know that there's going to be a particularly big breakthrough politically here. I think the best case would be going back to the status quo to the situation before October 7.

*Israel wants Hezbollah to be pushed away from the border.

That's unlikely to happen as well.

*On Syria and Iraq, the US Army posture in both countries and the ramifications of what's going on in Gaza, what do you think?

We've absorbed a lot of attacks here from Iranian allied militias in both Iraq and Syria. That seems to have dropped off since we conducted a series of strikes several weeks ago.

I think Iran has seen that they are vulnerable in this area, and they have recognized that they have a lot to lose by continuing to push these attacks and in potentially put more American lives at risk in the in the region. I think we've been successful in beginning to deter that and trying to return it to a more normal situation. I am concerned about the ongoing discussions that are taking place in Iraq, and to some degree with the United States over the disposition of US troops in Iraq.  

It's my personal view that those troops, about 2,500 or so, that are in Iraq for the purpose of helping the Iraqi security forces with the remnants of ISIS are doing good work, doing important work for Iraq, and important work for the United States. I am concerned that these discussions may lead to the departure of US forces, and as a result, less of a focus on ISIS and other terrorist organizations that may arise in the region. I think the conditions are still around that would allow an organization to do what ISIS did and rise and come back.  

I think the role of the United States plan is helping prevent that right now. I'm concerned that if we have to depart, that becomes much, much more difficult to do, and that raises the risk for the region. Departing from Iraq will have an impact on our troops in Syria as well. They derive a lot of their support from our bases in Iraq and if those are gone, then it will be very difficult to sustain, or we will have to find new ways to sustain our troops and in Syria. There could be some effects in that country as well.

Edge of the abyss

*No matter how you look at the map or the picture in the region; Gaza, Yemen, Red Sea, Syria, Iraq, Lebanon, you’d see Iran somehow in the picture. And you right on saying that the US strikes a few weeks ago were kind of effective in deterring Iran. Is that the way that Iran should be dealt with in order to try to contain the mayhem in the Middle East?

The best approach to creating a more stable situation in the Middle East, of course, is diplomatic relations, and opening ties and communication between different parts of the region. The United States has had some efforts in the past to try to reach out to the Iranians; we did this through the nuclear discussion talks that took place.  

Again, we had some different policies in our government that contributed to some of the confusion around this as well. But I think what's important for the long term is that the United States has to take a sustainable approach to the region. We have to be willing to commit some amount of military force to the region to look after our security interest. But more importantly, we have to make sure we're putting in the diplomatic informational and economic aspects into the region that better also as the as equally important as the military one is.  

We’ve got to foster conversations, we've got to foster discussions, we've got to change the nature of the discussion, from one of Iran against the United States, to one of how do we bring Iran into the region effectively. They’ve been around a long time. They are historic country in this part of the region. Their role should be one that is more constructive for the region. And that's only going to be done through diplomatic discourse between the various parties there. We've got to continue to emphasize all that. We've got to be willing to stick with it, and start to address some of these long-term underlying issues of the region.

I mean, we're seeing right now the whole Palestinian issue that has erupted now as a result of an underlying issue that we've known about for decades, we've known as a problem. And now it has come to the head, and it's now brought the region back to the brink. So if there's one good thing that comes out of this, perhaps it is that we can, from this move forward on some way to address the status and the situation of the Palestinians in the Middle East for the long term here. The United States obviously has a policy of the two-state solution, but we have to move forward and address some of these deep underlying tensions and issues of the region, and we need to do it before a crisis arises. 



Paris Meeting Sets Three Priorities to Back Lebanese Army

A convoy of the Spanish battalion of the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon passes through Qlayaa in southern Lebanon on Oct. 12, 2024 (DPA)
A convoy of the Spanish battalion of the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon passes through Qlayaa in southern Lebanon on Oct. 12, 2024 (DPA)
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Paris Meeting Sets Three Priorities to Back Lebanese Army

A convoy of the Spanish battalion of the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon passes through Qlayaa in southern Lebanon on Oct. 12, 2024 (DPA)
A convoy of the Spanish battalion of the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon passes through Qlayaa in southern Lebanon on Oct. 12, 2024 (DPA)

Paris will host a four party meeting on Thursday bringing together representatives of France, Saudi Arabia, the United States and Lebanon, amid fears that an Israeli escalation could upend a ceasefire agreement in place for more than a year.

French officials say Paris senses an imminent threat facing Lebanon in light of repeated and public Israeli threats to resume the war.

France is also concerned about uncertainty surrounding the US position on Israel’s intentions, with a prevailing French view that President Donald Trump’s administration is not inclined to restrain Israel.

Israel accuses the Lebanese army of failing to carry out commitments made by the government under the first phase of a plan to disarm Hezbollah in the area south of the Litani River.

Caught between Israeli pressure on one side and Hezbollah’s refusal to hand over its weapons on the other, Paris has been searching for a way out and for a clear, visible means of protecting Lebanon.

French officials want to demonstrate that the Lebanese army, contrary to prevailing claims, is doing what is required of it regarding Hezbollah’s weapons.

A new mechanism to track disarmament

Against this backdrop, France has put forward a proposal to establish a new “mechanism” to clearly document the actions taken by the Lebanese army, based on tangible and verifiable evidence.

Paris has also suggested that elements of the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon, UNIFIL, accompany army units during inspection and seizure operations, document them and make the results public. The aim is to provide concrete proof of the army’s seriousness and of the outcomes achieved.

French Foreign Minister Jean-Noel Barrot summed up the proposal by saying France is “working on a second mechanism to monitor the disarmament of Hezbollah.”

A large scale tour organized by the army leadership in the south on Dec. 15, led by army commander General Rodolphe Haykal and attended by several ambassadors and military attachés, along with an earlier visit by representatives of UN Security Council member states and a separate tour for Lebanese and international media, were all part of efforts to show the government’s and the army’s commitment to implementing UN Security Council Resolution 1701 and to rebut claims of government foot dragging and military shortcomings.

In recent weeks, Paris has stepped up its engagement on the Lebanese file. Thursday’s meeting caps a diplomatic push that has included, in less than a month, two visits by Anne Claire Legendre, President Emmanuel Macron’s adviser for Middle East and Arab affairs, and Jean-Yves Le Drian, a former foreign minister and Macron’s personal envoy to Lebanon.

As part of this effort, Legendre has made regional visits, most notably to Saudi Arabia.

Macron himself has held a series of key calls focused on two tracks: a conference expected in the coming weeks to support the Lebanese army and security forces, and a separate conference on economic support and reconstruction.

No dates have yet been set for either event.

Importance of Haykal’s participation

Well informed sources in Paris say Thursday’s meeting will focus on three main priorities.

The first is reviewing the work of the “mechanism” tasked with monitoring the cessation of hostilities between Israel and Lebanon, and considering how to enhance it through the new mechanism outlined by Barrot.

Another development concerns the mechanism’s expanded membership, which now includes a Lebanese diplomat, former ambassador Simon Karam, and an Israeli representative, Yuri Resnik, director of foreign policy at Israel’s National Security Council.

Israel and Washington are pressing to broaden the scope of discussions to include economic and political issues, a move that has raised Lebanese concerns and drawn opposition from Hezbollah.

US envoy for Lebanon Morgan Ortagus and Le Drian, both attending the Paris meeting, are expected to travel to Lebanon afterward to take part in a meeting of the mechanism.

That adds to the importance of the five party committee, which has failed, more than a year after its creation, to halt near daily Israeli operations.

The US ambassador to Beirut, Michel Issa, will also attend Thursday’s meeting, his first such gathering since formally taking up his post.

Curbing Israeli escalation in Lebanon is the second priority of the meeting, which Haykal will attend alongside a series of engagements at the foreign ministry, defense ministry and presidential palace.

Haykal’s participation is seen as especially significant, as it will give him the opportunity to present a comprehensive account of the difficulties facing army units in carrying out their missions, foremost among them Israel’s refusal to withdraw from five additional positions it still holds on Lebanese territory.

The Lebanese army commander is also expected to outline the achievements of his forces over the past four months south of the Litani River, as well as his plan for other parts of Lebanon, aimed at restricting weapons to the hands of the Lebanese state.

Attention will also focus on Ortagus’s presentation on US plans for Lebanon, including efforts to push Lebanon toward negotiations with Israel on political and economic issues, as well as the timelines Washington is setting for Lebanon to complete the process of placing weapons exclusively under state control.

The long awaited army support conference

The central theme of Thursday’s Paris meeting, however, is expected to be support for the Lebanese army and security forces as an essential preparatory step that cannot be bypassed ahead of the long promised conference to back the army.

Two key questions remain unanswered: where the conference will be held, whether in Paris or another capital, and when it will take place. It had previously been expected before the end of the year, but that now appears unlikely.

Paris does not hide its concern that confidence in Lebanon has been badly damaged in the past, not only among potential donors in the Gulf but also elsewhere.

As a result, external parties are increasingly insisting on evaluating results and are linking military and economic assistance to concrete outcomes, whether on the security front or in economic reforms.

Another issue that could make its way onto the Paris agenda is the Lebanese Syrian border, which has seen sporadic tensions. Paris believes the border needs to be demarcated to prevent it from being used by Hezbollah as an additional justification for retaining its weapons.

France says it is ready to help both Lebanon and Syria, but stresses the need to rebuild trust between the two. Lebanon wants assurances that Syria will not again become a party that routinely violates its sovereignty, while Damascus fears Hezbollah could play a destabilizing role inside Syria.


Damascus Foils New Weapons Smuggling Attempt into Lebanon

Missiles intended for smuggling found by Syrian forces (Syrian Interior Ministry X Account)
Missiles intended for smuggling found by Syrian forces (Syrian Interior Ministry X Account)
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Damascus Foils New Weapons Smuggling Attempt into Lebanon

Missiles intended for smuggling found by Syrian forces (Syrian Interior Ministry X Account)
Missiles intended for smuggling found by Syrian forces (Syrian Interior Ministry X Account)

The new Syrian government is stepping up an aggressive campaign to seal its border with Lebanon, seeking to dismantle smuggling routes that under Bashar al-Assad’s rule served as a critical lifeline for Hezbollah, channeling weapons and money from Iran.

In this context, the Interior Ministry announced on Wednesday that the Internal Security Directorate in the Zabadani area of the Damascus countryside had thwarted an attempt to smuggle a shipment of weapons bound for Lebanon.

The ministry said in a statement published on its Telegram channel that, following close security surveillance of those involved, security forces carried out a tightly planned ambush in the border town of Serghaya, which falls under the Zabadani area, leading to the seizure of the shipment.

It said the cache included large quantities of RPG shells that had been carefully concealed in preparation for smuggling across the border.

The statement said the seized weapons were confiscated in accordance with legal procedures and transferred to the relevant authorities to take the necessary legal action. It added that the operation was part of ongoing efforts by the Interior Ministry to combat smuggling, secure the borders, and protect national security and stability.

Since the overthrow of the Assad regime on Dec. 8 last year, and the near complete end of Iran’s military presence and that of Hezbollah fighters on Syrian territory, the new authorities have sought to tighten control over borders with neighboring countries.

These efforts include pursuing drug smuggling networks, remnants of the Assad regime, and preventing weapons smuggling.

Over the past year since Syria’s liberation, the new authorities have announced the foiling of numerous attempts to smuggle weapons into Lebanon.

Informed sources in the western Qalamoun region along the Lebanese border near the Bekaa said the new Syrian authorities were making sustained efforts to control the border and prevent smuggling in all its forms.

The sources told Asharq Al-Awsat that Syrian authorities currently control most of the border with Lebanon, but said this did not mean all smuggling routes had been sealed.

They noted that Hezbollah, even before the outbreak of the Syrian uprising in 2011 and during years of fighting alongside the Assad regime, built weapons depots and supply tunnels in border areas with the Bekaa, including western Qalamoun, which includes the Zabadani area.

The sources said the new authorities had seized a large number of those depots during their operations, confiscated the weapons inside them, and destroyed supply tunnels.

However, they said most of the depots built by Hezbollah inside Syrian territory were not visible, suggesting that a number of them may not yet have been discovered.

Observers say that following the end of Hezbollah’s presence, and that of Iran, in Syria, the group is attempting through sleeper cells inside Syrian territory to smuggle what remains of its weapons stockpiles from undiscovered depots.

They said this comes amid a decline in Hezbollah’s military capabilities after the war waged against it by Israel last year, and amid reports raising the possibility of a new Israeli war against the group.

In September last year, the head of internal security in the Damascus countryside, Brigadier General Ahmed al-Dalati, said specialized units, in cooperation with the General Intelligence Service, had arrested a Hezbollah cell operating in the towns of Saasaa and Kanaker in western Damascus countryside after close surveillance and intensive fieldwork.

Al-Dalati said initial investigations showed that members of the cell had received training in camps inside Lebanese territory and were planning to carry out operations inside Syria that would threaten the security and stability of citizens.

He said the operation led to the seizure of rocket launch platforms, 19 Grad rockets, anti armor missiles, individual weapons, and large quantities of assorted ammunition.

The case was referred to the competent authorities to pursue legal procedures, while security agencies continued interrogations to uncover all links and objectives, al-Dalati said.

In a separate incident, the Internal Security Directorate in the Qusayr area of the Homs countryside seized a shipment of Kornet missiles on Oct. 11 that was being prepared for smuggling out of the country.

The missiles were being transported on two motorcycles, in the second such operation within two weeks.

The Interior Ministry said at the time that the seizure followed precise intelligence gathering and continuous monitoring of illegal weapons sources, resulting in the full confiscation of the shipment.

It said investigations were ongoing to identify all those involved, determine the sources of the weapons, and take deterrent legal action.

On Nov. 10, Internal Security Command in Homs province arrested a suspect identified as A.S. on charges of trafficking weapons and ammunition, following close field surveillance.

An official statement said the arrest came after precise information was received indicating his involvement in the trade of anti armor missiles and assorted ammunition.

Security sources said units recently discovered a warehouse in the Homs countryside containing light and medium weapons and assorted ammunition. The cache was being used as a supply source for outlawed groups seeking to destabilize the area, according to Sham News Network.

Additional quantities of weapons were also found distributed among villages and towns in western Homs countryside. The weapons were confiscated in accordance with legal regulations after it was determined they had been carefully concealed.

The directorate said the operations fall within the Interior Ministry’s strategy to secure borders and combat smuggling, in a way that supports national security and enhances stability along the border areas with Lebanon.


Lebanese Army Discovers Hezbollah Tunnel in South

Lebanese army members stand on a military vehicle during a Lebanese army media tour, to review the army's operations in the southern Litani sector, in Alma Al-Shaab, near the border with Israel, southern Lebanon, November 28, 2025. (Reuters)
Lebanese army members stand on a military vehicle during a Lebanese army media tour, to review the army's operations in the southern Litani sector, in Alma Al-Shaab, near the border with Israel, southern Lebanon, November 28, 2025. (Reuters)
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Lebanese Army Discovers Hezbollah Tunnel in South

Lebanese army members stand on a military vehicle during a Lebanese army media tour, to review the army's operations in the southern Litani sector, in Alma Al-Shaab, near the border with Israel, southern Lebanon, November 28, 2025. (Reuters)
Lebanese army members stand on a military vehicle during a Lebanese army media tour, to review the army's operations in the southern Litani sector, in Alma Al-Shaab, near the border with Israel, southern Lebanon, November 28, 2025. (Reuters)

The Lebanese army has uncovered a tunnel built by Hezbollah in the southern town of Touline after carrying out an excavation at the request of the ceasefire oversight committee known as the Mechanism, Lebanese media reported. The site had previously been struck by an Israeli attack, according to the reports.

This was not the first time the Lebanese army has inspected sites at the request of the Mechanism or following Israeli threats, as part of coordination between the military, the committee overseeing the cessation of hostilities and the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL).

A similar inspection took place last week when the army conducted a thorough search of a building in the southern town of Yanouh after Israel threatened to strike the house.

No weapons were found. After the Lebanese army deployed, the Israeli military announced it had temporarily suspended the strike it had threatened on what it described as Hezbollah military infrastructure in the town.

The developments came as Israeli strikes on southern Lebanon continued, with an air raid on Wednesday hitting the town of Kfar Kila. No casualties were reported, said the state-run National News Agency.

Meanwhile, Deputy Prime Minister Tarek Mitri described the Mechanism as a “platform for discussion and a framework for oversight and verification of compliance with agreements”, stressing that Lebanon has adhered to its commitments since the first day of the 2024 ceasefire, while Israeli violations have continued.

On Hezbollah’s weapons, Mitri said during the opening session of the eighth conference of the Carnegie Middle East Center in Beirut that Lebanese army commander General Rodolphe Haykal had proposed a five-phase plan starting with strengthening the army’s capabilities.

He stressed that extending state authority in the area surrounding the Litani River was making gradual progress, with the army nearing completion of its mission south of the Litani in preparation for moving to later phases.

On reconstruction, Mitri added that the international community was making the extension of state authority a key condition for support. He hoped that Arab states would play a supportive role through their international relations.

The developments come ahead of a new meeting of the Mechanism tasked with monitoring the ceasefire, scheduled for Dec. 19.

It will be the second meeting attended by the head of the Lebanese delegation, Ambassador Simon Karam, after his participation alongside an Israeli civilian in the previous session earlier this month, marking the first direct talks between the two countries.

President Joseph Aoun met Karam on Wednesday and provided him with guidance ahead of the meeting.

The ceasefire monitoring committee includes Lebanon, Israel, France, the United States and the United Nations.

The ceasefire agreement stipulates a halt to hostilities, the withdrawal of Hezbollah north of the Litani River, leading to its disarmament across Lebanon, and the withdrawal of Israeli forces from positions they occupied during the latest war.

Israel, however, maintains a presence at five “strategic” sites inside Lebanese territory, while Hezbollah refuses to disarm.