Israel Deploys Expansive Facial Recognition Program in Gaza

Israeli soldiers operate in the Gaza Strip amid the ongoing conflict between Israel and the Palestinian group Hamas, in this handout picture released on March 27, 2024. Israeli army/Handout via REUTERS.
Israeli soldiers operate in the Gaza Strip amid the ongoing conflict between Israel and the Palestinian group Hamas, in this handout picture released on March 27, 2024. Israeli army/Handout via REUTERS.
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Israel Deploys Expansive Facial Recognition Program in Gaza

Israeli soldiers operate in the Gaza Strip amid the ongoing conflict between Israel and the Palestinian group Hamas, in this handout picture released on March 27, 2024. Israeli army/Handout via REUTERS.
Israeli soldiers operate in the Gaza Strip amid the ongoing conflict between Israel and the Palestinian group Hamas, in this handout picture released on March 27, 2024. Israeli army/Handout via REUTERS.

By Sheera Frenkel

 

Within minutes of walking through an Israeli military checkpoint along Gaza’s central highway on Nov. 19, the Palestinian poet Mosab Abu Toha was asked to step out of the crowd. He put down his 3-year-old son, whom he was carrying, and sat in front of a military jeep.
Half an hour later, Abu Toha heard his name called. Then he was blindfolded and led away for interrogation.
“I had no idea what was happening or how they could suddenly know my full legal name,” said the 31-year-old, who added that he had no ties to the militant group Hamas and had been trying to leave Gaza for Egypt.
It turned out Abu Toha had walked into the range of cameras embedded with facial recognition technology, according to three Israeli intelligence officials who spoke on the condition of anonymity. After his face was scanned and he was identified, an artificial intelligence program found that the poet was on an Israeli list of wanted persons, they said.
Abu Toha is one of hundreds of Palestinians who have been picked out by a previously undisclosed Israeli facial recognition program that was started in Gaza late last year. The expansive and experimental effort is being used to conduct mass surveillance there, collecting and cataloging the faces of Palestinians without their knowledge or consent, according to Israeli intelligence officers, military officials and soldiers.
The technology was initially used in Gaza to search for Israelis who were taken hostage by Hamas during the Oct. 7 cross-border raids, the intelligence officials said. After Israel embarked on a ground offensive in Gaza, it increasingly turned to the program to root out anyone with ties to Hamas or other militant groups. At times, the technology wrongly flagged civilians as wanted Hamas militants, one officer said.
The facial recognition program, which is run by Israel’s military intelligence unit, including the cyber-intelligence division Unit 8200, relies on technology from Corsight, a private Israeli company, four intelligence officers said. It also uses Google Photos, they said. Combined, the technologies enable Israel to pick faces out of crowds and grainy drone footage.
Three of the people with knowledge of the program said they were speaking out because of concerns that it was a misuse of time and resources by Israel.
An Israeli army spokesman declined to comment on activity in Gaza, but said the military “carries out necessary security and intelligence operations, while making significant efforts to minimize harm to the uninvolved population.” He added, “Naturally, we cannot refer to operational and intelligence capabilities in this context.”
Facial recognition technology has spread across the globe in recent years, fueled by increasingly sophisticated A.I. systems. While some countries use the technology to make air travel easier, China and Russia have deployed the technology against minority groups and to suppress dissent. Israel’s use of facial recognition in Gaza stands out as an application of the technology in a war.
Complete Dehumanization of the Palestinians
Matt Mahmoudi, a researcher with Amnesty International, said Israel’s use of facial recognition was a concern because it could lead to “a complete dehumanization of Palestinians” where they were not seen as individuals. He added that Israeli soldiers were unlikely to question the technology when it identified a person as being part of a militant group, even though the technology makes mistakes.
Israel previously used facial recognition in the West Bank and East Jerusalem, according to an Amnesty report last year, but the effort in Gaza goes further.
In the West Bank and East Jerusalem, Israelis have a homegrown facial recognition system called Blue Wolf, according to the Amnesty report. At checkpoints in West Bank cities such as Hebron, Palestinians are scanned by high-resolution cameras before being permitted to pass. Soldiers also use smartphone apps to scan the faces of Palestinians and add them to a database, the report said.
In Gaza, which Israel withdrew from in 2005, no facial recognition technology was present. Surveillance of Hamas in Gaza was instead conducted by tapping phone lines, interrogating Palestinian prisoners, harvesting drone footage, getting access to private social media accounts and hacking into telecommunications systems, Israeli intelligence officers said.
After Oct. 7, Israeli intelligence officers in Unit 8200 turned to that surveillance for information on the Hamas gunmen who breached Israel’s borders. The unit also combed through footage of the attacks from security cameras, as well as videos uploaded by Hamas on social media, one officer said. He said the unit had been told to create a “hit list” of Hamas members who participated in the attack.
Corsight was then brought in to create a facial recognition program in Gaza, three Israeli intelligence officers said.
The company, with headquarters in Tel Aviv, says on its website that its technology requires less than 50 percent of a face to be visible for accurate recognition. Robert Watts, Corsight’s president, posted this month on LinkedIn that the facial recognition technology could work with “extreme angles, (even from drones,) darkness, poor quality.”
Unit 8200 personnel soon found that Corsight’s technology struggled if footage was grainy and faces were obscured, one officer said. When the military tried identifying the bodies of Israelis killed on Oct. 7, the technology could not always work for people whose faces had been injured. There were also false positives, or cases when a person was mistakenly identified as being connected to Hamas, the officer said.
To supplement Corsight’s technology, Israeli officers used Google Photos, the free photo sharing and storage service from Google, three intelligence officers said. By uploading a database of known persons to Google Photos, Israeli officers could use the service’s photo search function to identify people.
Google’s ability to match faces and identify people even with only a small portion of their face visible was superior to other technology, one officer said. The military continued to use Corsight because it was customizable, the officers said.
A Google spokesman said Google Photos was a free consumer product that “does not provide identities for unknown people in photographs.”
The facial recognition program in Gaza grew as Israel expanded its military offensive there. Israeli soldiers entering Gaza were given cameras equipped with the technology. Soldiers also set up checkpoints along major roads that Palestinians were using to flee areas of heavy fighting, with cameras that scanned faces.
The program’s goals were to search for Israeli hostages, as well as Hamas fighters who could be detained for questioning, the Israeli intelligence officers said.
The guidelines of whom to stop were intentionally broad, one said. Palestinian prisoners were asked to name people from their communities who they believed were part of Hamas. Israel would then search for those people, hoping they would yield more intelligence.
Abu Toha, the Palestinian poet, was named as a Hamas operative by someone in the northern Gaza town of Beit Lahia, where he lived with his family, the Israeli intelligence officers said. The officers said there was no specific intelligence attached to his file explaining a connection to Hamas.
In an interview, Abu Toha, who wrote “Things You May Find Hidden in My Ear: Poems From Gaza,” said he has no connection to Hamas.
When he and his family were stopped at the military checkpoint on Nov. 19 as they tried leaving for Egypt, he said he had not shown any identification when he was asked to step out of the crowd.
After he was handcuffed and taken to sit under a tent with several dozen men, he heard someone say the Israeli army had used a “new technology” on the group. Within 30 minutes, Israeli soldiers called him by his full legal name.
Abu Toha said he was beaten and interrogated in an Israeli detention center for two days before being returned to Gaza with no explanation. He wrote about his experience in The New Yorker, where he is a contributor. He credited his release to a campaign led by journalists at The New Yorker and other publications.
Upon his release, Israeli soldiers told him his interrogation had been a “mistake,” he said.
In a statement at the time, the Israeli military said Abu Toha was taken for questioning because of “intelligence indicating a number of interactions between several civilians and terror organizations inside the Gaza Strip.”
Abu Toha, who is now in Cairo with his family, said he was not aware of any facial recognition program in Gaza.
“I did not know Israel was capturing or recording my face,” he said. But Israel has “been watching us for years from the sky with their drones. They have been watching us gardening and going to schools and kissing our wives. I feel like I have been watched for so long.”

The New York Times



Sadr Says Armed Wing to Join Iraqi Gov’t

An Iraqi man walks past a poster of Moqtada al-Sadr wearing Saraya al-Salam military uniform on a street in Baghdad (AFP)
An Iraqi man walks past a poster of Moqtada al-Sadr wearing Saraya al-Salam military uniform on a street in Baghdad (AFP)
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Sadr Says Armed Wing to Join Iraqi Gov’t

An Iraqi man walks past a poster of Moqtada al-Sadr wearing Saraya al-Salam military uniform on a street in Baghdad (AFP)
An Iraqi man walks past a poster of Moqtada al-Sadr wearing Saraya al-Salam military uniform on a street in Baghdad (AFP)

Shiite cleric Moqtada al-Sadr, leader of the Sadrist movement, said on Wednesday he had decided to sever his movement’s ties with its armed wing, Saraya al-Salam, and place its members under the authority of the state, in a move that comes amid political and government efforts to restrict weapons to the state and regulate the work of armed factions in Iraq.

Sadr had previously announced that he was dissolving his armed wing, but his latest position coincides with the arrival of a government working under regional and international pressure to disarm armed factions.

Observers said Sadr’s latest decision carries weight because it hands his Saraya al-Salam fighters over to the authority of the new prime minister, Ali al-Zaidi.

“It has become necessary for us to announce the complete separation of Saraya al-Salam from the movement and their full integration into the state and the general authority responsible for military formations, provided that the civilian bodies attached to Saraya al-Salam are transformed into Al-Bunyan al-Marsous, with no offices, weapons, uniforms, titles or anything else,” Sadr said in a statement.

“In the end, I can only thank the military formations of Saraya al-Salam for all their jihad, and may God forgive them,” he added.

Saraya al-Salam is part of the Popular Mobilization Forces through brigades 313, 314, and 315. It carries out security duties across several areas, most notably in Samarra.

Sadr called on “the remaining factions in the Popular Mobilization Forces to separate themselves from partisan and sectarian orders” and urged them to hand over their weapons to the state, saying he had offered such advice years earlier.

Government welcomes move

In a swift response, Iraqi Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi welcomed the move, describing it as “an important path toward strengthening internal stability and consolidating the principle of restricting weapons to the state.”

Zaidi said in a statement that the current phase “requires unifying efforts and placing the higher national interest first.” He called on all armed factions to work under the umbrella of the state and its official institutions, stressing that the state “is the only authority authorized to carry weapons and enforce the law.”

Sadr’s announcement comes as the Iraqi government seeks to implement a program to restrict weapons to the state, a pledge included in the current government’s ministerial program, alongside discussions within the Coordination Framework over mechanisms to regulate and hand over weapons.

Sources said some factions had shown relative “flexibility” on the issue compared with their previous, more hardline positions, while others still reject including what they call “resistance weapons” in any disarmament measures.

It is widely rumored that five armed factions have agreed to place their weapons under government institutions, without clear details on how the possible process would be carried out, while Harakat al-Nujaba and Kataib Hezbollah have refused to comply with disarmament requests.

Nazim al-Saidi, head of the executive council of Harakat al-Nujaba, said earlier this month that measures to restrict weapons target “uncontrolled” arms that cause “chaos,” not “resistance weapons.”

Former lawmaker Sajjad Salem questioned whether the decision could be implemented, saying Sadr had previously announced the separation of Saraya al-Salam from the movement, “but the decision was not carried out.”

Salem said armed factions rely on weapons to secure their political and financial influence, adding that the Sadrist movement “has an exceptional ability to organize and mobilize with almost no resources,” a reference to the difficulty other factions may face in giving up their weapons.

Former Prime Minister Mustafa al-Kadhimi also commented on the move, saying the decision “stems from a high level of concern for the supreme national interest, and from a deep awareness of the need to push toward strengthening the path of the state and its institutions.” He described it as “a position worthy of praise and welcome.”

The leader of Asaib Ahl al-Haq also paved the way for the handover of his weapons. On Wednesday, he stressed that his political project supports “the state, sovereignty and stability, not a project of chaos,” as he put it.

Qais al-Khazali said in press remarks that “the current phase requires moving toward consolidating state institutions and strengthening their role in confronting internal and external challenges.”

Disarmament plan

Asharq Al-Awsat reported on May 9, 2026, that an Iraqi committee, including Prime Minister-designate Ali al-Zaidi, outgoing Prime Minister Mohammed Shia al-Sudani, and Hadi al-Amiri was working to complete an “executive project” to disarm armed factions before presenting it to Washington, amid mounting US pressure to keep militias away from the new government and state institutions.

The committee had presented militia leaders with “ideas on how to disarm,” but some meetings “did not pass calmly,” according to people familiar with the matter.

The plan includes removing heavy and medium weapons and restructuring the Popular Mobilization Forces, in parallel with expected changes in sensitive security agencies, which could include the intelligence service.

But political sources questioned the government’s ability to implement the project, saying it may be intended to “buy time.” In contrast, prominent factions, including Kataib Hezbollah and Harakat al-Nujaba, have said they reject handing over their weapons “whatever the cost.”


Yemen Transport Minister Says Two Arabian Sea Ports Planned

A view of Aden International Airport earlier this year (Reuters)
A view of Aden International Airport earlier this year (Reuters)
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Yemen Transport Minister Says Two Arabian Sea Ports Planned

A view of Aden International Airport earlier this year (Reuters)
A view of Aden International Airport earlier this year (Reuters)

The Yemeni government is betting that rebuilding the transport sector can help revive an economy battered by more than a decade of war that has left airports, ports and roads badly damaged.

Yemeni Transport Minister Mohsen al-Amri told Asharq Al-Awsat that rebuilding the sector “requires resources, capabilities, investments and effective partnerships with donors, international institutions and the private sector.”

Al-Amri said the ministry was working under “a phased vision” to expand airport capacity and reconnect Yemeni governorates with the region and the wider world. It is also seeking to develop two ports on the Arabian Sea “to improve logistics services, support maritime trade and connect coastal areas to regional and international trade routes,” he said.

The Houthi group, meanwhile, has limited itself to estimating the sector’s losses without acknowledging responsibility.

Al-Amri said the damage since the start of the war had been extensive across air, sea and land transport.

“We cannot determine any figures in this regard at the present time, and there is no doubt that rebuilding Yemen’s transport sector requires resources, capabilities and investments with the private sector,” he said.

The minister praised Saudi Arabia’s continued support across several fields, including transport, saying its impact was reflected in improved services.

The Houthi group issued a report several days ago, presented at an event attended by some of its leaders, putting cumulative war damage and losses across transport sectors at $23.2 billion.

It claimed it could restore the operational readiness of damaged facilities in areas under its control within weeks, but did not set out a strategy.

Reconnecting Yemen

Recent moves by Yemen’s Transport Ministry point to a broader government push to rehabilitate airports and ports and increase the capacity of air and sea gateways. The government says the plan aims to turn Yemen into a hub linking international trade corridors, drawing on its strategic location.

Al-Amri said the ministry was pursuing a phased plan to turn several local airports into international airports, including Al-Ghaydah in the eastern governorate of Al-Mahra, Ataq in the central governorate of Shabwa and Mokha in the southwestern governorate of Taiz.

The plan also includes upgrading Seiyun airport in the east and Socotra airport in the south, with the aim of “linking Yemeni governorates to the regional and international spheres.”

The government is also seeking to revive maritime transport through new port projects, led by Qarma port on Socotra island in the Indian Ocean and Brom port in the eastern governorate of Hadramout.

Al-Amri described the two ports as “strategic projects” that would ease pressure on main ports, improve logistics, stimulate maritime trade and connect coastal areas to regional and international trade routes.

He said the ministry sets transport project priorities based on population density, economic importance, development and service impact, and the ability to facilitate the movement of people, trade and aid. Project readiness and financing prospects are also considered, he said, along with the goal of balancing development among governorates and directing resources by priority.

In recent weeks, the Transport Ministry has stepped up foreign outreach through talks and cooperation agreements with the European Union, the International Civil Aviation Organization, Morocco and Egypt. The aim is to secure technical and professional support to develop airports and ports, train personnel and modernize air navigation systems.

Al-Amri said the government does not see transport development as a services project alone, but as part of a wider plan to restore state institutions and strengthen their economic role.

Houthi denial

The Yemeni government expects its plans to help move Yemen from a country exhausted by war into a hub linking international trade corridors, using its position on the Red Sea, the Gulf of Aden and the Arabian Sea. It also expects the plans to cut transport and insurance costs, stimulate trade, attract private investment and support economic recovery.

By contrast, the Houthi group’s claims and loss estimates expose the depth of deterioration in one of the most vital sectors under its control, whether from its use of facilities and installations as military bases and barracks, or from attacks linked to escalation in the Red Sea and against Israel.

According to the group’s figures, losses at the ports of Hodeidah, Al-Salif and Ras Isa on Yemen’s western coast exceeded $8.7 billion. Airport losses topped $2 billion, with major airports knocked out of service, Sanaa International Airport damaged, thousands of kilometers of roads destroyed and more than 100 bridges wrecked.

The group has avoided acknowledging responsibility for destroying these facilities and damaging the sector, particularly after it detained four Yemenia Airways aircraft at Sanaa airport. The planes were destroyed by Israeli airstrikes last May in response to Houthi missile attacks.

The gap between government development plans and Houthi loss figures shows that transport has become one of the central arenas for rebuilding the Yemeni state. Reopening airports and ports is not just about improving services. It is about restoring key tools of economic sovereignty, easing the movement of trade and aid, and reconnecting Yemen’s regions with one another and with regional and international markets.


Israel Tests Nabatieh Defenses, Seeks to Isolate the City in South Lebanon

Smoke rises from Beaufort Castle following strikes, as seen from Marjayoun, southern Lebanon, May 27, 2026. REUTERS/Stringer
Smoke rises from Beaufort Castle following strikes, as seen from Marjayoun, southern Lebanon, May 27, 2026. REUTERS/Stringer
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Israel Tests Nabatieh Defenses, Seeks to Isolate the City in South Lebanon

Smoke rises from Beaufort Castle following strikes, as seen from Marjayoun, southern Lebanon, May 27, 2026. REUTERS/Stringer
Smoke rises from Beaufort Castle following strikes, as seen from Marjayoun, southern Lebanon, May 27, 2026. REUTERS/Stringer

The Israeli army made on Wednesday further incursions around the southern Lebanese city of Nabatieh beyond the Israeli-declared "yellow line” while increasing airstrikes up to 20 kilometers from the border and forcing the full evacuation of towns around the city.

The advance followed Israeli threats to expand beyond the yellow line and coincided with what Israel’s Channel 14 described as the widespread, systematic destruction of more than 10,000 buildings in southern Lebanese border villages, about 70% of the structures Israel plans to demolish in the area.

“We are expanding our operations in Lebanon to deepen the scale of the damage we are inflicting on Hezbollah,” Israeli army Chief of Staff Eyal Zamir said on Wednesday.

Hayat Al-Aqleh embraces her 18-month-old son Ali at Jabal Amel Hospital in the southern port city of Tyre, Lebanon, Wednesday, May 27, 2026, after he underwent head surgery for injuries sustained in an Israeli airstrike a day earlier in the village of Charnay near Tyre. (AP Photo/Mohammad Zaatari)

New push north of the river

Israeli forces entered eastern Zawtar, a town on the northern bank of the Litani, advancing on its outskirts as they sought to reach the strategic Beaufort Castle east of Nabatieh.

The castle overlooks, from the east, Lebanese towns under Israeli occupation, as well as northern Israeli settlements less than 10 kilometers away. Israel has placed the castle and the towns of Zawtar, Arnoun and Yohmor al-Shaqif within the yellow line, although they lie north of the Litani.

Local sources in southern Lebanon told Asharq Al-Awsat that Israeli forces sent unmanned vehicles deep into an area near Mayfadoun to probe defenses and reconnaissance capabilities.

They said the move pointed to attempts to push toward the hills south of Nabatieh, especially Mayfadoun and Shawkin, to isolate the city, which was placed under a full evacuation warning on Wednesday for a second day in a row.

The sources said airstrikes intensified on Beaufort Castle and nearby Yohmor, Kfar Tebnit and Arnoun, areas overlooking Nabatieh from the east.

The Israeli army gave no details on the fighting.

In a statement sent in response to a question from Agence France Presse and attributed to a military official, the army said it was operating in a targeted manner beyond the forward defense line to eliminate direct threats to the citizens of the State of Israel and to soldiers ... in accordance with directives from the political leadership.

Specific details regarding the locations of soldiers cannot be provided, the official said.

Clashes at point-blank range

In a statement Wednesday, Hezbollah said its fighters "clashed with the enemy forces at point-blank range" with light and medium weapons in the town of Zawtar al-Sharqiyah.

Since dawn on Tuesday, Hezbollah had said it targeted Israeli forces trying to enter the town with rocket-propelled grenades and explosive drones. It later said its fighters fired rockets and drones at Israeli forces on the town’s outskirts and near its entrance by the riverbed.

Al-Manar, Hezbollah’s television channel, said Israeli forces were moving along three axes on the outskirts of Zawtar al-Sharqiyah from the Hamra side. It said clashes were underway at three points, but denied that Israeli forces had advanced toward Mayfadoun or the inner neighborhoods of Zawtar al-Sharqiyah.

The town’s position north of the Litani gives it strategic significance due to its proximity to Nabatieh, southern Lebanon’s largest city. Israel accuses Hezbollah of violating the ceasefire.

Zawtar al-Sharqiyah lies next to the yellow line that the Israeli army drew last month in southern Lebanon. The line runs around 10 kilometers deep inside Lebanese territory and where residents have been warned not to return.

The advance into the town coincided with an Israeli army statement on Tuesday saying it was “operating in a targeted manner beyond the forward defense line to eliminate direct threats to the citizens of the State of Israel and to soldiers.”

Emptying Nabatieh’s surroundings

As it tries to advance, Israel is also working to isolate Nabatieh and its surroundings by expanding the fire-enforced buffer zone to nearly 20 kilometers from the border.

Field sources in southern Lebanon told Asharq Al-Awsat that the line of fire had been cleared to Doueir, where no one can now enter, including ambulances, which need permission from the so-called mechanism - an internationally brokered monitoring committee established to oversee the ceasefire - to access the town.

Civil defense members search for victims in the rubble of a residential building hit the previous day by an Israeli strike near the southern town of Burj al-Shamali, on the outskirts of Tyre, on May 27, 2026.(Photo by KAWNAT HAJU / AFP)

The sources said the evacuation sweep covered Doueir, Harouf, Jebchit, Zebdine, Toul, Kfar Jouz, Deir al-Zahrani, Habboush, Kfar Roummane, Mayfadoun and Shawkin. It also included towns north of the river, southwest of Nabatieh, overlooking the Litani’s bank.

The developments came hours after evacuation warnings on Tuesday covered about 50 Lebanese villages and towns, including all towns in the districts of Bint Jbeil, Marjayoun and Tyre, as well as a large part of the Nabatieh district.

The Israeli army carried out about 150 airstrikes on Tuesday, killing 31 people and wounding 40, according to Lebanon’s Health Ministry. The ministry said 14 people were killed in Burj al-Shamali near Tyre.

On Wednesday, the bombing expanded into the Zahrani district, hitting Tafahta, as well as large parts of villages around Nabatieh. Lebanon’s official National News Agency said a strike near Nabih Berri Governmental Hospital caused “major damage to hospital wards.”