From Retaliation to Displacement: How Gaza’s War Has Evolved

Nuseirat camp in Gaza amid Israel's ongoing military campaign, March 20, 2025 (AFP)
Nuseirat camp in Gaza amid Israel's ongoing military campaign, March 20, 2025 (AFP)
TT
20

From Retaliation to Displacement: How Gaza’s War Has Evolved

Nuseirat camp in Gaza amid Israel's ongoing military campaign, March 20, 2025 (AFP)
Nuseirat camp in Gaza amid Israel's ongoing military campaign, March 20, 2025 (AFP)

There is a stark difference between the war Israel launched on Gaza 16 months ago and the one it is waging today. In the first, Israel was driven by a deep wound to its prestige following Hamas’s surprise attack on October 7, 2023, making its military campaign in Gaza an act of retaliation.

Today, however, it is pursuing a war with a clear strategic goal: to eliminate the Palestinian cause and force the displacement of as many Palestinians as possible—not just from Gaza.

Israel now has a military led by a loyal, unchallenging command and the backing of a US administration hostile to Hamas.

While former President Joe Biden’s administration strongly supported Israel’s retaliatory war under the pretext of restoring its deterrence against the “Axis of Resistance,” providing extensive assistance in striking Hamas, Hezbollah, and even directly targeting Iran and the Houthis, the US at the time imposed some constraints on Tel Aviv.

Washington urged Israel to adhere to international law and voiced objections over the high civilian death toll, particularly among women and children.

The Biden administration managed the crisis while keeping political avenues open in response to Arab demands for an end to the war that would prevent future conflicts and destruction.

It was clear to Washington that Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s government was not suited for a comprehensive peace initiative. Expecting his swift downfall once the war ended, the administration engaged with political forces in Israel working to unseat him.

In the current war, Washington is led by a completely different administration under President Donald Trump, which is fully aligned with Netanyahu. This has allowed Netanyahu to act without restraint from the new US leadership, which harbors deep hostility toward Hamas—not only over the October 7 attack but also due to a fundamental misunderstanding of the group’s policies and objectives.

As a result, the key difference between the two wars is that Netanyahu now enjoys even stronger backing from Washington.

The Trump administration has opened a direct communication channel with Hamas despite Israeli objections, attempting to persuade the group to extend the initial phase of the ceasefire as a compromise that would keep Israel in the truce and allow the US to manage the crisis on its terms.

Moreover, the administration shares the same right-wing ideological base as Netanyahu’s government and wants it to remain in power.

It agrees with Netanyahu on the need to eliminate not only Hamas but also as many Palestinians as possible.

The administration has embraced the far-right proposal advocating for the “voluntary” displacement of Palestinians—an agenda that has come to be known as the Trump Plan.

Trump’s team recognizes that Netanyahu’s government cannot survive without appeasing the demands of the hardline right that controls its fate—not just figures like Itamar Ben-Gvir and Bezalel Smotrich, but also an ideologically rigid faction within Netanyahu’s own Likud party.

 

 



US Pulls Out of Two More Bases in Syria, Worrying Kurdish Forces

SDF forces in Syria. (AFP file)
SDF forces in Syria. (AFP file)
TT
20

US Pulls Out of Two More Bases in Syria, Worrying Kurdish Forces

SDF forces in Syria. (AFP file)
SDF forces in Syria. (AFP file)

US forces have pulled out of two more bases in northeastern Syria, visiting Reuters reporters found, accelerating a troop drawdown that the commander of US-backed Syrian Kurdish forces said was allowing a resurgence of ISIS.

Reuters reporters who visited the two bases in the past week found them mostly deserted, both guarded by small contingents of the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) - the Kurdish-led military group that Washington has backed in the fight against ISIS for a decade.

Cameras used on bases occupied by the US-led military coalition had been taken down, and razor wire on the outer perimeters had begun to sag.

A Kurdish politician who lives on one base said there were no longer US troops there. SDF guards at the second base said troops had left recently but declined to say when. The Pentagon declined to comment.

It is the first confirmation on the ground by reporters that the US has withdrawn from Al-Wazir and Tel Baydar bases in Hasaka province. It brings to at least four the number of bases in Syria US troops have left since President Donald Trump took office.

Trump’s administration said this month it will scale down its military presence in Syria to one base from eight in parts of northeastern Syria that the SDF controls. The New York Times reported in April that troops might be reduced from 2,000 to 500 in the drawdown.

The SDF did not respond to questions about the current number of troops and open US bases in northeastern Syria.

But SDF commander Mazloum Abdi, who spoke to Reuters at another US base, Al Shadadi, said the presence of a few hundred troops on one base would be "not enough" to contain the threat of ISIS.

"The threat of ISIS has significantly increased recently. But this is the US military’s plan. We’ve known about it for a long time ... and we’re working with them to make sure there are no gaps and we can maintain pressure on ISIS," he said.

Abdi spoke to Reuters on Friday, hours after Israel launched its air war on Iran. He declined to comment on how the new Israel-Iran war would affect Syria, saying simply that he hoped it would not spill over there and that he felt safe on a US base.

Hours after the interview, three Iranian-made missiles targeted the Al Shadadi base and were shot down by US defense systems, two SDF security sources said.

ISIS ACTIVE IN SYRIAN CITIES

ISIS ruled vast swathes of Iraq and Syria from 2014 to 2017 during Syria’s civil war, imposing a vision of religious rule under which it beheaded locals in city squares, sex-trafficked members of the Yazidi minority and executed foreign journalists and aid workers.

The group, from its strongholds in Raqqa in Syria and Mosul in Iraq, also launched deadly attacks in European and Middle Eastern countries.

A US-led military Coalition of more than 80 countries waged a yearslong campaign to defeat the group and end its territorial control, supporting Iraqi forces and the SDF.

But ISIS has been reinvigorated since the ouster of Syrian dictator Bashar al-Assad in December at the hands of separate opposition factions.

Abdi said ISIS cells had become active in several Syrian cities, including Damascus, and that a group of foreign extremists who once battled the Syrian regime had joined its ranks. He did not elaborate.

He said ISIS had seized weapons and ammunition from Syrian regime depots in the chaos after Assad's fall.

Several Kurdish officials told Reuters that ISIS had already begun moving more openly around US bases which had recently been shuttered, including near the cities of Deir Ezzor and Raqqa, once strongholds for the extremist group.

In areas the SDF controls east of the Euphrates River, ISIS has waged a series of attacks and killed at least 10 SDF fighters and security forces, Abdi said. Attacks included a roadside bomb targeting a convoy of oil tankers on a road near the US base where he gave the interview.