Israel Pressures Lebanon with US Cover

UNIFIL vehicles conduct a military patrol in a border area between Lebanon and Israel (DPA). 
UNIFIL vehicles conduct a military patrol in a border area between Lebanon and Israel (DPA). 
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Israel Pressures Lebanon with US Cover

UNIFIL vehicles conduct a military patrol in a border area between Lebanon and Israel (DPA). 
UNIFIL vehicles conduct a military patrol in a border area between Lebanon and Israel (DPA). 

Lebanese sources question the United States’ absence from Lebanon’s political and diplomatic scene, arguing that this has allowed Israel to escalate its violations of the ceasefire agreement.

They say that this disengagement has freed Israel’s hand to assassinate Hezbollah figures—most recently Hassan Badr—and conduct airstrikes on towns north of the Litani River.

The situation has been further complicated by the US-driven suspension of the international monitoring committee overseeing the ceasefire. This is tied to Lebanon’s reluctance to form three committees requested by US envoy Morgan Ortagus, addressing Lebanese prisoners in Israel, the Israeli withdrawal from occupied points, and border demarcation, including 13 disputed areas.

The political circles in Lebanon now anticipate Ortagus’ visit, during which she will meet key officials, including President Joseph Aoun and Prime Minister Nawaf Salam.

Israel, emboldened by US support, continues military pressure on Lebanon, raising concerns that it seeks to enforce UN Resolution 1701 through force to push Lebanon into negotiations that could lead to normalization.

There is speculation that Israel aims to trade normalization for a demilitarized zone extending beyond South Lebanon to include areas north of the Litani River, eliminating Hezbollah’s military presence there. However, Aoun has emphasized Lebanon’s defense strategy, which aims to ensure the state’s exclusive control over weapons across the entire country.

Sources suggest Hezbollah must adopt a pragmatic approach and support Lebanon’s diplomatic push rather than relying on military rhetoric. However, in a recent speech, Hezbollah’s Secretary-General Naim Qassem reaffirmed the group’s commitment to resistance and warned of open-ended options if diplomacy fails. This stance appears contradictory, as Hezbollah has recently shifted toward diplomatic engagement, especially given Israel’s current advantage in deterrence and rules of engagement.

In contrast, Aoun and Salam have actively pushed for US intervention to enforce Israel’s withdrawal and implement Resolution 1701.

Israel’s occupation of several points has blocked the Lebanese Army’s deployment alongside UNIFIL to the international border. Blaming Lebanon for failing to comply with international resolutions is unfair when Israel continues its violations. The international monitoring committee has even praised the Lebanese Army’s efforts in implementing the ceasefire agreement.

Lebanese sources reject claims that Washington blames Aoun and Salam for not adhering to their commitments. They argue that Israel’s violations are the primary issue, not Lebanon’s policies.

Salam’s position on ending non-state weapons and moving beyond the “army, people, and resistance” formula was welcomed by Washington but rejected by Hezbollah, which continues to use the rhetoric for political mobilization.

Sources stress that Aoun’s refusal to negotiate normalization with Israel aligns with Lebanon’s political consensus. During his visit to Paris, he emphasized that border talks should follow the same diplomatic protocols used in previous maritime negotiations.

Meanwhile, intelligence reports suggest that Hezbollah was not involved in the recent rocket attacks on Israel, reinforcing Speaker Nabih Berri’s statement that these incidents may have been orchestrated by Israel for strategic purposes.

Security agencies are close to uncovering the truth, with Lebanese and Palestinian suspects under investigation.

 



Iraq Parliament Delays Presidential Vote Again

29 January 2026, Iraq, Baghdad: A supporter of former Iraqi prime minister Nouri al-Maliki chants in front of al-Maliki portrait during a protest against US President Donald Trump near the US embassy in Baghdad. Photo: Ameer Al-Mohammedawi/dpa
29 January 2026, Iraq, Baghdad: A supporter of former Iraqi prime minister Nouri al-Maliki chants in front of al-Maliki portrait during a protest against US President Donald Trump near the US embassy in Baghdad. Photo: Ameer Al-Mohammedawi/dpa
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Iraq Parliament Delays Presidential Vote Again

29 January 2026, Iraq, Baghdad: A supporter of former Iraqi prime minister Nouri al-Maliki chants in front of al-Maliki portrait during a protest against US President Donald Trump near the US embassy in Baghdad. Photo: Ameer Al-Mohammedawi/dpa
29 January 2026, Iraq, Baghdad: A supporter of former Iraqi prime minister Nouri al-Maliki chants in front of al-Maliki portrait during a protest against US President Donald Trump near the US embassy in Baghdad. Photo: Ameer Al-Mohammedawi/dpa

Iraq's parliament has again postponed the election of the country's new president, state media reported on Sunday, amid intense political horse-trading and US pressure over the new prime minister.

It was the second time parliament has delayed the presidential vote, which had first been due last week.

An AFP correspondent in the parliament said the required quorum was not reached on Sunday.

The vote was therefore delayed, according to the official INA press agency, which did not say whether a new date had been agreed.

The parliament's media office said the speaker will now meet the heads of party blocs to set a final date.

By convention, a Shiite Muslim holds the powerful post of prime minister, the parliament speaker is a Sunni and the largely ceremonial presidency goes to a Kurd.

The two main Kurdish parties have yet to settle on a presidential candidate, and the largest Shiite alliance -- despite backing Nouri al-Maliki for next premier -- faces US threats to end all support for Iraq if he takes up the post.

In Iraq, a country with chronically volatile politics driven by internal disputes and foreign pressure mostly from the United States and Iran, key decisions are often delayed beyond constitutional deadlines.

On Saturday, the Coordination Framework, an alliance of Shiite groups with varying degrees of links to Iran that has emerged as the main ruling coalition, said it "reiterates its support for its nominee", Maliki.

On Tuesday, US President Donald Trump declared Maliki a "very bad choice", and said that if Maliki was elected Washington "will no longer help Iraq".

Iraq's only two-term prime minister fell out with the United States during his premiership between 2006 and 2014 over growing ties with Iran.

Sources close to the Coordination Framework said that Shiite leaders are divided, with some wanting Maliki to stand aside, fearing US sanctions if he returns to office.

On the presidential front, Kurdish parties have yet to agree on a candidate, who must be endorsed by other blocs and win a two-thirds majority in parliament.

The presidency is usually held by the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK). This year, the rival Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) named its own candidate, Foreign Minister Fuad Hussein.


Besieged by Gang Violence, Palestinian Citizens in Israel Demand More Security

A Palestinian child walks through the cemetery with graves of some of those killed during the war, in Deir al-Balah, central Gaza Strip, January 30, 2026. REUTERS/Mahmoud Issa
A Palestinian child walks through the cemetery with graves of some of those killed during the war, in Deir al-Balah, central Gaza Strip, January 30, 2026. REUTERS/Mahmoud Issa
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Besieged by Gang Violence, Palestinian Citizens in Israel Demand More Security

A Palestinian child walks through the cemetery with graves of some of those killed during the war, in Deir al-Balah, central Gaza Strip, January 30, 2026. REUTERS/Mahmoud Issa
A Palestinian child walks through the cemetery with graves of some of those killed during the war, in Deir al-Balah, central Gaza Strip, January 30, 2026. REUTERS/Mahmoud Issa

Nabil Safiya had taken a break from studying for a biology exam to meet a cousin at a pizza parlor when a gunman on a motorcycle rode past and fired, killing the 15-year-old as he sat in a black Renault.

The shooting — which police later said was a case of mistaken identity — stunned his hometown of Kafr Yasif, long besieged, like many Palestinian towns in Israel, by a wave of gang violence and family feuds.

“There is no set time for the gunfire anymore,” said Nabil’s father, Ashraf Safiya. “They can kill you in school, they can kill you in the street, they can kill you in the football stadium.”

The violence plaguing Israel’s Arab minority has become an inescapable part of daily life. Activists have long accused authorities of failing to address the issue and say that sense has deepened under Israel's current far-right government, The Associated Press said.

One out of every five citizens in Israel is Palestinian. The rate of crime-related killings among them is more than 22 times higher than that for Jewish Israelis, while arrest and indictment rates for those crimes are far lower. Critics cite the disparities as evidence of entrenched discrimination and neglect.

A growing number of demonstrations are sweeping Israel. Thousands marched in Tel Aviv late Saturday to demand action, while Arab communities have gone on strike, closing shops and schools.

In November, after Nabil was gunned down, residents marched through the streets, students boycotted their classes and the Safiya family turned their home into a shrine with pictures and posters of Nabil.

The outrage had as much to do with what happened as with how often it keeps happening.

“There’s a law for the Jewish society and a different law for Palestinian society,” Ghassan Munayyer, a political activist from Lod, a mixed city with a large Palestinian population, said at a recent protest.

An epidemic of violence

Some Palestinian citizens have reached the highest echelons of business and politics in Israel. Yet many feel forsaken by authorities, with their communities marked by underinvestment and high unemployment that fuels frustration and distrust toward the state.

Nabil was one of a record 252 Palestinian citizens to be killed in Israel last year, according to data from Abraham Initiatives, an Israeli nongovernmental organization that promotes coexistence and safer communities. The toll continues to climb, with at least 26 additional crime-related killings in January.

Walid Haddad, a criminologist who teaches at Ono Academic College and who previously worked in Israel’s national security ministry, said that organized crime thrives off weapons trafficking and loan‑sharking in places where people lack access to credit. Gangs also extort residents and business owners for “protection,” he said.

Based on interviews with gang members in prisons and courts, he said they can earn anywhere from thousands to hundreds of thousands of dollars, depending on whether the job is torching cars, shooting at buildings or assassinating rival leaders.

"If they fire at homes or people once or twice a month, they can buy cars, go on trips. It’s easy money,” Haddad said, noting a widespread sense of impunity.

The violence has stifled the rhythm of life in many Palestinian communities. In Kafr Yasif, a northern Israel town of 10,000, streets empty by nightfall, and it’s not uncommon for those trying to sleep to hear gunshots ringing through their neighborhoods.

Prosecutions lag

Last year, only 8% of killings of Palestinian citizens led to charges filed against suspects, compared with 55% in Jewish communities, according to Abraham Initiatives.

Lama Yassin, the Abraham Initiatives’ director of shared cities and regions, said strained relations with police long discouraged Palestinian citizens from calling for new police stations or more police officers in their communities.

Not anymore.

“In recent years, because people are so depressed and feel like they’re not able to practice day-to-day life ... Arabs are saying, ‘Do whatever it takes, even if it means more police in our towns,’” Yassin said.

The killings have become a rallying cry for Palestinian-led political parties after successive governments pledged to curb the bloodshed with little results. Politicians and activists see the spate of violence as a reflection of selective enforcement and police apathy.

"We’ve been talking about this for 10 years," said Knesset member Aida Touma-Suleiman.

She labeled policing in Palestinian communities “collective punishment,” noting that when Jews are victims of violence, police often set up roadblocks in neighboring Palestinian towns, flood areas with officers and arrest suspects en masse.

“The only side that can be able to smash a mafia is the state and the state is doing nothing except letting (organized crime) understand that they are free to do whatever they want,” Touma-Suleiman said.

Many communities feel impunity has gotten worse, she added, under National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir, who with authority over the police has launched aggressive and visible campaigns against other crimes, targeting protests and pushing for tougher operations in east Jerusalem and the occupied West Bank.

Israeli police reject allegations of skewed priorities, saying that killings in these communities are a top priority. Police also have said investigations are challenging because witnesses don’t always cooperate.

“Investigative decisions are guided by evidence, operational considerations, and due process, not by indifference or lack of prioritization,” police said in a statement.

Unanswered demands

In Kafr Yasif, Ashraf Safiya vowed his son wouldn’t become just another statistic.

He had just gotten home from his work as a dentist and off the phone with Nabil when he learned about the shooting. He raced to the scene to find the car window shattered as Nabil was being rushed to the hospital. Doctors there pronounced him dead.

“The idea was that the blood of this boy would not be wasted,” Safiya said of protests he helped organize. “If people stop caring about these cases, we’re going to just have another case and another case.”

Authorities said last month they were preparing to file an indictment against a 23-year-old arrested in a neighboring town in connection with the shooting. They said the intended target was a relative, referring to the cousin with Nabil that night.

And they described Nabil as a victim of what they called "blood feuds within Arab society.”

At a late January demonstration in Kafr Yasif, marchers carried portraits of Nabil and Nidal Mosaedah, another local boy killed in the violence. Police broke up the protest, saying it lasted longer than authorized, and arrested its leaders, including the former head of the town council.

The show of force, residents said, may have quashed one protest, but did nothing to halt the killings.


Kurdistan Region Seeks Retroactive Compensation for Crimes Committed Under Saddam Hussein

Kurdish families at a cemetery for victims of the chemical bombardment of the city of Halabja (AFP). 
Kurdish families at a cemetery for victims of the chemical bombardment of the city of Halabja (AFP). 
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Kurdistan Region Seeks Retroactive Compensation for Crimes Committed Under Saddam Hussein

Kurdish families at a cemetery for victims of the chemical bombardment of the city of Halabja (AFP). 
Kurdish families at a cemetery for victims of the chemical bombardment of the city of Halabja (AFP). 

The Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) has renewed a retroactive demand for compensation from Iraq’s federal government for crimes committed by the regime of the late president Saddam Hussein against the Kurds.

The move is widely seen as a calculated bid for leverage as calls grow to scrutinize the region’s revenues and governance.

In a statement issued on Thursday, the KRG said it is seeking $384.6 billion in compensation for the people of the Kurdistan Region for damages resulting from “crimes committed by the Iraqi regime between 1963 and 2003”, the period of Baath Party rule from its coup against the government of Abdul Karim Qasim until the US-led invasion that toppled it.

The claim is not unprecedented. Erbil made the same demand in 2013, according to a statement issued at the time by the KRG’s Ministry of Martyrs and Anfal Affairs.

Why now?

Explaining the timing, Jotiar Adil, head of the KRG’s Department of Media and Information, told Asharq Al-Awsat that “Erbil did not choose the timing; it was imposed by the painful paradox in Baghdad’s dealings with the region.”

Constitutional rights, he said, “do not lapse with time,” adding that reopening the compensation file is meant to remind partners in Baghdad that the people of Kurdistan are owed billions of dollars for widespread destruction and genocide.

Adil argued that subjecting the region to “microscopic scrutiny” over oil and non-oil revenues while ignoring the destruction of 4,500 villages—wiped out during the 1988 military campaign internationally recognized as genocide—was illogical.

“The timing carries a message,” he said. “Before you cut our people’s livelihoods today, remember your historical debts to them.” He rejected suggestions that the move was political maneuvering, describing it instead as “a legal rights case aimed at justice, not at paralyzing Baghdad.”

A dispute over resources

Baghdad has insisted on implementing agreements governing oil revenues and border crossings before releasing the region’s financial entitlements. Technical disputes are often entangled with political negotiations over forming federal governments.

Iraq’s constitution provides for joint management of oil and gas, equitable revenue distribution based on population, and temporary allocations for areas damaged by past conflicts.

For years, the Kurdistan Region exported oil via Türkiye’s Ceyhan port without Baghdad’s approval. Exports were halted in 2023 following an international arbitration ruling requiring sales to be conducted through the state oil marketer, SOMO, exacerbating tensions.

Although an agreement was reached in 2025 on handing over the region’s oil, it has yet to be implemented. Baghdad later cut public-sector salaries in the Kurdistan Region as leverage, a move Erbil condemned as a violation of citizens’ rights.

Adil said the compensation figure was based on international standards similar to those used by the UN Compensation Commission in assessing damages to Kuwait after Iraq’s 1990 invasion, factoring in cumulative harm and present value.

He noted that post-2003 governments honored Saddam-era obligations abroad — paying compensation to Kuwait and settling Paris Club debts — while rejecting comparable responsibility toward victims at home.