Jordan Bans Muslim Brotherhood, Declares Group Illegal

A scene from a session of the Jordanian House of Representatives (official parliament website)
A scene from a session of the Jordanian House of Representatives (official parliament website)
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Jordan Bans Muslim Brotherhood, Declares Group Illegal

A scene from a session of the Jordanian House of Representatives (official parliament website)
A scene from a session of the Jordanian House of Representatives (official parliament website)

Jordan has officially outlawed the Muslim Brotherhood, ending decades of relations that oscillated between coexistence and confrontation.

Interior Minister Mazin Al-Farrayeh announced the decision at a press conference in Amman on Wednesday, declaring all activities linked to the group prohibited and stressing that any affiliation with the Brotherhood would now be considered a violation of the law.

"The group is now illegal," Al-Farrayeh said, underlining that the move places the Brotherhood outside the bounds of lawful political and social engagement in the kingdom.

The decision marks a significant shift in Jordan's political landscape, where the Brotherhood once held considerable influence despite intermittent government crackdowns.

While the Brotherhood has not issued an official response, its political wing, the Islamic Action Front - represented in parliament by dozens of lawmakers - said on Wednesday evening that it remains committed to its national role as an “independent Jordanian political party, entirely separate from any other entity.”

Al-Farrayeh said that membership in the Muslim Brotherhood is now prohibited, along with any promotion of its ideas. “All offices and premises used by the group, whether solely or in conjunction with other entities, will be shut down,” he said.

Al-Farrayeh also warned political parties, media outlets, social media users, and associations against publishing or sharing content related to the group. He said authorities had accelerated the work of a designated committee tasked with seizing the Brotherhood’s assets, both movable and immovable.

The clampdown follows the recent arrest of 16 individuals in what officials called the “Chaos Cells” case. Security agencies alleged the suspects were involved in manufacturing rockets using improvised tools, possessing explosives and firearms, hiding a ready-to-launch missile, and developing drone technology. The plans, authorities said, included recruiting and training individuals within Jordan and sending them abroad for further instruction.

The developments mark a dramatic escalation in Jordan’s stance against a group that once held sway over segments of public and political life in the kingdom.

The Palestinian group Hamas has called on Jordan to release the 16 suspects accused of plotting attacks inside the kingdom, saying their actions were motivated by support for Palestine and posed no threat to Jordan’s security.

In response, Al-Farrayeh accused members of the now-dissolved Muslim Brotherhood of operating covertly to destabilize the country.

“It has been proven that individuals from the outlawed Muslim Brotherhood were working in the shadows, engaging in activities that undermine stability, disrupt national unity, and threaten public order and security,” Al-Farrayeh said.

The crackdown comes as Jordan moves to implement a 2020 court ruling that dissolved the Brotherhood, which was founded in the kingdom in 1945. Authorities had previously avoided enforcing the decision in what Jordanian sources described as a strategy of “containment,” but officials say the group failed to respond with “responsible conduct.”

While the Brotherhood has been outlawed, its political arm - the Islamic Action Front - continues to operate. The party, which insists it is entirely independent of the Brotherhood, won 31 of 138 seats in last September’s parliamentary elections.

The distinction between the party and the banned group is now under renewed scrutiny, as the government seeks to distance state institutions from any perceived Brotherhood influence.

Jordanian authorities are continuing to draw a line between the banned Muslim Brotherhood and its licensed political wing, but political sources say the distinction may be tested in the coming days.

Senior officials told Asharq Al-Awsat that decision-making circles are still committed to separating the outlawed Brotherhood from the Islamic Action Front, which is officially recognized under Jordan’s political parties law. However, they warned that the legal process surrounding the so-called “Chaos Cells” case - expected to go to trial next week- could shift that calculus.

“There is concern that any escalation by the party, whether through street mobilization or social media platforms, could force decision-makers to reconsider the party’s legal standing,” one source said, adding that authorities may invoke laws that could lead to its dissolution and end what they described as the Brotherhood’s dominance over Islamic political representation in the kingdom.

Islamic Action Front Secretary-General Wael Saqqa reaffirmed the party’s independence, saying: “We continue to carry out our national role as a fully independent Jordanian political party, unaffiliated with any other organization.”

He stressed the Islamic Action Front’s commitment to the Jordanian constitution and laws, expressing full confidence in the judiciary.

Meanwhile, security forces have raided and inspected Brotherhood offices across the capital Amman and several provinces as part of a broader move to seize the group’s properties.

Sources also told Asharq Al-Awsat that Islamic Action Front offices were searched as well, with officials seeking to ensure that no Brotherhood-related documents or materials were being stored on party premises.

Al-Farrayeh has warned that individuals or entities found to be involved in criminal activities linked to the Brotherhood or the “Chaos Cells” plot will face legal action, as the government continues its sweeping clampdown.

Speaking during the announcement of the ban, Al-Farrayeh said authorities would act based on the findings of ongoing court proceedings.

“Appropriate measures will be taken against any person or group proven to be engaged in criminal acts connected to these cases or the dissolved group,” he said.

Al-Farrayeh also accused Brotherhood members of attempting to destroy large volumes of documents on the same night officials revealed details of the alleged plot last week.

“They tried to smuggle and destroy significant quantities of documents from their offices in an effort to conceal suspicious activities and affiliations,” he claimed.

The minister said the government’s actions stem from its “firm commitment to protecting society and shielding it from acts that threaten public order and distort the values of responsible political engagement.”

Jordanian political sources told Asharq Al-Awsat that further escalations may follow, particularly concerning the Jordanian Teachers’ Syndicate, an entity long linked to the Brotherhood’s political agenda.

Tensions between the government and the Brotherhood have simmered for over a decade, particularly during the 2010-2013 “Jordanian Spring” protests. Officials accused the group of exploiting the unrest to gain political leverage, particularly in its campaign to reinstate the Teachers' Syndicate, which was suspended by court order in 2020.

The syndicate, one of the kingdom's largest civil organizations, has been a flashpoint in the ongoing struggle between the state and Islamist political actors.

The Jordanian Teachers’ Syndicate, long dominated by the Muslim Brotherhood and its political wing, remains in legal limbo nearly four years after a court ordered its closure and the suspension of its activities.

The syndicate, which had been led by Brotherhood-affiliated figures for multiple terms, was frozen by a July 2020 court ruling that also mandated the closure of all its offices for two years. At the time, summonses were issued for the union’s president and board members in connection with ongoing legal proceedings.

However, despite the expiration of the suspension period, the union has not resumed operations. Political sources say successive governments - those of Prime Ministers Omar Razzaz (2018–2020) and Bisher Khasawneh (2020–2024) - chose not to enforce the court ruling fully, seeking to avoid public backlash over a politically sensitive issue.

The uneasy status quo was upended following the shock results of last September’s parliamentary elections. The Islamic Action Front and Brotherhood-affiliated candidates secured around 460,000 votes, nearly a third of the 1.6 million ballots cast in the party-list segment of the vote, despite a pool of 5 million eligible voters.

The results underscored the Brotherhood’s enduring grassroots appeal and reignited debate over the group’s political footprint, as Jordan intensifies efforts to dismantle what officials describe as parallel structures that challenge state authority.



Sisi Seeks to Boost Strategic Cooperation During Asia Tour

Egyptian President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi received his South Korean counterpart in Cairo last November. (Egyptian Presidency)
Egyptian President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi received his South Korean counterpart in Cairo last November. (Egyptian Presidency)
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Sisi Seeks to Boost Strategic Cooperation During Asia Tour

Egyptian President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi received his South Korean counterpart in Cairo last November. (Egyptian Presidency)
Egyptian President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi received his South Korean counterpart in Cairo last November. (Egyptian Presidency)

Egyptian President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi has begun an Asian tour taking him to South Korea, Malaysia and Indonesia as Cairo seeks to deepen strategic cooperation with Asian countries amid turmoil in the Middle East.

The trip will focus heavily on strengthening economic partnerships, according to experts, who point to presidential diplomacy as an important tool in attracting major foreign investment to Egypt in recent years. Cairo is also seeking to draw high-tech industries from the three countries.

Sisi headed to South Korea on Tuesday on the first leg of his tour, which will also take him to Malaysia and Indonesia.

The Egyptian presidency said Sisi would hold talks with his South Korean counterpart, Lee Jae Myung, and take part in a roundtable with executives and representatives of major Korean companies.

Lee visited Cairo last November, his first trip to Egypt since taking office in June of that year.

Egypt has sought to strengthen ties with East Asian countries through bilateral visits and participation in multilateral forums. Among those efforts was Foreign Minister Badr Abdelatty’s participation in meetings of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in Manila in late July.

At the time, Egypt’s Foreign Ministry described the participation as part of a diplomatic drive to develop relations with ASEAN members and broaden political, economic and development cooperation.

Former Egyptian Assistant Foreign Minister Gamal Bayoumi views Sisi’s visit to Asia as an extension of Egypt’s foreign policy approach of diversifying relations with international partners.

“The visit has political and economic objectives, particularly in light of regional developments and their repercussions for the economies of countries in the region,” Bayoumi told Asharq Al-Awsat.

He expects the trip to bolster economic partnerships with East Asian countries, whose large markets offer significant trade opportunities. Their advanced manufacturing technologies also create scope for investment partnerships with Egypt, he added.

Bayoumi pointed to Al-Azhar as another asset in Cairo’s relations with the region, given the ties many citizens of these countries have with education at the Egyptian institution.

Official figures show trade between Egypt and South Korea reached $995.3 million from January through September 2025, down from $1.2 billion during the same period in 2024.

South Korean investment in Egypt totaled $413.8 million in the 2024/2025 fiscal year, compared with $288.3 million the previous year.

The Egyptian government is seeking to attract more industrial investment from Asian countries, including South Korea, according to Walid Gaballah, a member of the Egyptian Society for Political Economy, Statistics and Legislation.

While Cairo enjoys political coordination with these countries, Gaballah argued that economic cooperation has yet to match the level of political ties.

He stressed that a country such as South Korea possesses advanced manufacturing technology that could be localized in Egyptian industrial zones, including the Suez Canal Economic Zone.

Gaballah told Asharq Al-Awsat that Egypt’s presidential diplomacy had played a significant role in attracting major investments in recent years.

He added that economic issues are therefore expected to take priority during Sisi’s visits to the three Asian countries, particularly given the potential of their economies as Cairo looks to diversify its partnerships.


Khalil al-Hayya: Hamas’ Unexpected Leader at a Turning Point

Hamas political bureau chief Khalil al-Hayya (File photo/AP)
Hamas political bureau chief Khalil al-Hayya (File photo/AP)
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Khalil al-Hayya: Hamas’ Unexpected Leader at a Turning Point

Hamas political bureau chief Khalil al-Hayya (File photo/AP)
Hamas political bureau chief Khalil al-Hayya (File photo/AP)

Before Oct. 7, 2023, Khalil al-Hayya, now about 65, was a prominent figure in Hamas. But few inside or outside the movement saw him as a leading contender for its top job.

“Al-Aqsa Flood” changed that.

The attack reshaped the roles and fortunes of Hamas leaders, along with Gaza and the landscape beyond it. Hayya now heads the movement’s political bureau, steering it through one of the most sensitive turning points in its history.

His victory over Khaled Meshaal, a former Hamas leader and one of its best-known figures, was announced in July. It surprised some outside the movement. Others inside had seen it coming, as leaders from Gaza tightened their hold on key portfolios and senior posts.

When “Al-Aqsa Flood” began, Hayya was deputy to Hamas’ Gaza leader, Yahya Sinwar. He handled contacts with Palestinian factions, UN bodies and mediators over conditions in Gaza and its recurring rounds of escalation with Israel.

Hayya first rose to prominence when Hamas contested the 2006 parliamentary election, before seizing military control of Gaza in 2007.

He moved through leadership posts in Gaza City, then across the territory, before joining the movement’s wider leadership. Along the way, he drew sustained support from commanders of Hamas’ military wing in Gaza, including Ahmed al-Jaabari and Izz al-Din al-Haddad.

Where was he — and what did he know?

Before the Oct. 7 attack, Sinwar asked Hayya and other members of Hamas’ Gaza political bureau to leave the territory to handle specific matters abroad. None knew the full extent of his plans.

Hamas sources told Asharq Al-Awsat that Hayya knew more about some aspects of the attack than other political bureau members.

“But his information was neither complete nor precise. Only Sinwar knew the full details, while commanders in the military wing knew specific elements of the attack,” one source said.

In an interview published in April 2024 by the Hamas-affiliated Palestinian Information Center, Hayya said “the Oct. 7 attacks that ignited the Gaza war were intended to be a limited operation by Hamas to capture a number of soldiers and exchange them for Palestinian prisoners.”

“The Gaza Division of the Zionist army collapsed completely,” he added, referring to the Israeli military.

A senior Hamas source abroad told Asharq Al-Awsat that Hayya knew a relatively large-scale attack was being prepared, but did not know its timing or all its details.

“He was among the leaders who voted in favor of the attack. But everyone who voted believed it would be a limited operation, including Ismail Haniyeh, who was then head of the political bureau,” the source said.

Haniyeh was preparing to travel from Türkiye to Iraq with Hayya, Meshaal and other leaders on their first visit to the country.

Personal losses, a depleted leadership

The bloodshed since Oct. 7 has reached deep into Hayya’s family. Three years of fierce Israeli war have inflicted devastating losses on Gaza — and on Hayya, even while he was abroad.

In May, he mourned his son Azzam, following the death of another son, Hammam, in September. Israel killed them in separate attacks. Two other sons, Hamza and Osama, were killed by Israel in 2008 and 2014, respectively.

A Hamas source inside Gaza said repeated Israeli attacks on Hayya’s home, and the killing of several of his sons, particularly during the latest war, had strengthened his standing and positioned him to lead the movement ahead of other longstanding figures.

Another Hamas source pointed to the gaps left by the killing or absence of senior leaders.

“The assassination of Ismail Haniyeh and Saleh al-Arouri, then Yahya Sinwar’s unexpected death in fighting inside Gaza, the assassination of figures such as Rawhi Mushtaha and Osama al-Mazini, and the absence of others for health reasons, including Mahmoud al-Zahar — all of this made Hayya the most prominent figure available to take on responsibility,” the source said.

Leaders from Gaza also held key posts in the political bureau and Shura Council, the source added.

“This does not diminish Hayya’s own standing. He proved his ability to lead and shoulder responsibility in the many portfolios and posts he held,” the source said.

“He became very close to Ismail Haniyeh in Gaza, and later when he joined him abroad. He also faced previous assassination attempts, most notably in Doha in September 2025, while reviewing a US ceasefire proposal with other leaders.”

Hayya’s consistent backing for Sinwar’s plans, inside and outside the movement, also broadened his support, the source said — particularly among Sinwar’s close associates and supporters, and the leadership of the Qassam Brigades.

The Qassam leadership in Gaza backed Hayya for the top job and pushed for his election.

“They saw him as an important choice representing Gaza’s leadership, which they believed should be honored and continue to lead the movement after leading the ‘Al-Aqsa Flood’ battle and sacrificing its senior leaders,” the source said.

Ties with Iran

Within Hamas and among Palestinian factions, Hayya is known for backing Sinwar’s drive, supported by the Qassam leadership, to rebuild ties with the so-called “axis of resistance,” particularly Iran.

That appears to have been a key factor in his growing influence. He handled contacts with Syria’s former government and visited Damascus to meet Bashar al-Assad in October 2022 — the first visit by a Hamas official since the movement left in 2012 amid mounting popular protests against Assad’s rule.

A senior source from Gaza said the territory’s political and military leaders agreed on the need to restore relations with Iran.

Hayya and Sinwar threw their weight behind renewed ties with Tehran, backed overwhelmingly by the Qassam Brigades’ longstanding leadership, from Mohammed Deif and Mohammed Sinwar to all members of its military council.

Some within Hamas supported the move with reservations, a source abroad said.

“There were voices that backed this step cautiously, given the difficulties the movement had faced in its relationship with Iran at certain times, and demands that it support Iran-aligned parties in other arenas,” the source said.

“The movement rejected this and insisted on the independence of its positions.”

Hayya’s path as Hamas leader is strewn with thorns.

In Gaza, he must work to end the war and confront immense humanitarian pressures after the killing of more than 70,000 people and the occupation of more than 60% of the territory.

That task carries a price. He is negotiating through mediators with Israel, which says it will not compromise on disarming Gaza — a demand that would mark one of the most consequential shifts in Hamas’ history.

Hayya and Hamas face a difficult equation: preserving the movement’s existence and cohesion while confronting the possible loss of its weapons, one of its strongest sources of leverage.

The path to political participation is also obstructed. Hamas would need to abide by the Palestinian Authority’s agreements with Israel, a red line for the movement.

Hayya’s rise was a striking and unexpected shift. His tenure now brings a further test, one likely to determine his own fate and the course of the movement he leads.


Stability in Southern Lebanon Tops Agenda for Next Round of Talks with Israel

Smoke rises from Mansouri in southern Lebanon after Israeli detonations on Sept. 28. (Reuters)
Smoke rises from Mansouri in southern Lebanon after Israeli detonations on Sept. 28. (Reuters)
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Stability in Southern Lebanon Tops Agenda for Next Round of Talks with Israel

Smoke rises from Mansouri in southern Lebanon after Israeli detonations on Sept. 28. (Reuters)
Smoke rises from Mansouri in southern Lebanon after Israeli detonations on Sept. 28. (Reuters)

Preparations for the next round of Lebanese-Israeli talks in Tampa, Florida, have stirred debate in Lebanon: Do they mark a shift from political negotiations over withdrawal and sovereignty to military administration of the south?

Lebanese sources following the talks reject that interpretation, saying the focus is on resolving outstanding military and security issues.

A ministerial source told Asharq Al-Awsat that those issues require decisions and action on the ground before other tracks can advance.

“We have not moved to military administration of the south. Most issues that remain unresolved are military matters on the ground: halting bulldozing, house demolitions, gunfire and combat operations; securing Israeli withdrawal; identifying new model areas; addressing the issue of prisoners; and returning residents to their villages,” the source said.

“These are not political, economic or legal issues for specialists in those fields. We are discussing details on the ground: where withdrawal takes place, where operations stop, how the Lebanese army deploys and which areas residents can return to. It is natural for military personnel to discuss these details.”

Combat operations continue, though at a lower intensity, the source said. Other steps cannot advance seriously until a minimum level of security and stability is achieved.

“How can the Lebanese army deploy without an Israeli withdrawal or an end to gunfire? How can residents return to their villages while demolitions, bulldozing and military operations continue?”

Resolving military issues

The United States is focused at this stage on resolving outstanding military and security issues with Israel, the source said. These include completing the withdrawal, identifying model areas and halting bulldozing, demolitions and gunfire so other issues can move forward.

“This does not mean a military track is replacing the political track,” the source said.

“Negotiations have followed two tracks from the outset, political and military. But progress on political issues has remained closely tied to conditions on the ground. No political process can be built upon without a degree of stability and an effective ceasefire.”

That explains the military and security focus of the current meetings, the source said.

“What is needed is decisions on the ground. That is why this stage involves a meeting focused on military and security matters, to resolve outstanding points through US pressure on Israel.”

The US role, according to the ministerial source, is to press Israel to resolve those issues, rather than establish an alternative military administration for the south.

A shift in direction

Lawmaker Ashraf Rifi sees a broader shift. In his view, the growing military emphasis is more than a temporary technical measure: It reflects a change in how the situation is being managed.

Rifi told Asharq Al-Awsat he expected “a very violent round” of fighting in the south, with escalation potentially concentrated in Rihan, Soujoud and surrounding areas.

“I do not think the escalation will extend to Beirut unless assassinations take place,” he said.

Asked whether negotiations over Israeli withdrawal were giving way to a military approach to managing the south, Rifi said the region was heading toward “military, intelligence and security administration under US supervision.”

The process, he said, had moved beyond negotiating Israeli withdrawal to broader military and security administration of the south. Withdrawal would remain part of that process, under US supervision.

“We have moved from negotiating withdrawal to military, intelligence and security administration of the south under US supervision. This administration naturally includes Israeli withdrawal, but places it within broader arrangements overseen by the United States,” he said.

“The military dimension has come to the fore at this stage,” Rifi added. The arrangements would become clearer as conditions on the ground developed and the anticipated round of fighting ended.

No separate military track

Lebanon’s former ambassador to Washington, Antoine Chedid, disputed that reading. A greater military emphasis, he said, does not change the process or its political authority, given the limits of the Lebanese army’s powers.

“Lebanon has not moved from political negotiations over withdrawal and sovereignty to military negotiations or military administration of the south,” Chedid told Asharq Al-Awsat.

The Tampa discussions continue the existing process, he said, even if the venue and participants suggest a military character.

“Tampa is a military hub, but that does not mean Lebanon has entered military negotiations with Israel,” he said.

“The Lebanese army implements decisions made by the government, the political authorities and the president. It cannot independently enter military negotiations with the Israelis, even under US mediation, or make decisions that fall within the authority of Lebanon’s political leadership.”

The talks, Chedid said, continue the political framework and discussions that began in Washington and Rome.

“The Tampa talks are not strictly military discussions. They are a continuation of the political framework and the discussions that began in Washington and Rome, but in a different format. The venue and those present may give the impression of military negotiations.”

“The Lebanese army cannot decide in Tampa on matters that fall within the authority of Lebanon’s political leadership,” he added.

“The army operates under political authority, as it should. I therefore do not see what is happening in Tampa as a shift to a separate military track.”