Spy Cases Surge in Hezbollah Strongholds, Exposing Leadership Breach

People drive on a street past portraits of slain Lebanese Hezbollah leader Hassan Nasrallah and buildings damaged in Israeli strikes in the recent war, amid the first round of municipal elections, in the Ghobeiry neighborhood of Beirut's southern suburb on May 4, 2025. (Photo by ANWAR AMRO / AFP)
People drive on a street past portraits of slain Lebanese Hezbollah leader Hassan Nasrallah and buildings damaged in Israeli strikes in the recent war, amid the first round of municipal elections, in the Ghobeiry neighborhood of Beirut's southern suburb on May 4, 2025. (Photo by ANWAR AMRO / AFP)
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Spy Cases Surge in Hezbollah Strongholds, Exposing Leadership Breach

People drive on a street past portraits of slain Lebanese Hezbollah leader Hassan Nasrallah and buildings damaged in Israeli strikes in the recent war, amid the first round of municipal elections, in the Ghobeiry neighborhood of Beirut's southern suburb on May 4, 2025. (Photo by ANWAR AMRO / AFP)
People drive on a street past portraits of slain Lebanese Hezbollah leader Hassan Nasrallah and buildings damaged in Israeli strikes in the recent war, amid the first round of municipal elections, in the Ghobeiry neighborhood of Beirut's southern suburb on May 4, 2025. (Photo by ANWAR AMRO / AFP)

A widening Israeli spy scandal has become a nightmare for Lebanon’s Hezbollah, with the threat it poses rivaling that of the Israeli military campaign targeting the group and its support base.

Investigations into 21 detainees have revealed that many of the alleged agents were closely linked to Hezbollah commanders and operatives.

Their espionage activities are believed to have provided Mossad with the intelligence needed to assassinate dozens of Hezbollah leaders, most recently the son of a senior commander, identified as Mohammad Saleh, described by sources as one of the most dangerous informants and possibly the one responsible for the largest number of targeted killings.

21 Detained So Far for Alleged Collaboration with Israel

The number of arrests continues to rise. A judicial source told Asharq al-Awsat that 21 people are currently in custody in connection with the case.

“The manhunt is ongoing and has led to more suspects being identified,” the source said, noting that Israeli intelligence has shifted tactics, opting for the individual recruitment of agents rather than operating through traditional spy networks.

“This change in approach has made it harder to dismantle spy rings using prior counter-intelligence methods from the days of Lebanon’s so-called security war with Israel.”

Rumors have circulated about the arrests of prominent social media figures, including a well-known Lebanese TikToker reportedly close to Hezbollah, on charges of collaborating with Israel.

However, a security source dismissed these claims as exaggerated, telling Asharq al-Awsat that “while an extensive intelligence operation is underway, many of the circulating reports are inflated and not based in fact. That said, it remains possible that more suspects could be detained at any time.”

The source confirmed that Lebanon’s major intelligence branches, including the Internal Security Forces’ Information Branch, Military Intelligence, and General Security, have ramped up surveillance to monitor suspicious activity both domestically and abroad.

Shock in Hezbollah Stronghold as Residents Demand Execution of Spies

The scandal has shaken Hezbollah’s core support base in Beirut’s southern suburbs. Outraged residents recently erected a mock gallows in a public square, demanding the execution of collaborators.

Political analyst and Janoubia news site publisher Ali Al-Amin, a vocal critic of Hezbollah, told Asharq al-Awsat the case reveals “a deep infiltration of Hezbollah’s environment.”

He said the group’s ideology and indoctrination tactics have “left the community vulnerable and unbalanced,” making it easier for individuals to justify cooperation with Israel.

“The display of a noose in the heart of Dahiyeh is an attempt to signal that collaboration is the exception, not the norm,” Al-Amin said.

“But the rhetoric of accusing others of treason has ironically created an atmosphere where internal betrayal flourishes. Many are lured into collaboration, perhaps without fully grasping its gravity, driven by disillusionment and ideological fatigue within the Shiite community.”

The arrest of Saleh, son of a senior commander in Hezbollah’s elite Radwan Unit, sent shockwaves through the group.

Saleh, whose brother died fighting Israeli forces, had reportedly gained intimate access to Hezbollah's military leadership. For over a week, investigators questioned him about his role in leaking sensitive data, and the picture that has emerged is deeply troubling.

A judicial source said Saleh is believed to be the most dangerous operative caught since the onset of the Israel-Gaza war.

“His proximity to key figures enabled him to relay accurate coordinates and sensitive information that led to the assassination of senior Hezbollah members,” the source said.

“Among them was Hassan Bdeir, Hezbollah’s coordinator for Palestinian affairs, and his son Ali, both killed in a drone strike that hit their home in Beirut’s southern suburb of Hay al-Jamous on March 29.”

The source added that Saleh even went so far as to inform the Israelis of the names of officials set to replace assassinated commanders. He would often photograph himself with senior party figures, some of whom were later killed, and transmit the images to his handlers.

The Military Court's Government Commissioner, Judge Fadi Akiki, formally indicted Saleh on charges of “collaborating with the Israeli enemy, conspiring with it, and supplying it with information that resulted in civilian deaths.”

The charges carry penalties of up to the death sentence under Lebanese law. Saleh’s case was referred to the First Military Investigative Judge, Fadi Sawan, who was asked to interrogate the suspect and issue a formal arrest warrant.

The arrest of Saleh has become a key development in what officials now describe as a growing espionage crisis.

According to a judicial source, Saleh’s detention brings the total number of individuals held for allegedly spying for Israel to 21. The group includes 13 Lebanese nationals, six Syrians, and two Palestinians, all currently undergoing interrogation sessions before military investigative judges.

“This case is far from isolated,” the source told Asharq al-Awsat. “The wave of arrests began shortly after the ceasefire between Lebanon and Israel came into effect and has since snowballed.”

The source noted that several of the accused were recruited by Israel’s Mossad intelligence agency during the ongoing conflict, particularly after October 8, 2023 when Hezbollah opened a second front in support of Gaza.

“Some of those arrested were recruited during the war, while others were contacted before hostilities broke out,” the source added.



Shaibani: Syrian-Russian Ties Entering New Phase

Russia's Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov and Syria's Foreign Minister Asaad al-Shaibani attend a meeting in Moscow, Russia December 24, 2025. (Russian Foreign Ministry/Handout via Reuters)
Russia's Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov and Syria's Foreign Minister Asaad al-Shaibani attend a meeting in Moscow, Russia December 24, 2025. (Russian Foreign Ministry/Handout via Reuters)
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Shaibani: Syrian-Russian Ties Entering New Phase

Russia's Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov and Syria's Foreign Minister Asaad al-Shaibani attend a meeting in Moscow, Russia December 24, 2025. (Russian Foreign Ministry/Handout via Reuters)
Russia's Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov and Syria's Foreign Minister Asaad al-Shaibani attend a meeting in Moscow, Russia December 24, 2025. (Russian Foreign Ministry/Handout via Reuters)

Syrian Foreign Minister Asaad al-Shaibani stressed on Wednesday that relations between Damascus and Moscow were entering a new phase based on mutual respect.

He met in Moscow with his Russian counterpart Sergei Lavrov, saying: “We aspire to establish balanced relations with everyone.”

“We are working on attracting investments to Syria to improve the economy,” he added, remarking: “We are forging ahead in rebuilding the country.”

For his part, Lavrov said the meeting tackled various issues, underlining the importance of maintaining Syria’s territorial integrity and bolstering bilateral ties between Damascus and Moscow.

On Tuesday, Shaibani and Defense Minister Major General Murhaf Abu Qasra met with Russian President Vladimir Putin to discuss political, military, and economic issues of mutual interest, with particular emphasis on strategic cooperation in the defense industry sector, reported Syria’s state news agency SANA.

They reviewed ways to advance military and technical partnership in a manner that strengthens the defensive capabilities of the Syrian army and keeps pace with modern developments in military industries.

Discussions focused on upgrading military equipment, transferring technical expertise and know-how, and expanding cooperation in research and development to boost Syria’s national defense system and support security and stability in Syria and the region.

On the political front, the two sides exchanged views on regional and international developments, underscoring the importance of continued political and diplomatic coordination between Damascus and Moscow in international forums.

They stressed the need to respect international law, rejecting all forms of external interference in the internal affairs of states.

Economically, the meeting addressed prospects for expanding economic and trade cooperation, including support for reconstruction projects, development of infrastructure sectors, and encouragement of investment in Syria.

The talks also covered boosting trade exchange and facilitating partnerships in ways that positively impact the Syrian economy and contribute to improving living conditions.

Putin underscored Russia’s steadfast support for Syria, stressing the importance of preserving Syria’s unity, territorial integrity, and full sovereignty, and rejecting “any projects aimed at partitioning the country or undermining its independent national decision”.

He also renewed Moscow’s condemnation of repeated Israeli violations of Syrian territory, describing them as “a direct threat to regional security and stability”.


Muscat Detainee Swap Deal Tests Houthi Credibility

Prisoner swap success hinges on Houthi commitment, seriousness (Gov’t Media)
Prisoner swap success hinges on Houthi commitment, seriousness (Gov’t Media)
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Muscat Detainee Swap Deal Tests Houthi Credibility

Prisoner swap success hinges on Houthi commitment, seriousness (Gov’t Media)
Prisoner swap success hinges on Houthi commitment, seriousness (Gov’t Media)

The agreement reached by the Yemeni government in Muscat with the Houthis to exchange about 2,900 prisoners and detainees from both sides marks a new test of the group’s credibility in closing one of the conflict’s most complex humanitarian files after years of delays and failure.

Despite a broad local and international welcome for the deal, doubts still surround its implementation mechanisms, given the absence of final lists and continuing ambiguity over the fate of Mohammed Qahtan, a senior figure in the Islah party who has been abducted for nearly a decade.

According to sources close to the talks, the agreement, sponsored by the office of the United Nations' special envoy for Yemen and supported by the International Committee of the Red Cross, remains at this stage only a preliminary understanding, expected to be implemented within a month.

Sources familiar with the negotiations said the first clause of the agreement is limited to the release of prisoners affiliated with the Saudi-led coalition supporting Yemen’s internationally recognized government, in addition to Mohammed Qahtan. Other details of the deal, including the names of those to be included, remain subject to further bargaining and negotiations between the parties and the mediators.

The same sources stated that what has been achieved so far does not amount to a final settlement, noting that previous negotiation rounds have repeatedly been tied to complex Houthi demands. These have included the insertion of names of fighters missing on the front lines, whom the group claims are held by the government without providing evidence, as well as its repeated refusal to include abducted civilians on the grounds that they are “under judicial process.”

Circles close to the negotiations said appointing Yahya al-Razami, the Houthis’ representative on the military committee, to lead the group’s negotiating team instead of Abdul Qader al-Murtada helped create an atmosphere conducive to reaching the preliminary agreement.

They said al-Murtada, who has been accused of involvement in the torture of some detainees, was a key reason behind the failure of several previous negotiation rounds because of his hardline stance and insistence on what were described as unrealistic conditions.

The same sources added that al-Razami’s presence at the head of the Houthis’ team facilitated discussions and paved the way for agreement on the principle of a comprehensive exchange of prisoners and detainees from both sides, although this remains conditional on the Houthis’ commitment to their pledges and the sincerity of their intentions in providing accurate and reliable information about detainees.

In contrast, the Yemeni government, according to the same assessments, has voiced serious concerns that the Houthis may seek to strip the agreement of its humanitarian substance through stalling tactics or by reintroducing the same conditions that derailed previous attempts.

These indications underline that the success of the deal hinges on the Houthis’ seriousness in honoring their commitments and fully disclosing the fate of all abductees, foremost among them Mohammed Qahtan.

The fate of Mohammed Qahtan remains one of the primary obstacles to implementing the agreement. Although his name was included in the first phase of the deal, his fate has been unknown since his arrest in 2015 at a security checkpoint near the entrance to the city of Ibb. To date, the Houthis have not disclosed whether he is still alive.

According to the sources, this ambiguity has undermined previous understandings and led to the collapse of earlier negotiation rounds, after the Houthis demanded 30 prisoners if Qahtan was alive, or 30 bodies if his death was confirmed.

Officials involved in the file said such behavior raises serious doubts about his fate after more than 10 years and eight months of enforced disappearance, weakening the prospects for building the trust needed to advance the remaining stages of the exchange agreement.

The sources emphasized that the success of any prisoner exchange cannot be achieved without addressing the Qahtan case with clarity and transparency, as it represents both a humanitarian and a political issue, and a genuine test of the Houthis’ commitment to international humanitarian law.

Under the announced understandings, the deal is to be implemented in three main phases. The first phase includes the release of prisoners affiliated with the coalition supporting the Yemeni government, in addition to Mohammed Qahtan. In the second phase, which begins approximately a week later, a joint committee will be formed to conduct field visits to detention sites and document the names of all detainees related to the conflict.

The verified lists will then be submitted to the office of the UN special envoy for Yemen and the International Committee of the Red Cross for official approval and the launch of the exchange process. The third phase will be dedicated to the remains file, covering the exchange of bodies of those killed and the search for the remains of the missing in battle areas, with the aim of closing this painful chapter.

The sources stated that it was agreed upon to include a total number of individuals in the exchange from both sides, with names to be finalized within a month, as well as the recovery of all bodies from various fronts and their handover through the International Committee of the Red Cross. It was also agreed to form committees to visit prisons after the exchange and identify any remaining prisoners, in preparation for their release.

The greatest burden, the sources said, will fall on international mediators, particularly the office of the UN special envoy and the International Committee of the Red Cross, to ensure the agreement is implemented, prevent any party from circumventing it, and establish a clear timeline starting with gathering prisoners and abductees at designated points, matching lists, and setting a start date for the exchange operation.


Brother Details to Asharq Al-Awsat Luring, Disappearance of Lebanese Retired Officer

Abdul Salam Shukr speaks to Asharq Al-Awsat from Nabi Sheet. (Asharq Al-Awsat)
Abdul Salam Shukr speaks to Asharq Al-Awsat from Nabi Sheet. (Asharq Al-Awsat)
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Brother Details to Asharq Al-Awsat Luring, Disappearance of Lebanese Retired Officer

Abdul Salam Shukr speaks to Asharq Al-Awsat from Nabi Sheet. (Asharq Al-Awsat)
Abdul Salam Shukr speaks to Asharq Al-Awsat from Nabi Sheet. (Asharq Al-Awsat)

Shock still grips the family of retired Lebanese General Security captain Ahmed Shukr, who was abducted days ago, as Lebanese security and judicial assessments increasingly point to Israeli intelligence as being behind his disappearance, over suspected links to the 1986 vanishing of Israeli airman Ron Arad in southern Lebanon.

His brother, Abdul Salam Shukr, told Asharq Al-Awsat the story began when a Lebanese expatriate living in Kinshasa, identified as A.M., contacted Ahmed and asked to rent his apartment in the Choueifat area, south of Beirut.

The two agreed months ago, and the man paid $500 in rent.

The expatriate made repeated visits to Lebanon and met Shukr at his home during one of them. He later contacted the retired officer to say that a wealthy African investor named Salim Kassab, later found to be a fake name, was interested in purchasing a plot of land in the eastern city of Zahle and needed his assistance.

Abdul Salam said the expatriate inspected the land, then called two weeks after leaving Lebanon to say the investor had agreed to buy it and would visit the country. He asked Ahmed to meet him at the site at 4:30 p.m. on the day of the abduction.

He said the expatriate insisted on the timing because it suited the buyer, despite Ahmed’s objections that darkness would have fallen by then, and the land’s features would not be visible. The expatriate later apologized for not attending, claiming he had broken his foot, and said the investor would visit the site alone with Ahmed.

At the time of the meeting, Ahmed disappeared.

“We know nothing about him except what we have heard through security and judicial leaks,” Abdul Salam said. He added that the abductors had rented a house in Zahle and erased all traces from it after kidnapping Ahmed.

Surveillance cameras tracked the vehicle as it headed toward the town of Souireh in the western Bekaa, where the trail then vanished. Souireh was previously used as a smuggling route from southwestern Damascus into Lebanon.

Loyalty to the state

“My brother served 40 years in the military establishment. His loyalty was only to the state and its institutions. He never belonged to any party,” Abdul Salam said. “We are a family that does not engage in politics.”

Ahmed was lured last week in a carefully planned operation that began in his hometown of Nabi Sheet in the northern Bekaa, before he went missing at a point very close to the city of Zahle.

Family members and residents have been gathering at the home of Nabi Sheet’s mukhtar, Abbas Shukr, to voice their protest and condemnation of the abduction.

The family said Ahmed Shukr retired nine years ago after serving for four decades in the General Security, during which he held several posts, including the Masnaa border crossing with Syria and the Qaa crossing in northeastern Lebanon.

“My brother joined the military in 1979, which means he was an ‘officer of the state’ when Arad disappeared in 1986,” Abdul Salam told Asharq Awsat. “An officer of the state does not belong to parties.”

He rejected attempts to link the family by kinship to Fuad Shukr, a Hezbollah leader killed by Israel in July 2024 in Beirut’s southern suburbs, saying no one in the town even knew him.

“He left the town in the early 1980s and never returned. He was distant even from his relatives,” he said, adding that since retiring, his brother “never left the Bekaa. He stayed at home and played cards with friends at night.”

The family home remains in a state of disbelief, a scene that has persisted since his disappearance last week. The case only began to move officially after Vice President of the Supreme Islamic Shiite Council Sheikh Ali al Khatib contacted Lebanese President Joseph Aoun and Interior Minister Ahmed al-Hajjar, according to Abdul Salam.

He said Aoun pledged to instruct security and judicial authorities to expand the investigation and uncover the circumstances surrounding the incident. Officials from the Amal Movement were also in constant contact with Parliament Speaker Nabih Berri, who is head of the movement, to follow up on the case.

Mystery remains

“We demand that the judiciary and security agencies confirm or deny the leak about an alleged link to Ron Arad’s disappearance,” Abdul Salam said.

“That leak does not concern us. What matters is what the security agencies say, including General Security, where Ahmed served, and the Information Branch of the Internal Security Forces, which is leading the investigation.”

He said the key to the mystery lies with A.M., a native of the southern town of Qana who lives in Kinshasa and has been evading the family’s calls.

“The Lebanese state must ask Interpol to arrest him and bring him to Lebanon for questioning,” he urged, adding that the man no longer answers his phone and that all available information about him, including video clips, is now in the hands of security agencies.

Abdul Salam said the family believes the expatriate coordinated the plot with Israel’s Mossad, guiding them to this point and enabling an operation carried out with precision and professionalism.

He said Lebanese security agencies told the family the abductors left no fingerprints, neither at the Zahle property nor at the Choueifat apartment, and that no evidence has been found. The kidnappers’ vehicle also remains unidentified.