Syria’s Transitional Justice Head: Accountability to Cover Assad Father, Son Terms

Brig. Gen. Abdel Baset Abdel Latif (Archive Photo)
Brig. Gen. Abdel Baset Abdel Latif (Archive Photo)
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Syria’s Transitional Justice Head: Accountability to Cover Assad Father, Son Terms

Brig. Gen. Abdel Baset Abdel Latif (Archive Photo)
Brig. Gen. Abdel Baset Abdel Latif (Archive Photo)

Syrian courts have opened war crimes investigations against four senior officials from the former Assad regime, in the most significant step yet toward transitional justice since the government created a national body to address past abuses.

The cases, announced by Syria’s attorney general in late July, target figures accused of atrocities against civilians during decades of Baathist rule.

They include Atif Najib, the former political security chief in Daraa whose men helped spark the 2011 uprising; former Grand Mufti Ahmad Badr al-Din Hassoun; ex-interior minister Mohammad al-Shaar; and security officer Ibrahim al-Huwija.

Shaar, who had fled abroad, surrendered to authorities in February, according to circulating reports and officials familiar with the matter.

The prosecutions come before the newly established National Authority for Transitional Justice has even completed forming its governing council, raising questions about whether the trials fall under its mandate.

But the head of the authority, Brigadier General Abdel Baset Abdel Latif, told Asharq al-Awsat in Damascus that the prosecutions were launched “in coordination between the authority and the Ministry of Justice,” dismissing doubts over the state’s willingness to hold perpetrators accountable.

Assad-era Crimes Under Scrutiny

The Syrian President issued a decree on May 17 creating the authority to investigate violations committed under the rule of Bashar al-Assad and Hafez al-Assad, prosecute those responsible and provide reparations to victims. The decree described transitional justice as “a cornerstone for building a state of law and a guarantee of victims’ rights.”

Abdel Latif, 62, was born in Deir al-Zor and studied law at Aleppo University before obtaining higher degrees in policing and legal sciences. A former police commander in Qamishli, he defected from the government in 2012 and later became secretary general of the opposition National Coalition before returning to state institutions after the fall of the Assad regime.

He said the authority was drafting a transitional justice law expected to pass after parliamentary elections. Trials will cover crimes defined under the Geneva Conventions, including genocide, war crimes, torture, forced disappearances and chemical weapons use.

The authority’s mandate covers violations committed up until Dec. 8, under the terms of the presidential decree, but excludes events thereafter, which will be handled by transitional government ministries such as defense, justice and interior.

Its remit includes Assad-era crackdowns on protests from 2011, repeated chemical weapons attacks, indiscriminate bombardment of cities with barrel bombs, arbitrary arrests and systematic torture in detention centers. It also covers atrocities dating back to the 1980s under Assad’s father Hafez, including the 1982 Hama massacre that killed more than 30,000 people, as well as mass killings in Jisr al-Shughour, Aleppo’s Masharqa district and Tadmor prison.

“Families in Hama ask if our work will include the massacres of the 1980s, which the world overlooked because there was no media coverage then,” Abdel Latif said. “We assure them the authority will listen to everyone.”

Legal Process, Int’l Support

Since its creation in May, the authority has received about 120 applications from Syrians seeking to join its work. A 16-member council will be appointed in the coming weeks, with remaining applicants assigned to specialist committees. Abdel Latif said victims’ rights would remain at the heart of its mission.

The body plans to launch an electronic platform and hotline to receive complaints, while witness protection measures are being designed. Complaints will be referred to committees tasked with gathering evidence and preparing case files for judicial proceedings.

Abdel Latif said he had met with representatives of more than 20 countries and 30 Syrian and international civil society groups over the past two months. He urged foreign partners to help set up a reparations fund, arguing that rebuilding war-shattered homes should be considered part of compensation.

“The old regime destroyed the country and left a huge burden,” he said. “The state alone cannot bear this. We hope reconstruction can be included in reparations, at least partial restoration of damaged homes, to console victims and help them recover.”

Syrian NGOs, he added, had built valuable expertise on transitional justice, human rights and missing persons. They will work alongside academics and historians on a “national memory committee” to preserve documentation for future generations and guard against repeating abuses.

Accountability for Assad?

Asked if the authority could pursue Bashar al-Assad and his brother Maher, both now outside the country, Abdel Latif said millions of Syrians were waiting for them to face justice.

“That requires a lot of work to collect and organize evidence legally, and some patience, because nothing comes easily,” he said.

He added that while the decree specifies crimes committed by the Assad regime, Syrians victimized by non-Syrian armed groups during the conflict also have the right to submit complaints. Since the former regime enabled the entry of many of those groups, the authority will consider such cases.

Balancing Justice, Reconciliation

Abdel Latif said transitional justice in Syria must follow two parallel tracks: accountability for grave crimes, and eventual reconciliation to allow society to heal.

“In many countries, transitional justice took five to eight years,” he said. “Our priority is to balance accountability and reconciliation, so that Syrians can be certain justice has run its course before moving toward national healing.”

The authority’s initial mandate is five years, though extensions are possible if its work is not complete. Abdel Latif said the first steps would involve outreach to the provinces most devastated by conflict, though opening branches in all 14 provinces was not currently feasible.

“Justice for the victims is the foundation of our work,” he said. “Only once justice is seen to be done can Syria move toward reconciliation and lasting peace.”



US Response Muted on New Israeli West Bank Measures

Israeli machinery levels land ahead of settlement construction near Jenin in the occupied West Bank, Dec. 23, 2025 (EPA)
Israeli machinery levels land ahead of settlement construction near Jenin in the occupied West Bank, Dec. 23, 2025 (EPA)
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US Response Muted on New Israeli West Bank Measures

Israeli machinery levels land ahead of settlement construction near Jenin in the occupied West Bank, Dec. 23, 2025 (EPA)
Israeli machinery levels land ahead of settlement construction near Jenin in the occupied West Bank, Dec. 23, 2025 (EPA)

Days ahead of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s visit to Washington, his government moved on measures framed as procedural but laden with far-reaching sovereign implications.

Decisions by Israel’s security cabinet have made it easier for Israelis to purchase land in the West Bank and expanded Israeli enforcement tools in areas formally administered by the Palestinian Authority under the Oslo Accords.

A White House official reiterated President Donald Trump’s opposition to annexing the West Bank, but Washington’s response stopped short of any concrete measures.

The position, attributed to an unnamed official and unaccompanied by deterrent action, prompted speculation that the US stance amounted to tacit acquiescence rather than active opposition.

On the eve of Netanyahu’s arrival, Reuters cited a White House source as saying Trump continues to oppose Israeli annexation of the West Bank and views “stability” there as consistent with the goals of peace and Israel’s security.

The manner in which the position was conveyed, however, left room for interpretation. The issue, analysts say, is less whether Washington rejects annexation in principle than whether it opposes the cumulative steps that could lead to it.

Israeli officials have framed the measures as administrative, but critics view them as part of a broader pattern aimed at gradually altering conditions in the West Bank. Such steps, they argue, create facts on the ground that are later treated as irreversible.

In this reading, formal opposition to annexation does not preclude policies that effectively advance it without an explicit declaration, a process some observers describe as incremental annexation.

Limited US response

Restricting the US reaction to an unattributed statement suggests an effort to balance competing priorities: signaling continuity in Washington’s stated position while avoiding a confrontation with Netanyahu ahead of his visit.

Diplomats note that this approach indicates US objections are being managed through messaging rather than through policy leverage.

Even when the US language is explicit, its impact is limited unless it is accompanied by political cost. Governments typically adjust behavior in response to incentives or penalties, not statements alone.

In this context, the absence of measures reduces the deterrent effect of US opposition, leaving Israel with room to maneuver.

The timing of the Israeli decisions sends parallel messages. Domestically, they signal continued commitment to policies favored by right-wing constituencies and settler groups. Internationally, they suggest that reversing on-the-ground changes is becoming increasingly complex.

The approach reflects a familiar strategy of establishing new realities ahead of any renewed political process.

The moves also highlight the influence of Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich within the governing coalition and his stated objective of undermining the practical foundations of a Palestinian state, even if the concept remains part of official rhetoric.

Measures described as technical adjustments thus take on broader political significance.

Impact on the two-state framework

The West Bank remains central to any viable Palestinian state. Steps that weaken Palestinian administrative authority or alter control over land are therefore assessed primarily by their effect on the feasibility of statehood.

Critics argue the latest measures move in the opposite direction, further blurring the distinction between Israeli control and Palestinian self-governance.

From Washington’s perspective, the situation underscores a broader contradiction. An administration that has shown limited engagement with the international consensus on a two-state solution is, in practice, also narrowing the range of alternative outcomes.

As prospects for two states diminish, analysts warn that other scenarios become more likely, including prolonged security control or recurring instability, complicating the US's assertions that current policies promote stability.

Reports in the US press citing Arab and Islamic condemnation, as well as concern at the United Nations, indicate that the West Bank remains a sensitive issue for many governments, including those maintaining ties with Israel.

Any perception of US leniency risks weakening those partners’ positions domestically.

At the United Nations, repeated warnings from international bodies have reaffirmed legal frameworks that Israel views as restrictive, but which others consider essential to any settlement.

While this divide is longstanding, critics note that developments on the ground are advancing faster than diplomatic efforts to address them.

As Washington emphasizes the importance of stability in the West Bank, the debate increasingly centers on what that stability entails: a temporary calm sustained by existing realities, or one underpinned by a credible political horizon.

For now, analysts say, each new Israeli step is being viewed less as an isolated decision than as a test of the credibility of the US's stated opposition.


Israel Steps Up Targeted Killings of Senior Hamas, Islamic Jihad Figures

Palestinians mourn victims of Israeli strikes in Gaza City, Tuesday (Reuters)
Palestinians mourn victims of Israeli strikes in Gaza City, Tuesday (Reuters)
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Israel Steps Up Targeted Killings of Senior Hamas, Islamic Jihad Figures

Palestinians mourn victims of Israeli strikes in Gaza City, Tuesday (Reuters)
Palestinians mourn victims of Israeli strikes in Gaza City, Tuesday (Reuters)

Israel has intensified a targeted military campaign in the Gaza Strip, pressing ahead with airstrikes aimed at senior operatives from Hamas and Islamic Jihad, citing what it describes as repeated ceasefire violations linked to armed fighters emerging from tunnels in Rafah.

The strikes have focused on areas west of the so-called “yellow line,” Israeli-designated restricted zones, with Israel again using the Rafah tunnel incident as a security pretext to hit targets it says were previously identified.

Israel says it considers such incidents breaches of the ceasefire agreement and has used them to justify continued attacks on militant targets inside the enclave.

Moreover, Israeli forces are conducting round-the-clock intelligence operations inside Gaza, relying heavily on unmanned aerial vehicles that continuously patrol the enclave and use advanced technology to identify targets.

These efforts are supported by electronic surveillance, including phone monitoring, as well as human intelligence, according to sources.

In the latest strike, carried out around midday on Tuesday, two Palestinians were killed when an Israeli airstrike hit an electric bicycle traveling along Salah al-Din Road near the entrance to the village of al-Masdar in central Gaza.

The two were taken to Al-Aqsa Martyrs Hospital, while a third person at the scene was wounded.

Sources told Asharq Al-Awsat that one of those killed was Asim Abu Holi, commander of the elite unit of Saraya al-Quds, the armed wing of Islamic Jihad, in central Gaza. Another militant accompanying him was critically wounded.

The second fatality was an elderly civilian who happened to be passing through the area.

The developments coincided with the killing of Palestinian woman Abeer Hamdan, who was shot dead by Israeli forces north of Khan Younis in southern Gaza. Later, another young man was killed in the south of the city.

At least seven Palestinians were also wounded in separate shooting incidents involving Israeli vehicles and drones near yellow-line areas in Gaza City and the town of Beit Lahiya in the north.

By midday Tuesday, more than 589 Palestinians had been killed since the ceasefire took effect on October 10, 2025. The total death toll since Oct. 7, 2023, has exceeded 72,000, according to local figures.

On Monday evening, hours after the Rafah incident, an Israeli helicopter struck a residential apartment in the al-Nasr neighborhood of Gaza City, killing three Palestinians, including a child.

Sources said the strike targeted three senior militants from the Beit Hanoun Battalion of Izz al-Din al-Qassam Brigades, the armed wing of Hamas.

Two of them were killed, while a third, the child’s father, was critically wounded.

The sources said the targeted militants had led months-long field operations against Israeli forces in Beit Hanoun in northern Gaza, including bombings and sniper attacks. Al-Qassam Brigades had previously released videos documenting those operations, which it said resulted in Israeli casualties.

Elsewhere on Monday, a Palestinian farmer was shot dead by Israeli forces in Deir al-Balah in central Gaza. At the same time, an older man was killed by Israeli fire near the yellow line northwest of Beit Lahiya.

Hamas spokesman Hazem Qassem said Israel was “escalating its violations of the Gaza ceasefire under false pretexts, disregarding the efforts of mediators and guarantor states seeking to maintain calm,” adding that those parties must act to compel Israel to halt the breaches.

Rafah tunnels

The Israeli military said on Tuesday that its attacks on Hamas operatives were in response to a ceasefire violation in Rafah. It claimed on Monday morning that it had detected an armed group emerging from Rafah tunnels and firing at Israeli troops, prompting forces to kill them.

Some images published later showed that among the dead was Anas Issa al-Nashar, the son of a veteran Hamas leader and one of the movement’s early founders and former political bureau members.

However, videos circulated on social media by unidentified accounts appeared to show armed members of the Yasser Abu Shabab gang killing some of the militants, rather than Israeli forces.

Similar incidents have occurred repeatedly, in which the gang has abducted and killed Palestinians before handing them over to Israeli forces, according to local accounts.

Abu Obeida, spokesman for the Qassam Brigades, said the actions of such gangs reflected “complete alignment with the occupation” and the execution of its agenda, describing them as “a desperate attempt to assert themselves.”

He added that Israel would not be able to protect them, asserting that the fighters killed in the Rafah tunnels were slain by the gang, not by Israeli troops.

Rafah crossing

In a related development, Israeli authorities have kept the Rafah crossing partially open for more than a week, allowing limited passenger movement in both directions.

The Palestinian Red Crescent Society said it facilitated the departure of 50 travelers on Tuesday, including 19 patients, most of the remainder being their companions, as part of ongoing humanitarian efforts to evacuate medical cases for treatment abroad.

Another 50 travelers returned late Monday.

As of Monday evening, a total of 397 travelers had crossed Rafah, out of 1,600 scheduled to travel in both directions, representing a compliance rate of about 25%, according to the government media office.


Lebanon, Jordan Seek Solutions After Damascus Bans Non-Syrian Trucks

Lebanese truck drivers block the road on the Lebanese side of the Masnaa border crossing in protest against Syria's decision to ban non-Syrian trucks from entering its territory, on February 10, 2025. (AFP)
Lebanese truck drivers block the road on the Lebanese side of the Masnaa border crossing in protest against Syria's decision to ban non-Syrian trucks from entering its territory, on February 10, 2025. (AFP)
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Lebanon, Jordan Seek Solutions After Damascus Bans Non-Syrian Trucks

Lebanese truck drivers block the road on the Lebanese side of the Masnaa border crossing in protest against Syria's decision to ban non-Syrian trucks from entering its territory, on February 10, 2025. (AFP)
Lebanese truck drivers block the road on the Lebanese side of the Masnaa border crossing in protest against Syria's decision to ban non-Syrian trucks from entering its territory, on February 10, 2025. (AFP)

Lebanon and Jordan are seeking a solution with Syria after the latter barred foreign trucks from entering its territory, officials from both countries told AFP on Tuesday.

Damascus had issued a decision on Saturday stipulating that "non-Syrian trucks will not be allowed to enter" the country, and that goods being imported by road must be unloaded at specific points at border crossings.

The decision exempts trucks that are only passing through Syria to other countries.

Dozens of trucks unable to enter the country were lined up on the Lebanese side of the Masnaa border crossing on Tuesday, an AFP photographer saw.

Ahmad Tamer, head of land and maritime transportation at the Lebanese transport ministry told AFP that discussions were underway with Damascus over the decision.

He said the issue was not specifically targeting Lebanon -- which is trying to reset ties with Damascus after the fall of Bashar al-Assad -- adding that he hoped to hold a meeting with the Syrian side soon.

Lebanon sends around 500 trucks to Syria per day, according to Tamer.

In Jordan, also affected by the decision, transport ministry spokesperson Mohammed al-Dweiri told AFP that "discussions are currently underway, and we are awaiting a response from the Syrian side regarding allowing foreign trucks to enter and cross".

Dweiri said that Jordanian trucks were continuing to unload their cargo at the free zone at the Nassib border crossing with Syria despite some "confusion".

Around 250 Jordanian trucks travel to Syria daily, according to him.

A source in the Syrian General Authority for Ports and Customs told AFP that the decision aimed to "regulate the movement of cargo through the ports".

Representatives of unions and associations in Lebanon's transport sector denounced the decision on Tuesday and warning of "negative repercussions", according to the state-run National News Agency.

Syria is the only land route Lebanon can use to export merchandise to wealthy Gulf markets.

As part of continued attempts to rekindle ties, the two countries signed an agreement on Friday to hand around 300 Syrian convicts over to Damascus.