Lebanese Govt Welcomes Army Plan to Disarm Hezbollah, Grants ‘Operational Discretion’

Lebanese President Joseph Aoun and Prime Minister Nawaf Salam during a cabinet meeting to approve the monopoly on arms (EPA). 
Lebanese President Joseph Aoun and Prime Minister Nawaf Salam during a cabinet meeting to approve the monopoly on arms (EPA). 
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Lebanese Govt Welcomes Army Plan to Disarm Hezbollah, Grants ‘Operational Discretion’

Lebanese President Joseph Aoun and Prime Minister Nawaf Salam during a cabinet meeting to approve the monopoly on arms (EPA). 
Lebanese President Joseph Aoun and Prime Minister Nawaf Salam during a cabinet meeting to approve the monopoly on arms (EPA). 

The Lebanese government has welcomed the army’s plan to implement the principle of the “exclusive possession of arms,” through a formula that was met with approval from the “Shiite duo.” Parliament Speaker Nabih Berri told Asharq al-Awsat that “the toxic winds are beginning to clear,” while Prime Minister Nawaf Salam affirmed the government’s commitment to continue the process of disarming Hezbollah.

According to information obtained by Asharq al-Awsat, the army’s plan is composed of five stages. The first, spanning three months, aligns with the deadline approved by the cabinet during its August 5 and 7 sessions. This initial phase will focus on completing the disarmament of the area south of the Litani River, while “containing” weapons elsewhere in Lebanon, specifically by prohibiting the carrying and transport of arms nationwide.

In his first comment on the cabinet’s decisions, Berri said, “The situation is positive... I believe the toxic winds are beginning to subside.” He added that the army’s plan helps preserve civil peace.

For his part, Salam stressed to Asharq al-Awsat that the cabinet’s decisions are clear and “allow no room for reinterpretation.” He vowed there would be no turning back on the principle of the state’s monopoly on arms, emphasizing that the government is determined to extend state authority “through its own resources,” in line with the decisions of the August 5 session.

Salam underscored that these steps are “unbound by external conditions,” since they are rooted in the Taif Agreement, the presidential oath of office, and the government’s policy statement. He also pointed to the plan drafted by US envoy Tom Barrack, which was adjusted in agreement with Washington. While its goals were approved by the Lebanese government, Salam noted that implementation requires reciprocity, something Israel has not committed to.

The formula, prepared through presidential consultations in recent days, effectively prevented a cabinet crisis after Shiite ministers walked out of the session the moment Army Commander Gen. Rudolph Haykal entered to present the plan, in an attempt to deprive the decision of “sectarian legitimacy.”

Simultaneously, the Lebanese army deployed reinforcements around Beirut’s southern suburbs, Hezbollah’s stronghold, in anticipation of potential popular backlash to the government’s decision, amid reports of calls for uncoordinated street protests.

Cabinet Resolutions

Information Minister Paul Morcos, reading from the session’s conclusions, stated: “The Council of Ministers heard the presentation by the Army Commander on his plan to enforce the exclusivity of arms. The Council welcomed the plan and its phased approach, in line with the Taif Agreement, relevant accords, the cessation of hostilities declaration, the presidential oath, and the government’s policy statement.”

He added that the cabinet decided to keep the plan’s details and deliberations confidential, while tasking the army command with submitting monthly reports on its implementation.

President Joseph Aoun, who chaired the session, reiterated his condemnation of Israeli attacks and hailed the UNIFIL mandate renewal as a “victory for Lebanon.” He also stressed the importance of holding parliamentary elections on schedule and urged preparations to avoid delays. Aoun expressed condolences to the families of “martyrs, particularly those of the Lebanese army.”

Morcos further relayed that Salam confirmed his efforts to rally Arab and international support to pressure Israel to halt its assaults and withdraw from occupied Lebanese positions.

He said the army would “begin implementing the plan within its available resources,” adding that while the plan is bound by the cabinet’s August 5 resolutions, the military retains “operational discretion.”

Government Statement

In its post-session communiqué, the government reaffirmed its “firm commitment to securing safety and stability along the southern borders, asserting state sovereignty over all Lebanese territory through its own resources, and ensuring that decisions of war and peace remain in the hands of Lebanon’s constitutional institutions.”

The statement stressed the need to fully implement UN Security Council Resolution 1701, describing it as the legal framework that protects Lebanese sovereignty and prevents repeated Israeli violations. It emphasized that a “comprehensive, multi-party implementation” of the ceasefire is the only practical path toward applying the resolution.

The government accused Israel of shirking its obligations under Resolution 1701 and the ceasefire agreement, citing its continued violations as a threat to both Lebanese and regional stability.

The statement also referred to Barrack’s paper, which was based on two principles: the simultaneity of steps by all parties to ensure good faith, and the requirement that Lebanon, Israel, and Syria each approve their respective commitments.

To this end, Lebanon has already taken two unilateral steps: adopting the paper’s objectives in the cabinet, and tasking the Lebanese army with preparing a detailed plan to extend state authority across the country exclusively through its own forces.

However, the statement noted that Israel has yet to show any commitment or take reciprocal action, despite Lebanon’s progress. “Any advancement toward implementing the paper remains contingent on the adherence of the other parties, foremost among them Israel,” the government declared.

Session Developments

During the cabinet session, as soon as the army commander entered to present his plan, the five Shiite ministers withdrew - including four aligned with Hezbollah and its ally, the Amal Movement.

Sources close to the “Shiite duo” told Asharq al-Awsat that the withdrawal came after the completion of other agenda items, but before discussion of the army plan began. They described the move as a “principled position” that any debate on such a critical issue in the absence of Shiite ministers is “unconstitutional and illegitimate.”

The sources added that the ministers would not deliberate on a decision that was itself “born illegitimate,” referring to the government’s August 5 approval of the “exclusive arms” principle and the mandate for the army to enforce it, which were approved after their earlier walkout.

 

 



Egypt, US Sign Strategic Objective Agreement to Expand Cooperation

Egypt and the US seek greater cooperation across multiple sectors (Egyptian Foreign Ministry). 
Egypt and the US seek greater cooperation across multiple sectors (Egyptian Foreign Ministry). 
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Egypt, US Sign Strategic Objective Agreement to Expand Cooperation

Egypt and the US seek greater cooperation across multiple sectors (Egyptian Foreign Ministry). 
Egypt and the US seek greater cooperation across multiple sectors (Egyptian Foreign Ministry). 

Egypt and the United States signed a Strategic Objective Framework Agreement on Enhancing Mutual Prosperity on Wednesday, aimed at expanding cooperation across several sectors, according to the Egyptian Foreign Ministry.

Egyptian Foreign Minister Badr Abdelatty attended the signing ceremony alongside the ministers of finance, supply and internal trade, and higher education and scientific research.

The agreement was signed by Egypt’s Deputy Foreign Minister for International Cooperation, Dr. Samar El-Ahdal, and US Chargé d’Affaires in Cairo Robert Silverman.

Foreign Ministry spokesman Ambassador Nader Zaki said the framework agreement aims to strengthen cooperation with the United States to achieve tangible economic growth in Egypt.

He explained that its objectives include expanding cooperation in key sectors and adopting US institutional and technological innovations to improve the efficiency of Egypt’s water, energy and infrastructure systems.

The agreement also seeks to modernize education, healthcare and governance, develop the skills of Egyptian professionals and create more jobs, particularly in areas of shared strategic interest such as water management, artificial intelligence and energy.

Another objective is to strengthen Egypt’s food security through science-based agriculture.

The signing comes amid repeated statements by both sides emphasizing the strategic nature of relations between Cairo and Washington and their longstanding ties.

Former US Ambassador David Satterfield identified three main reasons behind Washington’s strategic view of Egypt: preserving the Egyptian-Israeli peace treaty, ensuring access to and transit through the Suez Canal, and maintaining stability within Egypt itself.

Satterfield told Asharq Al-Awsat that the peace treaty “remains, even in light of the Abraham Accords, the cornerstone and fundamental pillar of stability and peace in the broader Middle East.”

He explained that the United States considers its engagement with and support for Egypt vital to preserving the treaty.

“Egypt’s geographical location gives it particular importance to the United States because of the Suez Canal,” he added.

A Congressional Research Service report updated on February 25, 2026, supports this assessment, linking Egypt’s importance to US national security to its geographical position, population and diplomatic influence.

The report notes that facilitating the passage of US naval vessels through the Suez Canal provides Washington with a significant advantage when it needs to deploy forces rapidly to the Gulf and Indian Ocean.

US interests, however, extend beyond the canal and the peace treaty.

Satterfield warned that instability in Egypt, whether driven by economic or political factors or both, “would threaten not only US interests but those of the broader Middle East.”

In his assessment, Egypt’s stability is therefore a strategic interest in its own right, rather than merely a desired outcome of bilateral cooperation.

Ben Fishman, a researcher at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy and former director for North Africa at the US National Security Council, agreed.

He told Asharq Al-Awsat that the United States maintains a longstanding strategic relationship and strong military partnership with Egypt, while the peace agreement with Israel “remains a pillar of regional stability.”

The two countries’ interests also converge in Gaza. Washington needs a regional partner to help negotiate and implement security arrangements, while Cairo requires US cooperation to support a resolution to a crisis affecting its borders and security.

The Congressional Research Service notes that Egypt played a key role, alongside other partners, in mediating the October 2025 Gaza ceasefire and hosted the Sharm el-Sheikh summit in support of the agreement.

Despite the importance of their relationship, Cairo and Washington do not agree on every issue.

Fishman explained that US and Egyptian interests converge in some conflicts and diverge in others, which is natural in a relationship based on mutual interests.

Satterfield echoed that assessment, stressing that such differences do not undermine the strategic nature of bilateral ties.

“Disagreements also exist between the United States and NATO countries, but they do not diminish the fact that both sides view the relationship as strategic,” he said. “That is the nature of international relations.”

In a related development, Abdelatty discussed the latest regional developments with Massad Boulos, senior adviser to the US president for Arab and African affairs, during a telephone call on Wednesday.

According to the Egyptian Foreign Ministry spokesman, the discussion addressed intensive efforts to promote de-escalation.

Abdelatty stressed “the importance of all parties showing the necessary flexibility to reduce tensions and allow a return to the political track, rather than moving toward a resumption of military operations, whose grave dangers to the region and the world President Sisi has warned against.”

The call also covered “the need to maintain full support for efforts to unify the Libyan government in a way that achieves the security and stability sought by the Libyan people.”

The two officials also discussed the situation in Sudan, emphasizing the importance of ending the ongoing war and launching a Sudanese-owned political process.


Lebanon: Four Former Army Generals Questioned as Defendants in Beirut Port Blast Probe

Families of victims of the 2020 Beirut port explosion and ambassadors from several countries commemorate the sixth anniversary of the blast (File photo: AFP). 
Families of victims of the 2020 Beirut port explosion and ambassadors from several countries commemorate the sixth anniversary of the blast (File photo: AFP). 
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Lebanon: Four Former Army Generals Questioned as Defendants in Beirut Port Blast Probe

Families of victims of the 2020 Beirut port explosion and ambassadors from several countries commemorate the sixth anniversary of the blast (File photo: AFP). 
Families of victims of the 2020 Beirut port explosion and ambassadors from several countries commemorate the sixth anniversary of the blast (File photo: AFP). 

The investigation into the Beirut port explosion took a new turn on Wednesday as judicial investigator Judge Tarek Bitar questioned four former Lebanese Army generals as defendants, expanding the scope of legal proceedings ahead of an indictment expected before the end of the year.

The hearing also marked the first attendance of a representative of the Public Prosecutor’s Office at the Court of Cassation, Judge Mohammad Saab.

Those questioned during the lengthy session were former Lebanese Army Chief of Staff Maj. Gen. Walid Salman, former Deputy Chief of Staff for Equipment Brig. Gen. Manuel Karjian, former head of the Ammunition Department Brig. Gen. Georges Moussa, and former director of the Equipment Directorate Brig. Gen. Munir Abou Zeid.

Their defense lawyers, lawyers representing the civil claimants and Cassation Advocate General Judge Mohammad Saab attended the hearing.

A judicial source told Asharq Al-Awsat that the officers had been summoned based on a substantive submission prepared by Saab, in which he brought allegations against them over suspicions that they had prior knowledge of the presence of ammonium nitrate at Beirut port.

The source explained that the questioning focused on “the suspicions outlined in the submission, in preparation for further investigation and a determination of the judicial position regarding each defendant, without the allegations necessarily establishing responsibility.”

Judicial Cooperation

Saab’s attendance marked the first time a representative of the Public Prosecutor’s Office at the Court of Cassation had participated in an investigative hearing before Bitar in the case.

It also signaled cooperation between the judicial investigator and the prosecutor’s office, which had previously boycotted Bitar and suspended cooperation with him when Judge Ghassan Oueidat headed the office.

The questioning ended without any decision on whether the four officers would be detained or released, leaving their legal status unresolved.

“Bitar did not issue an arrest warrant against any of them, nor did he decide to release them or require them to sign a residence undertaking, leaving the matter unresolved,” the judicial source explained.

The source did not disclose the content of the officers’ statements or their responses to the allegations.

Previously Questioned Defendants to Be Summoned Again

Bitar’s next steps will extend beyond the four former officers.

According to the same judicial source, the investigator is preparing to summon all those he previously questioned without issuing decisions concerning their cases.

They include former Prime Minister Hassan Diab, former Interior Minister Nohad Machnouk, former General Security Director-General Maj. Gen. Abbas Ibrahim and former State Security Director-General Maj. Gen. Tony Saliba, as well as judges and senior officials.

The move will bring previously deferred decisions back before Bitar as he continues investigating the allegations against the four officers.

The upcoming summonses will involve individuals whose procedural status remains unresolved, making the next round a crucial step in determining the measures to be taken before the indictment is finalized.

Those facing allegations will remain in a state of uncertainty over the judicial measures that await them.

Indictment Expected Before Year-End

Meanwhile, the Public Prosecutor’s Office at the Court of Cassation will prepare a supplementary substantive submission concerning the four officers and forward it to Bitar as soon as possible, according to the judicial source.

The supplementary submission will be added to the case file Bitar is reviewing as he prepares his indictment, taking into account the latest questioning sessions and the statements obtained.

The source stressed that Bitar “is committed to issuing the indictment before the end of this year,” adding that he would soon devote his attention to reviewing the case file and drafting the indictment.


Iraqi Investigation Accuses Armed Factions of Manipulating Airport Contracts

 Baghdad International Airport (Archive – Reuters) 
 Baghdad International Airport (Archive – Reuters) 
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Iraqi Investigation Accuses Armed Factions of Manipulating Airport Contracts

 Baghdad International Airport (Archive – Reuters) 
 Baghdad International Airport (Archive – Reuters) 

An Iraqi official source has disclosed suspected irregularities in airport contracts that may have benefited armed groups operating outside the law.

Separately, Kataib Hezbollah accused authorities in Baghdad of selling oil at discounted prices, while an informed source said Iraq had been forced to do so because of the closure of the Strait of Hormuz and its lack of an oil tanker fleet.

The official source told the Iraqi News Agency (INA) on Wednesday that the Federal Commission of Integrity was scrutinizing contracts involving the Ministry of Transport and airports and had detected suspected manipulation linked to the financing of armed groups.

Some contracts had been manipulated “for the economic benefit of armed groups operating outside the law,” the source added.

The official did not identify the groups involved, explain the nature of the alleged manipulation or specify how much money was suspected of being directed to them.

The investigation comes amid growing questions about the relationship between the political influence of armed factions and their economic interests, as pressure continues on the Iraqi government to bring all weapons under state control.

The controversy over transport and airport contracts in Iraq recalls the experience of Beirut’s Rafic Hariri International Airport, where Hezbollah’s influence within the airport’s security and administrative institutions has raised questions about the state’s ability to maintain effective oversight of vital facilities.

In Iraq, the influence of armed factions extends beyond their military presence. Groups linked to them hold political roles and positions within state institutions, while investigations into government contracts have raised questions about the extent to which these factions benefit from state resources and public spending.

Escalation Over State Control of Weapons

The disclosure of the investigation came amid escalating tensions between Iraq’s Kataib Hezbollah and the government and the Coordination Framework. The group is demanding the release of a draft agreement that it says the so-called “Islamic Resistance” reached with a Framework committee on placing weapons under state control.

An account on X under the name Abu Mujahid al-Assaf, whose holder identifies himself as a security official in Kataib Hezbollah, said the armed factions were still awaiting a copy of the agreement. He added that they had suspended all military operations inside Iraq until further notice.

Baghdad authorities had not previously announced receiving a copy of any agreement concluded by the factions. However, spokespeople for Shiite parties had disclosed that the groups were negotiating with a four-member committee from the Coordination Framework to reach an agreement on their weapons.

Al-Assaf criticized the government’s performance, accusing it of making promises it had failed to fulfill.

He also questioned oil sales contracts with a regional company, asking whether Coordination Framework members approved of selling oil at discounted prices and sharing the profits.

He claimed the profits exceeded 4.5 trillion Iraqi dinars a month, without providing details or evidence to support the figure. No comment could be obtained from the country’s relevant energy authorities.

An informed political source, however, explained that Iraq was selling oil shipments at discounted prices because of “the shipping crisis in the Strait of Hormuz, the transport and transit risks borne by buyers, and the pressure facing the country because it does not have its own tanker fleet.”

The escalation followed the failure to convene a regular Coordination Framework meeting on Sunday evening because several members were absent, amid continuing disagreements over the allocation of positions and ministerial portfolios in PM Ali al-Zaidi’s government.

Political researcher Falah al-Mishal attributed Kataib Hezbollah’s escalation to several factors, including the Coordination Framework’s approval of measures to close border crossings with Iran, pressure to bring factional weapons under state control, and objections to certain government foreign policy measures.

Al-Mishal told Asharq Al-Awsat that Iraq’s efforts to develop relations with Syria and Jordan, expand ties with the Arab world and honor its agreements with the United States had led Kataib Hezbollah to feel that the Coordination Framework, once its ally, had abandoned its previous commitments and pledges.

Divisions Within the Shiite Camp

Tensions have not been confined to Kataib Hezbollah. Asaib Ahl al-Haq, led by Qais al-Khazali, also criticized armed factions refusing to surrender their weapons, without naming them.

Ahmed al-Moussawi, a senior Asaib Ahl al-Haq figure and member of parliament, told the movement’s Al-Ahd television channel that these factions would produce nothing more than “a resistance with 10 rockets.”

Al-Moussawi questioned whom the factions were resisting, adding that those refusing to surrender their weapons were attacking Asaib Ahl al-Haq but were, in his words, “not worth responding to.”

The exchange of criticism reflects widening divisions within the Shiite political camp, at a time when the Coordination Framework had been expected to consolidate its position following the completion of the government formation process.

Instead, competition over positions and ministerial portfolios, coupled with conflicting interests among its members, has reignited disputes within the alliance and raised questions about its ability to coordinate the positions of armed factions.

Despite the escalating exchanges, security and political affairs expert Fadel Abu Ragheef does not necessarily believe efforts to bring weapons under state control are losing momentum.

Abu Ragheef told Asharq Al-Awsat that the issue “remains on the table as long as there is a final deadline extending into next year.”

He added that “US statements on bringing weapons under state control are increasing pressure on the Iraqi public and putting the government in a difficult position.”

Abu Ragheef also pointed to “cooperation from some factions on this issue, including parties that had previously refused to cooperate,” but warned that the outbreak of a regional war could change the situation.