An American Nurse in Gaza City Films a Hospital’s Collapse as Israeli Forces Surround It

This photo provided by American nurse Andee Vaughan, shows Vaughan attending to a wounded child at the Al-Quds Hospital in Gaza City on Aug. 10, 2025. (Courtesy Andee Vaughan via AP)
This photo provided by American nurse Andee Vaughan, shows Vaughan attending to a wounded child at the Al-Quds Hospital in Gaza City on Aug. 10, 2025. (Courtesy Andee Vaughan via AP)
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An American Nurse in Gaza City Films a Hospital’s Collapse as Israeli Forces Surround It

This photo provided by American nurse Andee Vaughan, shows Vaughan attending to a wounded child at the Al-Quds Hospital in Gaza City on Aug. 10, 2025. (Courtesy Andee Vaughan via AP)
This photo provided by American nurse Andee Vaughan, shows Vaughan attending to a wounded child at the Al-Quds Hospital in Gaza City on Aug. 10, 2025. (Courtesy Andee Vaughan via AP)

As Israeli troops bear down, the health care system in Gaza City is coming under fire and being pushed toward collapse.

Nearly two weeks into Israel’s latest ground offensive on Gaza’s largest city, two clinics were destroyed by airstrikes, two hospitals shut down after being damaged and others are barely functioning, with medicine, equipment, food and fuel in short supply.

Many patients and staff have been forced to flee hospitals, leaving behind only a few doctors and nurses to tend to children in incubators or other patients too ill to move. Bombardment outside shakes hospitals' walls and Israeli drones buzz around, often firing nearby, making it dangerous to come and go, according to health workers.

Al-Quds hospital, at the southern edge of Gaza City, hurriedly evacuated most of its patients this past week as Israeli forces closed in.

Medics dropped off one patient at a field of rubble. Covered in gauze for severe burns on 40% of his body, they told him to find his way to a clinic for treatment, according to Andee Vaughan, an American nurse who was among the medics.

"It is insanity," Vaughan said in an interview the day she also was evacuated. "That is the state of the health care system," which she says Israel is purposefully dismantling.

Al-Quds once had capacity for 120 patients. Now, roughly 20 remain, including two babies in intensive care. About 60 doctors, nurses and patients’ families are sheltering there.

Vaughan is from Seattle and volunteered through the Palestinian Australian New Zealand Medical Association since July. She kept a video diary of her time at al-Quds, occasionally posting on social media.

She shared dozens of videos with The Associated Press, which verified them. Volunteers in Gaza like her have become a vital source of information, as Israel has forbidden foreign media.

Like at other hospitals, water, electricity and oxygen are in short supply at al-Quds. The hospital oxygen station was hit by Israeli gunfire.

Israel says its campaign in Gaza City aims to destroy Hamas’ infrastructure and free hostages taken during its Oct. 7. 2023, attack on Israel that started the war. The military has ordered the entire population to leave and go south, saying it is for their safety.

On Thursday, Nebal Farsakh, a spokesperson for the Palestinian Red Crescent, which administers al-Quds, said Israeli vehicles had surrounded it, "completely restricting" the movement of remaining staff and patients, while drones fired upon the hospital and nearby buildings.

Israel accuses Hamas of using health facilities as command centers and for military purposes, putting civilians in harm’s way, though it has presented little evidence. Hamas security personnel have been seen in hospitals and have kept some areas inaccessible.

The Israeli army said Saturday that the incident at al-Quds "is under review." Repairs were completed at the hospital's water tanks and work is being allowed to fix its oxygen room.

Vaughan was evacuated Tuesday with another doctor and headed south.

"I am getting messages from my coworkers there asking me why I left," said Vaughan, speaking from a guesthouse in Deir al-Balah after she was evacuated. "They are telling me they are going to die."

Hospitals are coming under fire

Despite Israeli orders to leave, hundreds of thousands of Palestinians remain in Gaza City, which had close to 1 million residents before the ongoing offensive. International experts say the city is in a famine.

Israel has closed the border crossing into northern Gaza since Sept. 12, preventing direct aid shipments to the city. Aid groups have scrambled to deliver supplies from the south, traversing dangerous roads as Israel increasingly restricts their movement, according to the United Nations.

Over the past week, Israeli strikes destroyed at least two clinics at opposite ends of Gaza City and forced two others to shut down, including a children’s hospital and a specialized eye center, according to the UN. The Jordanian government said a field hospital it had run was evacuated as Israeli troops closed in.

The UN says 27 other medical stations and primary health care centers in Gaza City, many of them crucial in malnutrition treatment, were forced to suspend or shut service in September.

Nearly 100 patients fled Wednesday and Thursday from Gaza City’s main hospital, Shifa, as Israeli tanks approached. Fearful of getting caught up in a raid, many staff stopped showing up to work.

"The fear is real," said Hassan Al-Shaer, medical director at Shifa.

More than 160 medical workers from Gaza were estimated to be in Israeli detention as of February, according to rights groups. Israel said the detentions are carried out in accordance with the law, saying some were involved in "terrorists activities" or were members of Hamas.

On Wednesday, the Israeli army claimed on social media that gunmen were operating inside Shifa. It attached a grainy video it said showed gunmen opening fire. The AP couldn't verify the claim and doctors at Shifa denied it, calling it a pretext to raid the hospital.

On Saturday, the Israeli army said it's allowing humanitarian convoys of international aid organizations and health personnel to reach the Shifa Hospital area, even though it's "an active combat zone."

Hospitals are emptying out as Israeli forces advance

Israeli troops raided al-Quds for a week in November 2023, temporarily shutting it down. Parts of it were destroyed, and at least one civilian was killed, the Red Crescent said then.

The UN and some human rights groups say Israel has systematically targeted hospitals, using direct strikes, siege tactics and raids.

Once a hospital is out of service, nearby residents typically relocate, said Azra Zyada, a UK-based health systems analyst who works closely with medical teams in Gaza.

Before the latest offensive on Gaza City, staff at al-Quds began discharging non-critical patients, fearing for their safety, Vaughan said. They also diverted traffic away from the hospital as Israeli drones fired at surrounding buildings, she said.

A nurse's video diary

Vaughan shot cellphone video of warplanes and projectiles descending on the city and around the hospital.

In one, her room shakes, and huge plumes of smoke block the view from her window. In another, from one of the hospital’s lower floors, a child carrying a water jerrycan as large as himself stops as an explosion rocks the walls.

Last week, hundreds of Palestinian families who had sheltered in and around the hospital fled, many after previously fleeing Israeli forces advancing from the north.

On Saturday night, Vaughan said a caravan that drove near the hospital came under fire. A teenager sustained a superficial head wound, she said.

He may have been the last patient to be admitted to al-Quds.

A day later, Vaughan shadowed the nurses of the neonatal unit. She held "skin to skin" one of the two remaining babies — just 13 days old — to try to soothe her. The baby's heart rate dropped dangerously low as explosions went off nearby, Vaughan said.

From her fifth-floor bedroom window, Vaughan recorded nearby strikes.

"They just hit the hospital again," Vaughan said in a video. She recorded an Apache helicopter strike in the distance.

On the fourth floor, there were glass shards on some beds from shattered windows. Fresh blood stained a deserted mattress. Vaughan filmed an empty hospital floor that was cleared out.

"The floor was overflowing with patients in the halls and now it is desolate because everybody had to flee," she said in the video shot Monday.

For her own safety, Vaughan moved that day to the basement.

The next day, soon after Vaughan left, her colleagues reported to her that Israeli military vehicles had approached the southern gate of the hospital.



Report: Iran Hardliners Ramp up Calls for a Nuclear Bomb

A satellite imagery taken on February 1, 2026, shows a new roof over a previously destroyed building at Isfahan nuclear site, Iran. (2026 PLANET LABS PBC/Handout via Reuters)
A satellite imagery taken on February 1, 2026, shows a new roof over a previously destroyed building at Isfahan nuclear site, Iran. (2026 PLANET LABS PBC/Handout via Reuters)
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Report: Iran Hardliners Ramp up Calls for a Nuclear Bomb

A satellite imagery taken on February 1, 2026, shows a new roof over a previously destroyed building at Isfahan nuclear site, Iran. (2026 PLANET LABS PBC/Handout via Reuters)
A satellite imagery taken on February 1, 2026, shows a new roof over a previously destroyed building at Isfahan nuclear site, Iran. (2026 PLANET LABS PBC/Handout via Reuters)

The debate among Iranian hardliners over whether Tehran should seek a nuclear bomb in defiance of an escalating US-Israeli attack is getting louder, more public and more insistent, sources in the country say.

With the Revolutionary Guards now dominant following the killing of veteran Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei at the start of the war on February 28, hardline views on Iran's nuclear approach are in the ascendant, two senior Iranian sources said according to Reuters.

While Western countries have long believed that Iran wants the bomb - or at least the ability to make one very quickly - it has always denied that, saying Khamenei had banned nuclear arms as forbidden in Islam and citing its membership of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty.

There was no plan to change Iran's nuclear doctrine yet and Iran had not decided to seek a bomb, one of the sources said, but serious voices in the establishment were questioning the existing policy and demanding a change.

The US-Israeli attacks on Iran, which came midway through talks on Tehran's nuclear program, may have changed the equation, convincing Iranian ‌strategists that they ‌have little to gain by forswearing a bomb or staying in the NPT.

HARDLINER STANCE

The idea ‌of ⁠quitting the NPT - ⁠something hardliners have previously threatened - has been increasingly aired on state media along with the idea - once taboo in public - that Iran should go outright for the bomb.

The Tasnim News Agency, which is affiliated with the Guards, on Thursday published an article saying Iran should withdraw from the NPT as soon as possible while sticking with a civilian nuclear program.

Hardline politician Mohammad Javad Larijani, brother of senior official Ali Larijani who was killed in a strike this month, was quoted by state media this week urging Iran to suspend its membership of the NPT.

"The NPT should be suspended. We should form a committee to assess whether the NPT is of any use to us at all. If it ⁠proves useful, we will return to it. If not, they can keep it," he said.

Earlier in ‌the month, state television aired a segment with conservative commentator Nasser Torabi in ‌which he said the Iranian public demanded: "We need to act in order to build a nuclear weapon. Either we build it or we acquire ‌it."

Nuclear policy has also been a subject of private discussion in ruling circles, said the two sources, adding that there ‌was divergence between harder line elements including the Guards and those in the political hierarchy over the wisdom of such a move.

To be sure, Iranian officials have threatened in the past to reconsider membership of the NPT as a negotiating tactic during more than two decades of talks with the West over Iran's nuclear program without ever having done so.

The more public debate may represent just such a tactic. It is also far from clear ‌how quickly Iran might be able to push for a bomb after suffering weeks of air strikes on its nuclear, ballistic and other scientific facilities and after a shorter air campaign ⁠by Israel and the United ⁠States last year.

Israel had repeatedly warned over many years that Iran was only months away from being able to make a nuclear bomb, citing intelligence reports, Tehran's enrichment of uranium needed for a warhead almost to weapons grade, and its ballistics program.

NO CHANGE TO NUCLEAR POLICY YET

Analysts have said the country's goal has been to attain the status of a "threshold state" - able to produce a bomb quickly if needed but without incurring the pariah status that could come with the weapon itself.

Guards commanders and other senior figures had in the past warned that Iran would have to go straight for a bomb if the regime survival was threatened - a condition that the present war may meet.

Khamenei's fatwa, or religious opinion, that nuclear weapons were not permissible in Islam, was made in the early 2000s, though never issued in written form. Khamenei reiterated it in 2019.

One of the two senior Iranian sources said that with Khamenei's death and that of Ali Larijani, who the source said had also pushed back against hardliners, it was becoming more difficult to counter the more hawkish arguments.

It was also not clear whether the obligation to obey Khamenei's unwritten fatwa survived his death, though it would likely remain valid unless revoked by the new supreme leader - his son Mojtaba Khamenei, who has not been seen in public since the death of his father.


Sheibani, an Iranian Diplomat with Intelligence Clout

 Iranian ambassador to Lebanon Mohammad Reza Sheibani (Iranian media)
Iranian ambassador to Lebanon Mohammad Reza Sheibani (Iranian media)
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Sheibani, an Iranian Diplomat with Intelligence Clout

 Iranian ambassador to Lebanon Mohammad Reza Sheibani (Iranian media)
Iranian ambassador to Lebanon Mohammad Reza Sheibani (Iranian media)

Only weeks after Iranian diplomat Mohammad Reza Sheibani returned to Beirut as ambassador, his name has become the focus of a diplomatic crisis.

Lebanon’s Foreign Ministry withdrew its approval and declared him “persona non grata”, reflecting rising tensions between Beirut and Tehran and drawing renewed attention to a career tied to some of the Middle East’s most complex issues.

The decision swiftly ended the mission of a diplomat Tehran had sent back to Beirut, relying on his long experience on Lebanon and Syria.

His return had collided with a Lebanese political climate increasingly sensitive to the limits of foreign diplomatic roles.

War experience and regional role

Sheibani is no stranger to Lebanon. He served as Iran’s ambassador to Beirut from 2005 to 2009, a period that coincided with the 2006 war between Hezbollah and Israel, giving him direct experience managing ties under complex security and political conditions.

His reappointment in early 2026 reflected an Iranian preference for seasoned diplomats in areas where politics and security overlap.

He replaced former ambassador Mojtaba Amani, who was injured in a pager explosion in Beirut, at a time of regional escalation, giving his return added weight beyond routine diplomacy.

Between Beirut and Damascus

Born in 1960, Sheibani joined Iran’s Foreign Ministry in the 1980s and rose through its ranks, focusing on Middle East affairs.

He served as chargé d’affaires in Cyprus and as head of Iran’s interests section in Egypt, before being appointed ambassador to Lebanon and later to Syria from 2011 to 2016, during which he covered the early years of the war.

He later served as ambassador to Tunisia and non-resident ambassador to Libya, and as assistant foreign minister for Middle East affairs.

He also worked as a senior adviser and researcher at the Institute for Political and International Studies at the Foreign Ministry, before returning to the forefront amid rising regional tensions.

Roles during escalation

In October 2024, he was named special representative of the Iranian foreign minister for West Asia, and in January 2025, he was appointed special envoy to Syria following developments in Damascus, including the closure of Iran’s embassy.

He was also tasked with following the Lebanese file as a special envoy during a sensitive phase, reinforcing his role as a crisis diplomat.

His career reflects a distinction within Iran’s diplomatic structure, as he is linked to the Ministry of Intelligence rather than the Quds Force of the Revolutionary Guard Corps, highlighting a division of roles in foreign policy.

Legal and constitutional debate

The move by Lebanon’s Foreign Ministry has also sparked legal debate over how such decisions are made and enforced.

Constitutional expert Saeed Malek said the decision is based on Article 9 of the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations, which allows a state to declare a diplomat persona non grata without a specific procedure.

He said the measure does not amount to a break in diplomatic ties but falls within the management of diplomatic representation, adding that such decisions fall within the foreign minister’s authority under Article 66 of the constitution.

Malek said the decision is binding, and once the deadline to leave Lebanon expires, the ambassador’s presence becomes unlawful.

He added that security forces are required to enforce the decision and remove him once located.

However, he said enforcement remains bound by international rules, as the ambassador’s presence inside the embassy prevents Lebanese forces from entering under diplomatic immunity, meaning his expulsion can only be carried out once he leaves the premises.


Mohammad Baqer Zolghadr: A Man with Strong Connections at the Heart of Iran’s Revolutionary Guards

Zolghadr speaks in an interview with the Tasnim News Agency, December 2020.
Zolghadr speaks in an interview with the Tasnim News Agency, December 2020.
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Mohammad Baqer Zolghadr: A Man with Strong Connections at the Heart of Iran’s Revolutionary Guards

Zolghadr speaks in an interview with the Tasnim News Agency, December 2020.
Zolghadr speaks in an interview with the Tasnim News Agency, December 2020.

Mohammad Baqer Zolghadr was not an unfamiliar figure when he was appointed on Tuesday as secretary of Iran’s Supreme National Security Council. One week after the killing of Ali Larijani, and amid a war that has thinned the ranks of Iran’s top leadership, authorities turned to a man shaped within one of the deepest layers of the “Islamic Republic’s” power structure.

Mehdi Tabatabaei, the Iranian president’s deputy communications director, said on Tuesday that General Zolghadr had been appointed to replace Larijani. He wrote on X that Iran’s new Supreme Leader Mojtaba Khamenei had approved the decision.

The Supreme National Security Council, formally headed by President Masoud Pezeshkian, coordinates security and foreign policy. It includes senior military, intelligence and government officials, as well as representatives of the Supreme Leader, who has final authority in state affairs.

Zolghadr’s appointment appears to reflect state priorities in a time of crisis. A further decree is expected to name him as the Supreme Leader’s representative on the council, allowing him to vote under the constitution.

Unlike politicians who rise through elections or public platforms, Zolghadr belongs to a different category: a figure who boasts internal networks that predate the state and later embedded themselves within it. He accumulated power within the agencies instead of confronting them. His career resembles less a sequence of administrative posts and more a continuous thread linking some of the most entrenched centers of power in Iran.

His elevation to one of the country’s top security posts is significant not only for the positions he has held, but for the role he has played within the system. A veteran of the Iran-Iraq war, he developed expertise in organization and network-based operations, consolidating his position within the Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) and later extending his influence through the interior ministry, judiciary and Expediency Council.

The appointment signals a broader logic within Iran’s ruling establishment: in moments of heightened pressure, figures rooted in institutional networks tend to take precedence over those with a public political profile.

Early career

Zolghadr’s career is closely tied to the political environment from which he emerged. He belongs to a generation associated with the “Mansouroun” network, an early group that later produced influential figures within the IRGC, including Mohsen Rezaei, Ali Shamkhani, Gholam Ali Rashid, and Mohammad and Ahmad Forouzandeh.

The significance of this affiliation lies not only in early organizational ties, but in the nature of the group itself: an ideologically driven pre-revolutionary network that repositioned itself within the state through the IRGC.

Zolghadr’s rise was not an individual climb through institutional ranks, but growth within a web of relationships and loyalties embedded at the core of the system. He emerged not simply as a professional military officer, but as part of a generation that viewed security and politics as intertwined domains in safeguarding the regime. This gave him the rare ability to “reposition” himself and retain power as successive government ruled Iran.

War and the ‘Ramadan’ headquarters

After the fall of the Shah, Zolghadr, like other members of Mansouroun, initially operated through revolutionary committees before joining the IRGC. His most defining wartime role was leading the “Ramadan Headquarters,” a key unit during the Iran-Iraq war.

This post was central to his political and security development. The Ramadan Headquarters served as a nucleus for external operations, coordinating cross-border activities with Iraqi Kurdish and Shiite groups opposed to Saddam Hussein and managing operations inside Iraq. It later evolved into what became the Quds Force, the IRGC’s current foreign arm.

There, Zolghadr developed a hallmark approach: operating at the intersection of military, intelligence and political spheres. The role involved not only managing battlefield operations, but also building networks, cultivating allies and leveraging conflict to generate long-term influence.

This model — combining military structure, indirect operations and proxy management — became a defining feature of Iran’s regional strategy. Within this environment, Zolghadr gained a reputation as a manager and strategist rather than a public-facing commander.

Rise within the IRGC

Following the end of the war in the late 1980s, Zolghadr spent 16 years at the top of the IRGC hierarchy: eight years as chief of the joint staff and eight years as deputy commander-in-chief.

These roles emphasized administration, coordination and institutional discipline rather than field command. His influence was rooted not in public charisma but in his position within the IRGC’s internal machinery.

Over time, he became firmly aligned with Iran’s conservative camp. His political role became more visible during the reformist presidency of Mohammad Khatami, when tensions between reformists and hardline institutions intensified.

Reform era

During the late 1990s, Zolghadr was among military figures associated with the conservative bloc within the IRGC. His name was linked to a letter sent by IRGC commanders to President Khatami, widely seen as a signal of military intervention in political affairs at a time of unrest. He was also associated with hardline opposition to the reform movement and the student protests of that period.

This phase highlighted a structural aspect of his career: his political role did not begin after leaving the military, but was embedded within the IRGC itself as it became increasingly politicized during its confrontation with reformists.

Interior Ministry under Ahmadinejad

When Mahmoud Ahmadinejad became president in 2005, Zolghadr was appointed deputy interior minister for security affairs. The position placed him at the heart of internal security, overseeing provincial governors and managing crises, protests and local tensions. It marked a transition from military service to the executive branch, while maintaining a focus on security.

His move illustrated a broader pattern: shifting from protecting the system through force to safeguarding it through security bureaucracy, expanding his network within the state apparatus.

Basij

Zolghadr left the interior ministry in 2007 amid reports of differences with Ahmadinejad, but his departure did not signal a loss of influence. In December of that year, Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei appointed him deputy chief of staff of the armed forces for Basij affairs, a newly created role.

The Basij, a paramilitary force, plays a key role in ideological mobilization and maintaining the IRGC’s presence in Iranian society. The decree emphasized strengthening and expanding the Basij’s reach, underlining the importance of Zolghadr’s assignment.

Judiciary and expanding influence

In 2010, Zolghadr moved to the judiciary, serving first as deputy for social prevention and crime reduction, and later as strategic deputy to the head of the judiciary until 2020.

The shift did not represent a departure from security work, as Iran’s judiciary operates closely under the authority of the Supreme Leader. Instead, it broadened his influence across another pillar of the state.

In September 2021, he was appointed secretary of the Expediency Council, succeeding Mohsen Rezaei. The role involves overseeing the council’s committees and acting as a link to the highest levels of decision-making.

Zolghadr also has family ties that extend his influence. He is the father-in-law of Kazem Gharibabadi, Iran’s deputy foreign minister for legal and international affairs and a prominent figure in nuclear negotiations.

Gharibabadi previously served as Iran’s ambassador to international organizations in Vienna, including the International Atomic Energy Agency.

From Larijani to Zolghadr

Larijani’s death deprived Iran of a political figure skilled in navigating between power centers. The choice of Zolghadr suggests a shift in priorities.

While Larijani represented balance and negotiation, Zolghadr embodies institutional discipline and internal cohesion. His selection follows speculation over other candidates, including former defense minister Hossein Dehghan, who was ultimately not appointed.

The decision reflects the system’s preference, in wartime conditions, for figures trusted by security networks over those known for political flexibility.

He may not be a prominent public figure, but he represents a type of official often relied upon in times of crisis: a man with internal networks, brought back to the forefront as Iran faces one of its most challenging periods.