Where Are the Armed Groups That Fought Hamas in Gaza Now?

Hamas police officers patrol a street in Gaza City (Reuters)
Hamas police officers patrol a street in Gaza City (Reuters)
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Where Are the Armed Groups That Fought Hamas in Gaza Now?

Hamas police officers patrol a street in Gaza City (Reuters)
Hamas police officers patrol a street in Gaza City (Reuters)

During the two-year Israeli war on Gaza that followed Hamas’s Oct. 7, 2023, attack, the group faced growing internal challenges, including clashes with armed clans and factions that emerged amid the chaos and sought to spread lawlessness across the enclave.

Two days before the ceasefire took effect last Friday, Hamas fought one of its fiercest internal battles against gunmen from the Al-Majayda clan in Khan Younis, southern Gaza.

When the fighting with Israel stopped, new confrontations erupted, this time with members of the Doghmosh clan south of the city, as Hamas also hunted armed groups it accused of operating under Israeli patronage.

The Abu Shabab Group

In recent months, Yasser Abu Shabab has risen as a key figure leading one of Gaza’s most prominent armed groups, estimated to number in the hundreds. His men, lightly armed, are based in Rafah, at Gaza’s southernmost edge, which remains under full Israeli control even after the ceasefire. Many residents there belong to Abu Shabab’s own Bedouin clan.

Abu Shabab has not spoken publicly since the war ended. Earlier, he had tried to expand his influence into Khan Younis by recruiting members of the Barbakh clan after their attack on Nasser Medical Complex and police forces protecting it in late June. The effort failed, however, and his influence remains confined to Rafah.

Hamas refers to his faction as the “Abu Shabab Gang”, saying it operates within Israeli-controlled areas of Rafah. Although their positions have not changed, their attacks have ceased since the ceasefire. In previous months, the group had repeatedly tried to exploit Israeli bombardments to infiltrate neighborhoods, loot civilians, and target Hamas fighters — notably in the Mawasi area and parts of Khan Younis.

Hamas accuses Abu Shabab’s men of “serving Israel”. Abu Shabab, who calls his faction the “Popular Forces,” has alternated between denying and admitting links to Israel or the Palestinian Authority.

Once a minor criminal figure detained by Hamas police, Abu Shabab had no prior political or militant background. His notoriety grew after his men looted aid trucks near Israeli military zones. Hamas pursued him relentlessly, killing his brother during one of the chases.

Though not yet a major threat, Hamas has continued to strike at his group to demonstrate control and is expected to mount further operations against them.

Hossam al-Astal

Another group operates in southeastern Khan Younis, particularly in Qizan al-Najjar, Jorat al-Lout, and Al-Manara. Led by Hossam al-Astal, a former officer in the Palestinian Authority’s security services, it consists of roughly 40 fighters. The area remains contested, with sporadic Israeli activity.

Reports suggest al-Astal split from Abu Shabab to form his own faction — a claim Abu Shabab denied on Facebook before deleting the post.

In 2022, Hamas sentenced al-Astal to death for allegedly helping Israel’s Mossad assassinate senior Al-Qassam Brigades commander Fadi al-Batsh in Malaysia in 2018. Despite the charges, his group has shown limited activity and carried out no major attacks.

Al-Majayda Clan

The Al-Majayda are one of Gaza’s largest clans, based mainly in Khan Younis. Tensions with Hamas escalated when clan members killed two Al-Qassam fighters and a mediator attempting to defuse the dispute. Hamas gave the clan a brief deadline to hand over the killers. When mediators failed, Hamas launched a large assault days before the ceasefire, killing the suspects and seizing weapons. Israeli airstrikes later hit Hamas forces involved, killing about 20.

Following mediation efforts, the clan pledged on Monday to hand over unlicensed weapons and affirmed support for Hamas in combating “security chaos.”

Central Gaza

In central Gaza, two small armed groups — the Abu Khammash and Abu Moghaiseb factions — surfaced around Deir al-Balah before the January ceasefire and reappeared after fighting resumed in March. Hamas quickly crushed both, killing and wounding several members before tribal elders brokered a truce and arranged for the surrender of their weapons.

The Doghmosh Clan

In Gaza City and the northern parts of the enclave, Hamas also clashed with the Doghmosh clan, which is concentrated in the Tel al-Hawa and al-Sabra neighborhoods. Clan members accused Hamas of killing their elder after he refused to cooperate with an Israeli plan to turn local clans into armed administrators of their neighborhoods.

During the war, Hamas accused Doghmosh gunmen of killing Al-Qassam fighters, seizing their weapons — including Yasin-105 anti-tank rockets — and attempting to assassinate more fighters. The operation was never completed due to Israeli airstrikes and Hamas’s preoccupation with the frontlines.

Before the war, Hamas had praised the clan’s leadership for rejecting Israeli offers to form local militias, a stance that led to Israeli strikes on their homes.

When the ceasefire began Friday afternoon, two Al-Qassam fighters — including the son of a senior commander — were killed by Doghmosh gunmen. Hamas issued an ultimatum to hand over the killers, then launched raids over the following two days.

The fighting left at least 20 Doghmosh members and six Hamas fighters dead, including senior figure Bassem Naim’s son and journalist Saleh al-Jafarawi, who was covering the clashes. Hamas later arrested several clan members and released a video showing executions of alleged “Israeli collaborators,” though it remains unclear if any belonged to the clan.

Northern Gaza

After the Doghmosh battle, Hamas forces stormed positions held by Rami Helles, leader of a militant group operating in Gaza City’s Shujaiya, Zeitoun, and Tuffah districts. The group, numbering in the dozens, retreated eastward as Israeli forces withdrew. On Tuesday, Hamas attacked again, killing and wounding several members.

Simultaneously, another Hamas raid targeted Ashraf al-Mansi’s group in Jabalia, Sheikh Radwan, Nasr, and Beit Lahia. His men, operating under Israeli drone cover, had reportedly looted property and attacked civilians, including near Al-Shifa Hospital.

Israeli Cooperation and Covert Networks

Israeli media have acknowledged that Israel treated wounded Palestinian fighters who collaborated with it against Hamas — particularly in eastern Gaza — and cited one case involving the tunnel explosion that killed members of Helles’s faction.

Hamas sources told Asharq Al-Awsat that a body once believed to belong to an Israeli soldier killed in a tunnel blast in Jabalia in May 2024 was later identified as a Palestinian operative from Shujaiya who had fought alongside Israel for pay.

“These cells were composed of infiltrators and mercenaries recruited by Israel to serve its objectives inside Gaza,” the sources said, adding that Hamas had decided to “deal with them decisively — whether during the previous ceasefire or after the war.”

They confirmed that Hamas is now implementing “a comprehensive plan to eliminate these gangs gradually.”

Trump’s Reaction

During a White House meeting with Argentine President Javier Milei, US President Donald Trump spoke approvingly of the way Hamas “took out two very evil gangs” in Gaza and “killed a number of them.”

Israel has made no official comment on Hamas’s campaign, though some Israeli analysts say the country has “abandoned its allies too quickly.” Hebrew-language media have continued to report extensively on Hamas’s internal security operations in Gaza and its pursuit of groups accused of collaborating with Israel.



'I Can't Walk Anymore': Afghans Freeze to Death on Route to Iran

Gul Ahmad (center) along with his deceased stepbrother Habibullah's son Waheed (right) and Saeed offering prayers over his grave in Ghunjan. Mohsen KARIMI / AFP
Gul Ahmad (center) along with his deceased stepbrother Habibullah's son Waheed (right) and Saeed offering prayers over his grave in Ghunjan. Mohsen KARIMI / AFP
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'I Can't Walk Anymore': Afghans Freeze to Death on Route to Iran

Gul Ahmad (center) along with his deceased stepbrother Habibullah's son Waheed (right) and Saeed offering prayers over his grave in Ghunjan. Mohsen KARIMI / AFP
Gul Ahmad (center) along with his deceased stepbrother Habibullah's son Waheed (right) and Saeed offering prayers over his grave in Ghunjan. Mohsen KARIMI / AFP

Habibullah set off from his home in western Afghanistan determined to find work in Iran, only for the 15-year-old to freeze to death while walking across the mountainous frontier.

"He was forced to go, to bring food for the family," his mother, Mah Jan, told AFP at her mud home in Ghunjan village.

"We have no food to eat, we have no clothes to wear. The house in which I live has no electricity, no water. I have no proper window, nothing to burn for heating," she added, clutching a photo of her son.

Habibullah was one of at least 18 migrants who died last month while trying to cross illegally into Iran from Afghanistan's Herat province, according to officials, when temperatures were around -3C.

With earthquakes and drought compounding a daily struggle to survive in Afghanistan, around half the population will need humanitarian assistance this year, according to the United Nations.

"There was no other way left for me. I thought, let him go to make our life better," said Mah Jan, 50, who requested the family's surname not be published for privacy reasons.

Habibullah's stepbrother, Gul Ahmad, said the teenager had tried shoe polishing but only earned up to 15 afghanis (23 cents) per day.

"He was ready to be a shepherd for 2,000 afghanis ($30 a month), to work in a shop, but he found nothing. So he was forced to leave. He told his mother, 'Let's trust in God, I'm going to Iran'," said Gul Ahmad, 56.

Habibullah was among 15 bodies returned from Iran, an Afghan border source told AFP on condition of anonymity.

A further three migrants who died were recovered on the Afghan side of the frontier, an army official said.

Over just a matter of days last month, around 1,600 Afghan migrants "who were at risk of perishing due to the weather" were rescued in the mountains, according to Iranian border guard commander Majid Shoja, quoted by the ILNA news agency.

They are drawn to Iran due to greater job opportunities and a common language, but legal routes are limited.

Afghanistan's deputy minister for labor and social affairs, Abdul Manan Omari, said Sunday it was "necessary to do more" to facilitate work permits for migrants.

Iran and Pakistan have combined sent back five million Afghans since September 2023, increasing the country's population by 10 percent, according to the International Organization for Migration.

The agency's deputy head in Afghanistan, Mutya Izora Maskun, said that many in the country report "the economy, job insecurity, food insecurity, constrained access to services" force them to leave.

They do so even if that means going through "illegal crossing points that are very dangerous due to the cold and the risks of human trafficking", she told AFP.

The Taliban government has taken "serious steps to fight the smugglers", interior ministry spokesman Abdul Mateen Qani told AFP.

But attempts to reach Iran have not stopped.

In the last week of December, "347 people who were trying to illegally cross the border into Iran were identified and arrested", a military unit in western Afghanistan said in a statement on Saturday.

Abdul Majeed Haidari, whose one-year-old son suffers from a heart problem, tried his luck in mid-December.

Working at a brick oven, the 25-year-old could no longer afford to pay for his son's medication and family expenses.

"We left because we were so destitute," his stepbrother Yunus, who accompanied him, told AFP.

"We set out in the rain. In such weather, the radars and cameras of the border guards do not work properly. But the smuggler got lost," he said.

They failed to light a fire for warmth and, as snow fell, Yunus recounted his stepbrother's words: "I can't walk anymore."

"Some told us to leave him so as not to endanger the other 19 people in the group," said Yunus, who requested his full name not be used.

After carrying him for two more hours, "his eyes stopped closing, his body grew heavier," Yunus recalled, before an Iranian family drove past and took them to hospital.

"They gave him electric shocks, but they said he was already dead," said Yunus, who has since returned to his village.


US Strike on Venezuela to Embolden China’s Territorial Claims, Taiwan Attack Unlikely, Analysts Say

 03 January 2026, Argentina, Buenos Aires: Venezuelans gather at the obelisk in Buenos Aires to celebrate the US military operation in their country. (dpa)
03 January 2026, Argentina, Buenos Aires: Venezuelans gather at the obelisk in Buenos Aires to celebrate the US military operation in their country. (dpa)
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US Strike on Venezuela to Embolden China’s Territorial Claims, Taiwan Attack Unlikely, Analysts Say

 03 January 2026, Argentina, Buenos Aires: Venezuelans gather at the obelisk in Buenos Aires to celebrate the US military operation in their country. (dpa)
03 January 2026, Argentina, Buenos Aires: Venezuelans gather at the obelisk in Buenos Aires to celebrate the US military operation in their country. (dpa)

The US attack on Venezuela will embolden China to strengthen its territorial claims over areas such as Taiwan and parts of the South China Sea but will not hasten any potential invasion of Taiwan, analysts said.

Chinese President Xi Jinping's considerations about Taiwan and his timeline are separate from the situation in Latin America, influenced more by China's domestic situation than by US actions, they said.

Still, analysts said, President Donald Trump's audacious attack on Saturday, capturing Venezuelan leader Nicolas Maduro, hands China an unexpected opportunity that Beijing will likely use in the near term to amplify criticism of Washington and bolster its own standing on the international stage.

Further out, Beijing could leverage Trump's move to defend its stance against the US on territorial issues including Taiwan, Tibet and islands in the East and South China seas.

'CHEAP AMMUNITION' FOR A CHINA PUSHBACK

"Washington's consistent, long-standing arguments are always that the Chinese actions are violating international law but they are now damaging that," said William Yang, an analyst at International Crisis Group, a Brussels-based ‌NGO.

"It's really creating a ‌lot of openings and cheap ammunition for the Chinese to push back against the ‌US ⁠in the future."

China ‌claims democratically governed Taiwan as its own province - an assertion the island's government rejects - and claims almost all of the South China Sea, a position that puts it at odds with several Southeast Asian nations that also claim parts of the vital trade route.

China's foreign ministry and Taiwan Affairs Office, and Taiwan's presidential office did not immediately respond to requests for comment.

Beijing condemned Trump's strike on Venezuela, saying it violated international law and threatened peace and security in Latin America. It has demanded the US release Maduro and his wife, who are being detained in New York awaiting trial.

Hours before his capture, Maduro met with a high-level Chinese delegation in Caracas, according to photos he posted on his Instagram page.

The Chinese foreign ministry did not ⁠immediately respond to a request for comment on the whereabouts of the delegation, which included China's special representative for Latin American and Caribbean affairs, Qiu Xiaoqi.

On Sunday China's official Xinhua news ‌agency called the US attack "naked hegemonic behavior."

"The US invasion has made everyone see more ‍and more the fact that the so-called 'rules-based international order' in the mouth ‍of the United States is actually just a 'predatory order based on US interests'," state-run Xinhua news agency said.

'CHINA ISN'T THE U.S., ‍TAIWAN ISN'T VENEZUELA'

Taiwan, in particular, has been facing growing pressure from Beijing. China last week encircled the island in its most extensive war games to date, showcasing Beijing's ability to cut off the island from outside support in a conflict.

But analysts said they did not expect China to capitalize on the Venezuelan situation to escalate that into an attack anytime soon.

"Taking over Taiwan depends on China's developing but still insufficient capability rather than what Trump did in a distant continent," said Shi Yinhong, professor of international relations at Renmin University in Beijing.

Neil Thomas, a fellow on Chinese politics at the Asia Society, said China sees Taiwan as an internal affair and so was unlikely to cite ⁠US actions against Venezuela as precedent for any cross-strait military strikes.

"Beijing will want a clear contrast with Washington to trumpet its claims to stand for peace, development and moral leadership," Thomas said. "Xi does not care about Venezuela more than he cares about China. He'll be hoping that it turns into a quagmire for the United States."

Wang Ting-yu, a senior lawmaker from Taiwan’s ruling party who sits on the parliament’s foreign affairs and defense committee, rejected the idea that China might follow the US example and strike Taiwan.

"China has never lacked hostility toward Taiwan, but it genuinely lacks the feasible means," Wang posted on Facebook. "China is not the United States, and Taiwan is certainly not Venezuela. If China could actually pull it off, it would have done so long ago!"

Still, the situation amplifies risks for Taiwan and could press Taipei to seek more favor from the Trump administration, some observers said.

On China's Weibo social media platform, discussions of the US attack trended heavily on Sunday, with several users saying Beijing should learn from what Trump did.

Lev Nachman, a political science professor at National Taiwan University, said he expected Taiwan's government to express lightly worded support for American ‌action on Venezuela. Taiwan has not yet made any statement.

"What I do think Trump's actions could do is to help Xi Jinping's narrative in the future to create more justification for action against Taiwan," he said.


International Aid Groups Grapple with What Israel’s Ban Will Mean for Their Work in Gaza

 The first supermoon of the year, the "Wolf Moon," is seen rising over Bureij refugee camp, in the central Gaza Strip on January 3, 2026. (AFP)
The first supermoon of the year, the "Wolf Moon," is seen rising over Bureij refugee camp, in the central Gaza Strip on January 3, 2026. (AFP)
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International Aid Groups Grapple with What Israel’s Ban Will Mean for Their Work in Gaza

 The first supermoon of the year, the "Wolf Moon," is seen rising over Bureij refugee camp, in the central Gaza Strip on January 3, 2026. (AFP)
The first supermoon of the year, the "Wolf Moon," is seen rising over Bureij refugee camp, in the central Gaza Strip on January 3, 2026. (AFP)

Israel’s decision to revoke the licenses of more than three dozen humanitarian organizations this week has aid groups scrambling to grapple with what this means for their operations in Gaza and their ability to help tens of thousands of struggling Palestinians.

The 37 groups represent some of the most prominent of the more than 100 independent nongovernmental organizations working in Gaza, alongside United Nations agencies. Those banned include Doctors Without Borders, the Norwegian Refugee Council, Oxfam and Medical Aid for Palestinians.

The groups do everything from providing tents and water to supporting clinics and medical facilities. The overall impact, however, remains unclear.

The most immediate impact of the license revocation is that Israel will no longer allow the groups to bring supplies into the Gaza Strip or send international staffers into the territory. Israel says all suspended groups have to halt their operations by March 1.

Some groups have already been barred from bringing in aid. The Norwegian Refugee Council, for example, said it has not been allowed to bring in supplies in 10 months, leaving it distributing tents and aid brought in by other groups.

Israel says the banned groups make up only a small part of aid operations in Gaza.

But aid officials say they fulfill crucial specific functions. In a joint statement Tuesday, the UN and leading NGOs said the organizations that are still licensed by Israel “are nowhere near the number required just to meet immediate and basic needs” in Gaza.

The ban further strains aid operations even as Gaza’s over 2 million Palestinians still face a humanitarian crisis more than 12 weeks into a ceasefire. The UN says that although famine has been staved off, more than a quarter of families still eat only one meal a day and food prices remain out of reach for many; more than 1 million people need better tents as winter storms lash the territory.

Why were their licenses revoked?

Earlier this year, Israel introduced strict new registration requirements for aid agencies working in Gaza. Most notably, it required groups to provide the names and personal details of local and international staff and said it would ban groups for a long list of criticisms of Israel.

The registration process is overseen by Israel’s Ministry for Diaspora Affairs and Combating Antisemitism, led by a far-right member of the ruling Likud party.

Israel says the rules aim to prevent Hamas and other fighters from infiltrating the groups, something it has said was happening throughout the 2-year-old war. The UN, which leads the massive aid program in Gaza, and independent groups deny the allegations and Israeli claims of major diversion of aid supplies by Hamas.

Aid organizations say they did not comply, in part, because they feared that handing over staff information could endanger them. More than 500 aid workers have been killed in Gaza during the war, according to the United Nations.

Israel denies targeting aid workers. But the group say Israel has been vague about how it would use the data.

The groups also said Israel was vague about how it would use the data.

“Demanding staff lists as a condition for access to territory is an outrageous overreach,” Doctors Without Borders, known by its French acronym MSF, said Friday. It said Israeli officials had refused its attempts to find alternatives.

A December report on MSF issued by an Israeli government team recommended rejection of the group’s license. It pointed primarily to statements by the group criticizing Israel, including referring to its campaign in Gaza as genocide and calling its monthslong ban on food entering the territory earlier this year as “a starvation tactic.” It said the statements violated neutrality and constituted “delegitimization of Israel.”

The report also repeated claims that an MSF employee killed in by an Israeli airstrike in 2024 was an operative with the Islamic Jihad group. That, it said, suggested MSF “maintains connections with a terrorist group.”

MSF on Friday denied the allegations, saying it would “never knowingly employ anyone involved in military activities.” It said that its statements cited by Israel simply described the destruction its teams witnessed in Gaza.

“The fault lies with those committing these atrocities, not with those who speak of them,” it said.

Aid groups have a week from Dec. 31 to appeal the process.

Medical services could see biggest impact

Independent NGOs play a major role in propping up Gaza’s health sector, devastated by two years of Israeli bombardment and restrictions on supplies.

MSF said Israel’s decision would have a catastrophic impact on its work in Gaza, where it provides funding and international staff for six hospitals as well as running two field hospitals and eight primary health centers, clinics and medical points. It also runs two of Gaza’s five stabilization centers helping children with severe malnutrition.

Its teams treated 100,000 trauma cases, performed surgeries on 10,000 patients and handled a third of Gaza’s births, the group says. It has 60 international staffers in the West Bank and Gaza and more than 1,200 local staff — most medical professionals.

Since the ceasefire began in early October, MSF has brought in about 7% of the 2,239 tons (2,032 metric tons) of medical supplies that Israel has allowed into Gaza, according to a UN tracking dashboard. That makes it the largest provider of medical supplies after UN agencies and the Red Cross, according to the dashboard.

Medecins du Monde, another group whose license is being halted, runs another four primary health clinics.

Overburdened Palestinian staff

Aid groups say the most immediate impact will likely be the inability to send international staff into Gaza.

Foreign staff provide key technical expertise and emotional support for their Palestinian colleagues.

“Having international presence in Gaza is a morale booster for our staff who are already feeling isolated,” said Shaina Low, communications adviser for the Norwegian Refugee Council, which is one of the main NGOs providing shelter supplies and fresh water to displaced people.

NRC has roughly 30 international staff who rotate in and out of Gaza working alongside some 70 Palestinians.

While any operations by the 37 groups in the West Bank will likely remain open, those with offices in east Jerusalem, which Israel considers its territory, might have to close.

Halt on supplies

Many of the 37 groups already had been blocked from bringing supplies into Gaza since March, said Bushra Khalidi, Oxfam's policy lead for Israel and the occupied Palestinian territories.

What changes with the formal license revocation is “that these practices are now formalized, giving Israel full impunity to restrict operations and shut out organizations it disagrees with,” she said.

Some of the groups have turned to buying supplies within Gaza rather than bringing them in, but that is slower and more expensive, she said. Other groups dug into reserve stocks, pared down distribution and had to work with broken or heavily repaired equipment because they couldn’t bring in new ones.

Amed Khan, an American humanitarian philanthropist who has been privately donating medicine and emergency nutrition for children to Gaza, said the impact extends beyond the aid groups.

He relies on NGOs to receive and distribute the supplies, but the fewer groups that Israel approves, the harder it is to find one.

“It’s death by bureaucracy,” he said.