Muscat Detainee Swap Deal Tests Houthi Credibility

Prisoner swap success hinges on Houthi commitment, seriousness (Gov’t Media)
Prisoner swap success hinges on Houthi commitment, seriousness (Gov’t Media)
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Muscat Detainee Swap Deal Tests Houthi Credibility

Prisoner swap success hinges on Houthi commitment, seriousness (Gov’t Media)
Prisoner swap success hinges on Houthi commitment, seriousness (Gov’t Media)

The agreement reached by the Yemeni government in Muscat with the Houthis to exchange about 2,900 prisoners and detainees from both sides marks a new test of the group’s credibility in closing one of the conflict’s most complex humanitarian files after years of delays and failure.

Despite a broad local and international welcome for the deal, doubts still surround its implementation mechanisms, given the absence of final lists and continuing ambiguity over the fate of Mohammed Qahtan, a senior figure in the Islah party who has been abducted for nearly a decade.

According to sources close to the talks, the agreement, sponsored by the office of the United Nations' special envoy for Yemen and supported by the International Committee of the Red Cross, remains at this stage only a preliminary understanding, expected to be implemented within a month.

Sources familiar with the negotiations said the first clause of the agreement is limited to the release of prisoners affiliated with the Saudi-led coalition supporting Yemen’s internationally recognized government, in addition to Mohammed Qahtan. Other details of the deal, including the names of those to be included, remain subject to further bargaining and negotiations between the parties and the mediators.

The same sources stated that what has been achieved so far does not amount to a final settlement, noting that previous negotiation rounds have repeatedly been tied to complex Houthi demands. These have included the insertion of names of fighters missing on the front lines, whom the group claims are held by the government without providing evidence, as well as its repeated refusal to include abducted civilians on the grounds that they are “under judicial process.”

Circles close to the negotiations said appointing Yahya al-Razami, the Houthis’ representative on the military committee, to lead the group’s negotiating team instead of Abdul Qader al-Murtada helped create an atmosphere conducive to reaching the preliminary agreement.

They said al-Murtada, who has been accused of involvement in the torture of some detainees, was a key reason behind the failure of several previous negotiation rounds because of his hardline stance and insistence on what were described as unrealistic conditions.

The same sources added that al-Razami’s presence at the head of the Houthis’ team facilitated discussions and paved the way for agreement on the principle of a comprehensive exchange of prisoners and detainees from both sides, although this remains conditional on the Houthis’ commitment to their pledges and the sincerity of their intentions in providing accurate and reliable information about detainees.

In contrast, the Yemeni government, according to the same assessments, has voiced serious concerns that the Houthis may seek to strip the agreement of its humanitarian substance through stalling tactics or by reintroducing the same conditions that derailed previous attempts.

These indications underline that the success of the deal hinges on the Houthis’ seriousness in honoring their commitments and fully disclosing the fate of all abductees, foremost among them Mohammed Qahtan.

The fate of Mohammed Qahtan remains one of the primary obstacles to implementing the agreement. Although his name was included in the first phase of the deal, his fate has been unknown since his arrest in 2015 at a security checkpoint near the entrance to the city of Ibb. To date, the Houthis have not disclosed whether he is still alive.

According to the sources, this ambiguity has undermined previous understandings and led to the collapse of earlier negotiation rounds, after the Houthis demanded 30 prisoners if Qahtan was alive, or 30 bodies if his death was confirmed.

Officials involved in the file said such behavior raises serious doubts about his fate after more than 10 years and eight months of enforced disappearance, weakening the prospects for building the trust needed to advance the remaining stages of the exchange agreement.

The sources emphasized that the success of any prisoner exchange cannot be achieved without addressing the Qahtan case with clarity and transparency, as it represents both a humanitarian and a political issue, and a genuine test of the Houthis’ commitment to international humanitarian law.

Under the announced understandings, the deal is to be implemented in three main phases. The first phase includes the release of prisoners affiliated with the coalition supporting the Yemeni government, in addition to Mohammed Qahtan. In the second phase, which begins approximately a week later, a joint committee will be formed to conduct field visits to detention sites and document the names of all detainees related to the conflict.

The verified lists will then be submitted to the office of the UN special envoy for Yemen and the International Committee of the Red Cross for official approval and the launch of the exchange process. The third phase will be dedicated to the remains file, covering the exchange of bodies of those killed and the search for the remains of the missing in battle areas, with the aim of closing this painful chapter.

The sources stated that it was agreed upon to include a total number of individuals in the exchange from both sides, with names to be finalized within a month, as well as the recovery of all bodies from various fronts and their handover through the International Committee of the Red Cross. It was also agreed to form committees to visit prisons after the exchange and identify any remaining prisoners, in preparation for their release.

The greatest burden, the sources said, will fall on international mediators, particularly the office of the UN special envoy and the International Committee of the Red Cross, to ensure the agreement is implemented, prevent any party from circumventing it, and establish a clear timeline starting with gathering prisoners and abductees at designated points, matching lists, and setting a start date for the exchange operation.



EU Hosts Palestinian Leader in Conference About Security and Peace in Gaza and the West Bank

(L-R) High Representative of the European Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy Kaja Kallas, Palestinian Prime Minister Mohamed Mustafa, and Norwegian Foreign Minister Espen Barth Eide during the Global Alliance for the Implementation of the Two-State Solution 9th meeting in Brussels, Belgium, 20 April 2026. (EPA)
(L-R) High Representative of the European Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy Kaja Kallas, Palestinian Prime Minister Mohamed Mustafa, and Norwegian Foreign Minister Espen Barth Eide during the Global Alliance for the Implementation of the Two-State Solution 9th meeting in Brussels, Belgium, 20 April 2026. (EPA)
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EU Hosts Palestinian Leader in Conference About Security and Peace in Gaza and the West Bank

(L-R) High Representative of the European Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy Kaja Kallas, Palestinian Prime Minister Mohamed Mustafa, and Norwegian Foreign Minister Espen Barth Eide during the Global Alliance for the Implementation of the Two-State Solution 9th meeting in Brussels, Belgium, 20 April 2026. (EPA)
(L-R) High Representative of the European Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy Kaja Kallas, Palestinian Prime Minister Mohamed Mustafa, and Norwegian Foreign Minister Espen Barth Eide during the Global Alliance for the Implementation of the Two-State Solution 9th meeting in Brussels, Belgium, 20 April 2026. (EPA)

More than 60 nations are sending representatives to Brussels to discuss with Palestinian Prime Minister Mohamed Mustafa stability, security and long-term peace in Israel, the West Bank and Gaza, as global attention largely remains focused in the Middle East on the ongoing crises in Iran and Lebanon.

Ongoing attacks in the West Bank and continued devastation in Gaza dims the prospect for a two-state solution, said Belgian Foreign Minister Maxime Prévot ahead of the meeting Monday. He is co-hosting the meeting with the EU’s top diplomat, Kaja Kallas.

“We observe without naivety that the two-state solution is being made more difficult by the day," Prévot said. “But Belgium and many European and Arab partners continue to believe that this remains the only realistic path to a lasting peace, for Israelis, for Palestinians and for the stability of the entire region.”

The 27-nation European Union is the largest single donor to the Palestinian Authority, with its 90-year-old president Mahmoud Abbas ruling from Ramallah for two decades. And while the EU has avoided directly joining the Board of Peace created by United States President Donald Trump, preferring the multilateralism of the United Nations and global legal norms, the bloc is eager to not be sidelined in diplomacy in a volatile region just across the Mediterranean.

Outrage in Europe over the humanitarian catastrophe in Gaza drove many EU leaders to condemn Israel’s war conduct and to pressure Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s government.

With the recent ouster of long-serving Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán, a close ally of Netanyahu, there might now be enough political support within the bloc for stronger actions like targeted sanctions on Israeli settlers or even the suspension of some ties to Israel.

Palestinians in the West Bank say that Israel has used the cover of the Iran war to tighten its grip over the territory, as settler attacks surge and the military imposes additional wartime restrictions on movement, citing security.

Gaza requires “one state, one government, one law and one goal,” Mustafa said on Monday in Brussels.

“Our common objective of achieving one security structure under the legitimate authority should guide the effective coordination between the International Stabilization Force, the Palestinian Authority, security institutions and other international actors. Security must not be fragmented," he said.

He also called for “the gradual and responsible collection of arms from all armed groups and also the full Israeli withdrawal from Gaza.”


Israeli Army Brings in Demolition Contractors to Raze Dozens of Lebanese Villages

Israeli military vehicles and armored units in front of destroyed buildings in southern Lebanon on April 15. (AFP)
Israeli military vehicles and armored units in front of destroyed buildings in southern Lebanon on April 15. (AFP)
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Israeli Army Brings in Demolition Contractors to Raze Dozens of Lebanese Villages

Israeli military vehicles and armored units in front of destroyed buildings in southern Lebanon on April 15. (AFP)
Israeli military vehicles and armored units in front of destroyed buildings in southern Lebanon on April 15. (AFP)

The Israeli army is using the ceasefire period to accelerate large-scale destruction in areas it occupies in southern Lebanon, which have been largely emptied of residents displaced by the conflict, according to local accounts.

Working around the clock across an area estimated at more than 800 square kilometers — about 8 percent of Lebanon’s territory — Israeli forces are systematically flattening buildings.

Confronted with the scale of the task and racing against time, the military engineering corps has enlisted private sector “demolition contractors,” some with experience in Gaza, to carry out operations in dozens of villages.

Using heavy machinery, including bulldozers and D9 units, they have begun what sources describe as a coordinated clearing campaign.

The occupied zone stretches from the Litani River to the internationally recognized border and has been divided into three sectors.

The first is a “total destruction” zone running along the entire Lebanese border strip, from the expanded Shebaa Farms area and the town of Khiam in the east, through Deir Siryan, to the coastal town of Bayyada in the west. Its depth ranges from about 3 kilometers at its narrowest point near Odaisseh to as much as 10 kilometers near Khiam.

This area is referred to by the Israeli army as the “yellow belt,” in reference to a similarly named line in Gaza. Civilian presence is effectively prohibited, with entry posing a serious risk to life.

The second sector extends from the “yellow belt” to the Litani River. Israeli forces have positioned this line along hilltops and elevated terrain to maintain direct visual oversight of the river corridor, despite advanced surveillance capabilities. Armed presence is banned in this zone, and civilian presence is strongly discouraged.

The area remains highly volatile, with Israeli troops on constant alert.

Reports indicate sporadic resistance operations, as well as the presence of minefields and ambushes. Tactics developed by Hezbollah since the 2006 war are being employed here. Most Israeli casualties reported in this area — 12 killed and around 30 wounded — occurred in this sector, which has also seen fire reach as far as the Tyre region.

The third sector extends from the Litani River northward to the Zahrani River. While not officially designated as occupied, it is subject to continuous aerial and maritime surveillance.

Israel believes Hezbollah uses this area as a launching ground for operations, including short- and medium-range rocket fire. Drones are reported to operate overhead day and night. Israeli assessments indicate that more than half of the roughly 8,000 rockets and shells fired from Lebanon originated from this zone.

Israeli military doctrine since Oct. 7, 2023, calls for layered security zones along each front — Lebanon, Syria and Gaza — including a fortified area inside Israel, a no-go “security belt” inside enemy territory, and a broader demilitarized zone.

Within Israel’s far-right leadership, some officials have embraced this approach as a precursor to expanding territorial control. Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich has called for further expansion and the establishment of Israeli military bases elsewhere in the region.

On the ground, Israeli forces appear intent on consolidating control over the “yellow belt” by erasing all structures above and below ground, from homes to schools and public buildings, a strategy critics say is aimed at preventing displaced residents south of the Litani from returning, or ensuring they find nothing left if they do.

The army also faces domestic criticism, particularly from residents of northern Israel, who say it has failed to provide adequate security despite months of fighting. Israeli officials argue that such operations could help secure longer-term calm on the northern front through a political agreement.

The Haaretz newspaper quoted a senior officer as saying the goal is “not a return to rounds of fighting, but achieving long-term security,” adding that Hezbollah has been significantly weakened compared with its position before Oct. 7, 2023.


Hamas Gives ‘Positive Response’ in Cairo, Raising Hopes of Near-Term Deal

Palestinians in Khan Younis, southern Gaza Strip, on Saturday (AFP)
Palestinians in Khan Younis, southern Gaza Strip, on Saturday (AFP)
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Hamas Gives ‘Positive Response’ in Cairo, Raising Hopes of Near-Term Deal

Palestinians in Khan Younis, southern Gaza Strip, on Saturday (AFP)
Palestinians in Khan Younis, southern Gaza Strip, on Saturday (AFP)

Sources within Hamas said the group’s delegation in Cairo has delivered a “positive response” to a revised proposal from mediators, particularly Egypt, potentially paving the way for an agreement on Gaza soon.

Negotiations on the deal remain stalled. Hamas and other factions insist Israel must first meet its phase-one ceasefire commitments, including humanitarian relief and the entry of aid trucks into the enclave, before they undertake further obligations. Israel, backed by the US, is pressing to move directly to the central element of phase two: disarmament.

A senior Hamas source told Asharq Al-Awsat that Zaher Jabarin and Ghazi Hamad, members of the group’s political bureau and its negotiating delegation, have returned to Cairo after leaving last Tuesday for internal consultations. Khalil al-Hayya, who heads Hamas’s negotiating team, remained in Egypt to continue talks.

The delegation returned with a “positive answer” to a proposal for handling phases one and two in parallel, the source told Asharq Al-Awsat.

The mediators’ plan stipulates the immediate start of phase-one steps while discussions continue on phase two, with no second-phase measures implemented before full completion of the first. Progression within phase two would also be conditional on completing each preceding step.

Hamas has set conditions, including the swift entry of a Gaza administrative committee to assume agreed responsibilities, along with “clear and credible guarantees” within a defined timeline to ensure Israel carries out its obligations in both phases.

Sources said Hamas held broad consultations in recent days, inside and outside Gaza, involving all its internal bodies, including religious frameworks that have historically played a key role in decision-making.

They described a “consensus,” including from the group’s armed wing, the Qassam Brigades, in support of the mediators’ proposal and negotiations over potential amendments related to weapons.

Mediators are aiming for rapid negotiations on phase two while phase one is completed, with expectations that international actors, including the US, will press Israel to comply.

A Palestinian faction source in Cairo said “contacts and meetings are ongoing at all levels,” adding that many expect a breakthrough that could lead to a deal.

However, the outcome ultimately depends on Israel’s government, which has signaled through international envoy Nikolay Mladenov and US representatives that acceptance of the bridging proposal should include Hamas agreeing to disarmament.

Sources said mediators had asked the group to approve the proposal, while officials linked to the administration of Donald Trump and Mladenov had pushed for Hamas to sign a disarmament document before negotiations proceed — a demand the group fears could be used to impose terms it opposes.

During discussions, some factions proposed reducing phase two from eight months to three or four to accelerate humanitarian improvements and reconstruction in Gaza, particularly for displaced residents living in harsh conditions.

A senior Hamas official said the group has no objection to shortening the timeline, stressing its priority is to ensure implementation of any agreement to ease civilian suffering, including by enabling the Gaza administrative committee to begin relief and service delivery.