Egypt, Trump Reaffirm Strategic Alliance in 2025 amid Regional Turmoil

Egyptian President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi meets President Donald Trump ahead of a world leaders' summit on ending the Gaza war, in Sharm el-Sheikh, Egypt, October 13, 2025. (Reuters)
Egyptian President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi meets President Donald Trump ahead of a world leaders' summit on ending the Gaza war, in Sharm el-Sheikh, Egypt, October 13, 2025. (Reuters)
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Egypt, Trump Reaffirm Strategic Alliance in 2025 amid Regional Turmoil

Egyptian President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi meets President Donald Trump ahead of a world leaders' summit on ending the Gaza war, in Sharm el-Sheikh, Egypt, October 13, 2025. (Reuters)
Egyptian President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi meets President Donald Trump ahead of a world leaders' summit on ending the Gaza war, in Sharm el-Sheikh, Egypt, October 13, 2025. (Reuters)

After months of speculation over the trajectory of Egyptian-US relations, fueled by persistent talk of strain and an impending rift, a high-level meeting between President Donald Trump and President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi in Sharm el-Sheikh reaffirmed the resilience of the strategic alliance between Cairo and Washington, even as the region remains in turmoil.

The meeting followed a turbulent period marked by Trump’s adoption of a proposal to relocate Gaza’s population, an idea firmly rejected by Sisi and one that prompted warnings of a diplomatic crisis between the two longtime allies.

The subsequent signing of a Gaza peace agreement in Sharm el-Sheikh sent a clear signal that, despite sharp disagreements over policy, the foundations of the bilateral relationship remain intact.

Early in Trump’s second term, media reports said Sisi had scrapped plans to visit Washington. As the year draws to a close, speculation has said that the visit may happen. Trump has acknowledged Sisi as a friend and said he would be happy to meet him as well.

Trump’s election victory late last year raised Egyptian hopes of strengthening the strategic partnership. Sisi voiced that expectation in a congratulatory post on X, stating that he looked forward to working together with Trump to achieve peace, preserve regional peace and stability, and strengthen the strategic partnership.

Those hopes were tested when Trump floated a plan to “clean out Gaza” and relocate its residents to Egypt and Jordan. Cairo rejected the idea outright, mobilized international opposition, unveiled an alternative plan for Gaza’s reconstruction and hosted an emergency summit on the issue in March.

Limited public engagement

David Butter, a research fellow in the Middle East and North Africa program at Chatham House, noted that the striking feature of Egypt-US ties over the past year has been their low public profile.

Aside from Trump’s appearance in Sharm el-Sheikh, there was not much happening in the open, he told Asharq Al-Awsat.

Amr Hamzawy, an Egyptian political scientist and director of the Middle East program at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, described the first year of Trump’s second term as difficult for bilateral relations.

He said it began with talk of displacement and a “Middle East Riviera” in Gaza, but Egyptian diplomacy succeeded in shifting the trajectory.

Trump’s peace plan, he said, ultimately signaled rejection of displacement and spoke of security and political tracks for Gaza and a broader political process for the Palestinian issue, though details remain unclear.

Hamzawy added that the year opened from a tough starting point that followed what he called President Joe Biden’s hesitant stance on Gaza, when displacement was first discussed.

After nearly a year of Egyptian political and diplomatic effort, he said, displacement dropped from Washington’s agenda, even if it remains a risk that cannot be ignored.

Historically, Egypt has been a pivotal state for US national security, given its geography, demographic weight and diplomatic role, according to a recent report by the Congressional Research Service.

Gaza, the main test

The Gaza war shaped Egyptian-US relations during Trump’s first year back in office. Washington backed Egyptian-Qatari mediation to halt the war. US Secretary of State Marco Rubio thanked Cairo after a truce was reached between Israel and Hamas in January.

When hostilities resumed, however, Egypt faced complex diplomatic choices with both Washington and Israel. It rejected Trump’s call to resettle Gaza’s population, while its reconstruction plan failed to gain US or Israeli acceptance.

Cairo also drew criticism from Trump for declining to join US strikes against Yemen’s Houthis, the Congressional Research Service (CRS) revealed.

Butter noted that ties with the Trump administration were strained over Gaza after Sisi canceled a Washington visit early in the year, following Trump’s “Middle East Riviera” remarks, which left contacts at a minimum.

He said Trump’s Sharm el-Sheikh visit, the signing of the Gaza agreement and the celebration of his plan’s success offered a chance to reset relations. Egypt, he added, has become indispensable to Trump’s administration in Gaza.

Hamzawy said Gaza dominated the first year of Trump’s term, giving Egypt a chance to restore its standing with US and European decision-makers as a key mediator. Cairo put its vision on the table, he said, shifting US thinking toward parallel security and political tracks and from talk of disarmament to limiting weapons.

Throughout the year, Egypt publicly counted on Trump to end the Gaza war. In July, Sisi urged him in a televised address to press for a halt, saying Trump was capable of doing so.

Analysts Daniel Byman and Jon Alterman wrote in Foreign Policy that Egypt is indispensable to international responses to the Gaza war, even if it remains a difficult partner for Washington and Israel. The conflict, they said, restored diplomatic focus on Egypt and strengthened its leverage.

Sara Kira, director of the European North African Center for Research, said relations in Trump’s second term differ from his first. The earlier term saw broad alignment and personal warmth from Trump, particularly on counterterrorism, she said. The second term has been marked by divergence.

That surfaced in April when Trump called for free passage for US commercial and military vessels through the Suez Canal in exchange for US efforts to protect the waterway.

Positive signals despite differences

Despite disagreements over Gaza, there were positive signs elsewhere. Early in the year, the US State Department froze new funding for most aid programs worldwide, exempting humanitarian food programs and military aid to Israel and Egypt.

Washington did not include Egypt on a travel ban list issued in June. Trump said Egypt was a country with which the United States dealt closely and that things there were under control. Egypt was also spared higher US tariffs. Cairo has repeatedly stressed the depth and resilience of the strategic relationship.

Kira said Egypt exerted maximum pressure to achieve peace and stop the Gaza war, eventually convincing Washington of its approach and reaching a peace agreement in Sharm el-Sheikh. She said Egypt acted pragmatically and astutely, reading Trump’s personality and US interests.

As talks on the second phase of the Gaza agreement stall, Egypt continues to rely on the Trump administration to advance its plan. Cairo remains in contact with Washington and is working with it to prepare a donor conference for Gaza’s reconstruction, which has yet to receive sufficient momentum from the Trump administration.

The dialogue extends beyond Gaza to Libya, Sudan, Lebanon and Iran, as well as water security, led by Ethiopia’s Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD), which Egypt fears could affect its Nile water share.

GERD

In mid-June, Trump stirred controversy in Egypt when he wrote on Truth Social that the United States had “stupidly” funded the dam Ethiopia built on the Blue Nile, triggering a severe diplomatic crisis with Egypt.

In August, the White House released a list of Trump’s foreign policy achievements, which included a purported agreement between Egypt and Ethiopia over the dam.

Trump has repeatedly spoken of his administration’s efforts to resolve the dispute, but those claims have yet to translate into concrete action.

Hamzawy said there is an opportunity for Washington to mediate and revive an agreement reached near the end of Trump’s first term.

Charles Dunne of the Arab Center Washington DC wrote recently that Trump’s stance may please Cairo but could also produce adverse outcomes if Washington does not assume a mediation role.

The United States hosted talks with the World Bank in 2020 during Trump’s first term, but they failed after Ethiopia refused to sign the draft agreement.

Military ties endure

Military cooperation continued largely as usual. Since 1946, the United States has provided Egypt with about $90 billion in aid, with a sharp increase after 1979, which successive administrations have framed as an investment in regional stability, according to the CRS.

For more than a decade, Congress has imposed human rights conditions on part of Egypt’s aid.

Between fiscal years 2020 and 2023, the Biden administration and Congress withheld approximately $750 million in military funding. Trump’s technical annex to the proposed fiscal 2026 budget seeks $1.3 billion in military assistance for Egypt without conditions, the CRS said.

Hamzawy said the administration is far from imposing conditionality, noting that relations rest on mutual interests between a major power and a positively influential middle power.

Since the Gaza war, the Biden and Trump administrations have accelerated US arms sales to Egypt. The State Department notified Congress of military sales totaling $7.3 billion. In July, the Pentagon announced that the State Department had approved the sale of an advanced air defense missile system to Egypt, valued at approximately $4.67 billion. Egypt also hosted the Bright Star military exercises in September.

Kira said ties with Washington are driven by interests and that Cairo has positioned itself as a core regional player.

Hamzawy said Egypt occupies a central place in US Middle East thinking, as Washington needs a spectrum of allies, with Egypt at the heart of that network.



Mohammed bin Salman in Nine Years: Domestic Growth and Global Engagement

Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman receives the pledge of allegiance as crown prince at Al-Safa Palace in Makkah(SPA).
Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman receives the pledge of allegiance as crown prince at Al-Safa Palace in Makkah(SPA).
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Mohammed bin Salman in Nine Years: Domestic Growth and Global Engagement

Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman receives the pledge of allegiance as crown prince at Al-Safa Palace in Makkah(SPA).
Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman receives the pledge of allegiance as crown prince at Al-Safa Palace in Makkah(SPA).

Nine years have passed since the royal decree issued by the Custodian of the Two Holy Mosques, King Salman bin Abdulaziz, appointing Prince Mohammed bin Salman as crown prince.

The prince’s presence in a leadership role that reflects the pulse and ambitions of Saudi youth, alongside the guidance of the king, helped launch a domestic vision that accelerated economic and social development while strengthening Saudi Arabia’s position as a leading actor in addressing the region’s shifting landscape, in addition to expanding its global reach and influence.

Fundamental transformations

Over the years, the Kingdom has witnessed turning points marked by positive developments and fundamental transformations. These were not merely superficial changes, but efforts to shape new directions that redefine the concept of success in the 21st century. The objective extended beyond change within Saudi Arabia itself to efforts aimed at shifting the broader region from conflict toward development.

Among the latest manifestations of that approach has been work to calm several regional conflicts and create opportunities for peace. In parallel, Saudi Arabia has become an influential international destination on the global map, according to numerous studies, commentaries, and research addressing major international issues and regional transformations.

As a result, the Kingdom has hosted dozens of summits and hundreds of high-level meetings on key global issues, particularly political ones. The king and crown prince have also met a large number of world leaders, with nearly 120 visits recorded in recent years.

From an early stage, the Saudi crown prince led a drive to expand the Kingdom’s engagement with the world on multiple fronts, including economic and cultural ties. Political openness has also emerged as a defining feature of recent years, reaching levels not previously seen in Saudi Arabia or the wider region.

Many observers say that Riyadh’s policies under the leadership of Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman in recent years have strengthened the Kingdom’s role in complex international issues and helped bring various parties to the negotiating table, including through efforts to promote peace through dialogue.

Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and the Chinese president during one of his visits to Saudi Arabia (SPA).

International standing

Over the past decade, Saudi Arabia has been the only Middle Eastern country to host the leaders of the United States, China and Russia within a span of just a few months, despite intensifying geopolitical tensions worldwide.

This period has been marked by a series of global crises, from the war in Ukraine and trade and economic disputes to the war in Gaza and tensions across the Middle East. The developments have positioned Saudi Arabia as a key actor influencing international policies, reflected in the scale, number and level of diplomatic visits and consultations with the Kingdom, particularly since the outbreak of the war in Gaza, as well as the international summits and meetings held on Saudi soil aimed at achieving peace.

International mediation

Saudi diplomacy has also played an active role in recent years. Under the direction of Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, who also serves as prime minister, the Kingdom hosted US-Ukrainian talks as part of efforts to address the crisis, drawing on its balanced relations with various parties.

These efforts also included meetings in Diriyah and Jeddah last year involving the United States, Russia and Ukraine. The initiatives reflect an increasingly international orientation in Saudi foreign policy centered on peace efforts, ceasefires and ending wars, including continued mediation initiatives and promoting dialogue as a primary solution during the Russia-Ukraine crisis.

Saudi Arabia has also directed the provision of multiple forms of humanitarian assistance and relief support, as well as mediation efforts aimed at securing the release of prisoners.

Commenting on those efforts, Michael Mitchell, a regional spokesperson for the US State Department, previously told Asharq Al-Awsat that the world had become closer than ever to reaching a ceasefire between Russia and Ukraine following negotiations hosted by Saudi Arabia. He expressed Washington’s appreciation for the Kingdom’s role in advancing ongoing diplomatic efforts and hosting key talks, while reaffirming the US commitment to working with all relevant parties to achieve lasting peace in Ukraine.

The Palestinian issue

The Palestinian issue has witnessed diplomatic momentum described as unprecedented in decades. In recent months and years, Saudi Arabia has pushed many countries to recognize a Palestinian state, bringing the total number of recognizing states to 149, according to the Palestinian Foreign Ministry.

The Saudi crown prince has also reiterated the Kingdom’s position that normalization with Israel would not proceed without the establishment of a Palestinian state. Saudi Arabia has hosted Arab and Islamic countries in Riyadh on two consecutive occasions to unify positions and increase pressure on the international community.

The Kingdom also chaired the committee formed by the summit, led an international coalition supporting the two-state solution, and presided over an international conference on the issue in New York.

In remarks previously made to Asharq Al-Awsat, Palestinian Prime Minister Mohammad Mustafa praised what he described as “Saudi Arabia’s firm positions, which contributed to shaping international consensus toward recognizing a Palestinian state and providing all possible support, given that its realization within the framework of a two-state solution represents the foundation of peace, security and stability in the Middle East.”

Supporting Syria’s recovery

The Kingdom began expanding its support for Syria after it announced in late December 2025 that a Saudi delegation led by an adviser to the Royal Court had visited Damascus and met with Ahmad Al-Sharaa, then the “leader of the new administration” and now Syria's president.

Saudi air and land bridges continued to deliver aid to the Syrian people, alongside humanitarian, medical and development projects. By the end of last year, those projects had increased by more than 100 percent compared with 2024, reaching more than 103 initiatives with a total cost approaching $100 million.

Saudi Arabia also welcomed Syrian President Ahmad Al-Sharaa three times during the year. The Kingdom pushed for the lifting of US sanctions on Syria, which the US president announced from Riyadh in May at the request of Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman.

Additional support included paying roughly $15 million in Syrian debt to the World Bank and covering part of Syrian government employees’ salaries through a joint initiative with Qatar and the United Nations.

Regional initiatives

Saudi diplomatic initiatives have also extended to multiple regional crises. These include efforts to end the Yemeni crisis and hosting Yemeni parties, including southern groups, while facilitating the first consultative meeting on the southern issue and providing a framework for dialogue on the matter this year.

Saudi Arabia also supported evacuation operations in Sudan, hosted the Jeddah platform on Sudan, and continued humanitarian assistance. More recently, high-level Saudi-US discussions led by the Saudi crown prince and the US president have focused on efforts to resolve the Sudanese crisis.

Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Russian President Vladimir Putin in Riyadh in December 2023 (SPA).

Summits and consensus

Alongside its expanding regional and international role, Saudi Arabia has also played a significant role on the Arab and Islamic fronts during the nine years since Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman assumed his position.

Under his direction, the Kingdom hosted seven Arab and Islamic summits between 2018 and 2024. These included the Dhahran Arab Summit in April 2018, the Makkah Summit in Support of Jordan in June 2018, the Emergency Arab Summit in Makkah in May 2019, the Arab-China Summit in December 2022, the Jeddah Arab Summit in May 2023, the Joint Arab-Islamic Extraordinary Summit in November 2023, and a follow-up summit in November 2024.

Last year, Saudi Arabia also strengthened its defense and strategic capabilities through a defense agreement with Pakistan stipulating that any attack on either country would be considered an attack on both. The Kingdom also signed a defense agreement with Washington during a historic visit to the United States in November 2025, in addition to expanding cooperation with major international powers including China, Russia and European countries.

Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Donald Trump in Washington in November 2025 (SPA).

“A great dawn” in relations with the United States

US President Donald Trump praised the leadership of the Saudi crown prince, saying, “The Saudi crown prince best represents our strong allies,” and adding that “a great dawn” awaits the Middle East.

Trump also described Saudi Arabia as “the heart and center of the world,” and said Riyadh was on track to become a global business hub.

During the crown prince’s visit to Washington late last year, the two countries signed a wide-ranging package of agreements that included a strategic defense agreement, the Kingdom’s second defense agreement signed in 2025, along with a package of defense sales, cooperation in civilian nuclear energy, a strategic partnership in artificial intelligence, a framework for securing supply chains for uranium and minerals, and measures to accelerate investment.

The US president also announced the designation of Saudi Arabia as a major non-NATO ally and praised Saudi negotiating capabilities, describing the Saudis as “great negotiators.”


How Iranians Are Communicating Through Internet Blackout

 People walk past closed shops at the almost empty traditional main bazaar, in Tehran, Iran, Tuesday, March 10, 2026. (AP)
People walk past closed shops at the almost empty traditional main bazaar, in Tehran, Iran, Tuesday, March 10, 2026. (AP)
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How Iranians Are Communicating Through Internet Blackout

 People walk past closed shops at the almost empty traditional main bazaar, in Tehran, Iran, Tuesday, March 10, 2026. (AP)
People walk past closed shops at the almost empty traditional main bazaar, in Tehran, Iran, Tuesday, March 10, 2026. (AP)

Iran's latest internet blackout has lasted more than 14 days, connectivity monitor Netblocks said Friday.

The nature of the limits on internet activity shows "this is a government-imposed measure" and not the result of damage from US and Israeli airstrikes, Netblocks research chief Isik Mater told AFP.

"It is a deliberate shutdown imposed by the authorities to suppress the flow of information and prevent further dissent," said Raha Bahreini, Iran researcher at Amnesty International.

Here are some of the ways information is still flowing in and out of Iran.

- Shortwave radio -

Amsterdam-based nonprofit Radio Zamaneh began shortwave broadcasts during the January protests, sending a nightly Farsi news program from 11:00 pm Tehran time.

"It's really difficult for the regime to jam shortwave because it's a long-distance broadcast," executive director Rieneke van Santen told AFP.

"People can just listen on a super cheap, small, simple radio... It's one of those typical emergency fall-back solutions."

Declining to specify where the transmitter is located, she said it is "closer to the Netherlands than to Iran" -- although Tehran "can figure it out" if they choose.

- Phone calls -

Many with ties to Iran are still receiving landline phone calls from inside -- "quite surprising" given the internet blackout, said Mahsa Alimardani of global rights organization Witness.

Fearing the authorities listening in, people often avoid speaking directly about political topics, such as the killing of Ali Khamenei, she added.

"It's not possible to communicate about sensitive issues through these brief phone calls," Amnesty's Bahreini said.

The required prepaid international calling cards are expensive and often fail to provide their face value in minutes.

"You buy a phone card for 60 minutes, but in eight minutes, it's out," van Santen said.

"It's really just phone calls from family members saying, after the bombing, we're still alive."

- VPN or other internet services -

Virtual private networks (VPNs) -- widely-used services that encrypt internet traffic -- can't create an internet connection where none is available.

But even at around one percent of typical levels, Iran's connectivity is "still a large figure in absolute terms", Netblocks' Mater said.

Iranians suspected of using VPNs since the war began have received warning text messages claiming to be from the authorities.

Before the war, millions turned to Toronto-based company Psiphon, which creates specialist tools more capable than typical "off-the-shelf" VPNs.

Offering techniques including disguising users' data as different types of internet traffic, Psiphon "is able to evade detection more successfully", data and insights director Keith McManamen told AFP.

With up to six million unique daily users in Iran before the latest internet shutdown, connections have now tumbled to fewer than 100,000.

Few but the most tech-savvy users can reach Psiphon's network for now.

Nevertheless, "the situation is extremely dynamic. We're seeing changes not just day to day, but hour by hour," McManamen said.

A similar service, US-based Lantern, is also widely used in Iran.

- Satellite broadcasts -

Created by US-based nonprofit NetFreedom Pioneers, Toosheh is a "filecasting" technology using home satellite TV equipment to broadcast encrypted data to people in Iran.

Users record from the Toosheh satellite TV channel onto a USB stick plugged into their set-top box, which they can then decrypt using a special app installed on their phone or computer.

From that initial download, the data can be copied and shared across multiple households.

The group estimated around three million active users in Iran across 2025, with "thousands to hundreds of thousands... since the (internet) shutdown in January," the group's director of projects Emilia James told AFP.

From its usual educational repertoire ranging from English lessons to news, content these days includes more on "personal safety and digital security... helping people to stay safe," she added.

Since people are tuning in to a broadcast signal, there is no way for the government to track them, she added.

- Starlink -

Elon Musk-owned satellite internet service Starlink was used during this year's protests to get information out, while the government attempted to jam its signals.

At around $2,000 on Iran's black market, the terminals are expensive and very rare in poorer regions like Balochistan or Kurdistan that have suffered the most government repression, Alimardani said.

Meanwhile, Amnesty has received reports of "raids on houses... arrests of people who had Starlink devices," Bahreini said.

Charges for those caught communicating with the outside world range from prison sentences to the death penalty, she added.

Starlink did not respond to AFP's request for comment on usage in Iran.


How Iranians Are Communicating Through Internet Blackout

 People walk past closed shops at the almost empty traditional main bazaar, in Tehran, Iran, Tuesday, March 10, 2026. (AP)
People walk past closed shops at the almost empty traditional main bazaar, in Tehran, Iran, Tuesday, March 10, 2026. (AP)
TT

How Iranians Are Communicating Through Internet Blackout

 People walk past closed shops at the almost empty traditional main bazaar, in Tehran, Iran, Tuesday, March 10, 2026. (AP)
People walk past closed shops at the almost empty traditional main bazaar, in Tehran, Iran, Tuesday, March 10, 2026. (AP)

Iran's latest internet blackout has lasted more than 14 days, connectivity monitor Netblocks said Friday.

The nature of the limits on internet activity shows "this is a government-imposed measure" and not the result of damage from US and Israeli airstrikes, Netblocks research chief Isik Mater told AFP.

"It is a deliberate shutdown imposed by the authorities to suppress the flow of information and prevent further dissent," said Raha Bahreini, Iran researcher at Amnesty International.

Here are some of the ways information is still flowing in and out of Iran.

- Shortwave radio -

Amsterdam-based nonprofit Radio Zamaneh began shortwave broadcasts during the January protests, sending a nightly Farsi news program from 11:00 pm Tehran time.

"It's really difficult for the regime to jam shortwave because it's a long-distance broadcast," executive director Rieneke van Santen told AFP.

"People can just listen on a super cheap, small, simple radio... It's one of those typical emergency fall-back solutions."

Declining to specify where the transmitter is located, she said it is "closer to the Netherlands than to Iran" -- although Tehran "can figure it out" if they choose.

- Phone calls -

Many with ties to Iran are still receiving landline phone calls from inside -- "quite surprising" given the internet blackout, said Mahsa Alimardani of global rights organization Witness.

Fearing the authorities listening in, people often avoid speaking directly about political topics, such as the killing of Ali Khamenei, she added.

"It's not possible to communicate about sensitive issues through these brief phone calls," Amnesty's Bahreini said.

The required prepaid international calling cards are expensive and often fail to provide their face value in minutes.

"You buy a phone card for 60 minutes, but in eight minutes, it's out," van Santen said.

"It's really just phone calls from family members saying, after the bombing, we're still alive."

- VPN or other internet services -

Virtual private networks (VPNs) -- widely-used services that encrypt internet traffic -- can't create an internet connection where none is available.

But even at around one percent of typical levels, Iran's connectivity is "still a large figure in absolute terms", Netblocks' Mater said.

Iranians suspected of using VPNs since the war began have received warning text messages claiming to be from the authorities.

Before the war, millions turned to Toronto-based company Psiphon, which creates specialist tools more capable than typical "off-the-shelf" VPNs.

Offering techniques including disguising users' data as different types of internet traffic, Psiphon "is able to evade detection more successfully", data and insights director Keith McManamen told AFP.

With up to six million unique daily users in Iran before the latest internet shutdown, connections have now tumbled to fewer than 100,000.

Few but the most tech-savvy users can reach Psiphon's network for now.

Nevertheless, "the situation is extremely dynamic. We're seeing changes not just day to day, but hour by hour," McManamen said.

A similar service, US-based Lantern, is also widely used in Iran.

- Satellite broadcasts -

Created by US-based nonprofit NetFreedom Pioneers, Toosheh is a "filecasting" technology using home satellite TV equipment to broadcast encrypted data to people in Iran.

Users record from the Toosheh satellite TV channel onto a USB stick plugged into their set-top box, which they can then decrypt using a special app installed on their phone or computer.

From that initial download, the data can be copied and shared across multiple households.

The group estimated around three million active users in Iran across 2025, with "thousands to hundreds of thousands... since the (internet) shutdown in January," the group's director of projects Emilia James told AFP.

From its usual educational repertoire ranging from English lessons to news, content these days includes more on "personal safety and digital security... helping people to stay safe," she added.

Since people are tuning in to a broadcast signal, there is no way for the government to track them, she added.

- Starlink -

Elon Musk-owned satellite internet service Starlink was used during this year's protests to get information out, while the government attempted to jam its signals.

At around $2,000 on Iran's black market, the terminals are expensive and very rare in poorer regions like Balochistan or Kurdistan that have suffered the most government repression, Alimardani said.

Meanwhile, Amnesty has received reports of "raids on houses... arrests of people who had Starlink devices," Bahreini said.

Charges for those caught communicating with the outside world range from prison sentences to the death penalty, she added.

Starlink did not respond to AFP's request for comment on usage in Iran.