Growing frustration is emerging within Lebanon’s Shiite community, extending beyond the traditional political discourse of Hezbollah and the Amal Movement to target Iran directly, as many residents feel the war launched in support of Tehran ended in the destruction of their villages, the displacement of their families and the loss of their loved ones.
The discontent has become increasingly visible on social media, particularly among supporters of the Amal Movement led by Parliament Speaker Nabih Berri, as well as among Hezbollah supporters, with ideological and political slogans no longer able to contain the scale of anger and despair.
The growing resentment comes despite continued statements by Hezbollah officials thanking Iran and emphasizing its role in supporting the “resistance,” while also relying on Tehran to pressure for a ceasefire.
But a large segment of the Shiite community now sees a contradiction between that rhetoric and daily reality, as tens of thousands of displaced people endure harsh humanitarian conditions with no clear prospect of return or reconstruction.
Ideological rhetoric meets southern anger
In that context, remarks by Hezbollah-affiliated cleric Sheikh Assad Qasir sparked widespread debate after he said that “preserving the Islamic Republic in Iran is a religious duty that takes precedence over preserving individuals because it constitutes a guarantee for preserving Islam itself.”
Qasir based his remarks on ideas attributed to Iran’s late supreme leader Khomeini and on the concept of sacrifice embodied in the battle of Karbala. But the rhetoric prompted angry reactions from many residents who increasingly view the war through the lens of their human and material losses.
Zeinab, a displaced woman from southern Lebanon, said: “The war was launched under the slogan of supporting Iran, but today we feel we were left alone. Even Hezbollah and Amal MPs do not ask about the people living in displacement centers.”
She added: “I feel dying under the roof of our home would be easier than the life of displacement we are living today. We can no longer endure this psychological and economic suffering, and nobody feels what we are going through.”
‘The south matters more than all conflicts’
Mona, a mother of two renting a home in Mount Lebanon, said the experience of recent months had changed the convictions of many within the pro-resistance environment.
“The war started under major slogans, but the result was the destruction of our villages, the loss of our young men and the displacement of our families. Today people feel anguish for the south more than anything else,” she remarked.
She added bitterly: “Many have reached the conclusion that the south and its people matter more than all regional conflicts. People in the south are now saying: let Iran and the whole world burn, as long as the south survives.”
Collapse of the ‘single axis’ slogan
Umm Mohammed also expressed deep disappointment with the idea of the “single axis.”
“For years they told us we were one axis and that we had to support every battle fought by this axis. But when war came upon us, we felt we were alone,” she said.
She continued: “Tehran said it would not enter negotiations before a ceasefire in Lebanon, then later said the ceasefire agreement was reached through negotiations with America, while Israeli bombardment and occupation continue expanding every day.”
The state option
Like many Lebanese, Leila called for supporting the Lebanese state in pursuing direct negotiations with Israel to end the war.
“Iran works for its own interests, and that is its right, but why don’t we also think about the interests of our people and our country?” she asked. “We are tired of waiting and of tying the fate of the south to the calculations of other countries.”
She stressed that many people now demand that the Lebanese state alone manage negotiations and the war file because the current situation means “more destruction and losses without any clear horizon.”
Anger over declining Iranian support
Political analyst Ali al-Amin spoke of “a clear shift” within the Shiite community in its perception of Iran and growing feelings of anger and disappointment among Hezbollah supporters over developments in southern Lebanon.
Al-Amin told Asharq Al-Awsat that Iranian influence was not based solely on sectarian or political ties, but also on the network of support and services provided by Hezbollah with Iranian backing, which for years represented a source of security for many families.
He said that feeling had weakened amid scenes of destroyed southern villages, displaced residents and mounting casualties, while many people no longer saw Iranian support commensurate with the scale of the losses.
According to Al-Amin, a large part of Hezbollah’s support base is now questioning why Iran has not responded directly or exerted real military pressure on Israel despite repeated talk of the “unity of fronts” and Iran’s missile capabilities.
“This reality has generated a feeling among some that Iran uses Hezbollah and the Shiite community within its regional calculations without being prepared to pay a real price to protect Lebanon or curb the ongoing war and destruction,” he remarked.
He added that the disappointment had opened the door to unprecedented criticism within the Shiite community of Iran’s role and policies, which some believe serve the interests of the Iranian regime more than those of Lebanese in the south.
“Iran said the ceasefire in Lebanon came as a result of an agreement with America in Islamabad,” Al-Amin said. “So if Israel violated the ceasefire, Iran should also abandon the ceasefire and pressure Israel at least to stop its attacks and expansion and reduce the displacement of residents from dozens of southern villages.”
