Syrian Hospitals Turned Into Torture Chambers, with Tishreen Military Hospital as a Model

Reception sign at the entrance to Mezzeh Military Hospital 601 in Damascus, where torture and killings took place and where Caesar photos were taken (Asharq Al-Awsat)
Reception sign at the entrance to Mezzeh Military Hospital 601 in Damascus, where torture and killings took place and where Caesar photos were taken (Asharq Al-Awsat)
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Syrian Hospitals Turned Into Torture Chambers, with Tishreen Military Hospital as a Model

Reception sign at the entrance to Mezzeh Military Hospital 601 in Damascus, where torture and killings took place and where Caesar photos were taken (Asharq Al-Awsat)
Reception sign at the entrance to Mezzeh Military Hospital 601 in Damascus, where torture and killings took place and where Caesar photos were taken (Asharq Al-Awsat)

Asharq Al-Awsat collected harrowing testimonies from survivors of “deliberate liquidation” operations carried out against detained opponents at Tishreen Military Hospital in Damascus and other military hospitals during the years of the Syrian revolution.

They described torture methods and killing techniques, most notably “breaking the neck.”

Syrian security authorities have detained dozens of people for questioning over those crimes, while most of those responsible and those who carried them out remain at large.

The Syrian Network for Human Rights said the data it had collected indicated the existence of organized networks of doctors, nurses, and security personnel involved in the crimes, including organ removal and direct killings.

This comes amid continuing shock among most Syrians since the beginning of this month, after videos and leaked images documenting the torture of detainees inside several sites, including Tishreen Hospital, were published.

The largest medical complex

Tishreen Military Hospital, located in the Barzeh neighborhood northeast of Damascus, opened in 1982 as the largest medical complex in Syria. It included modern buildings and received civilians as well as military personnel.

The hospital became one of the country’s leading specialized centers, with more than 36 specialized medical departments and divisions, modern equipment, especially for kidney dialysis, and a staff of nearly 1,600 doctors, nurses, administrators and guards.

The hospital’s administrative structure consisted of a director general, an officer with the rank of brigadier general, and two deputies, usually with the rank of brigadier general or colonel, one for technical and medical affairs and the other for administrative affairs.

It also included a security officer, whose rank ranged from captain to colonel; heads of divisions and departments, with ranks from lieutenant colonel to brigadier general; specialists and resident doctors, with ranks from first lieutenant to colonel; nursing staff, who were noncommissioned officers; and conscripts and corporals.

The number of military hospitals and clinics under the former regime reached about 30. They were affiliated with the Military Medical Services Directorate and distributed across 14 provinces.

The most prominent included Tishreen, 601 and Harasta hospitals in Damascus and its countryside, as well as hospitals in Aleppo, Homs and Latakia.

Since the leak of old videos and images showing that military hospitals, including Tishreen, had turned into “human slaughterhouses” under the former regime, families have demanded that those who committed the crimes be identified, arrested and held accountable, and that the fate of their loved ones be disclosed.

Asharq Al-Awsat learned that about 40 doctors had been detained for questioning, including three heads of medical departments and divisions.

However, the defense and interior ministries did not respond to Asharq Al-Awsat’s questions about the medical staff involved and the number of those detained.

The liquidation section

Doctor Mahmoud Rahban was a colonel in the former Military Medical Services Directorate. A resident of Damascus, he served in several medical centers and military hospitals, the last of which was Aleppo Hospital.

Rahban told Asharq Al-Awsat that buildings inside military hospitals, including Tishreen, had, over the years of the revolution, turned into mini security branches that were not affiliated with the hospital administration but were overseen by military police personnel.

The small building in Tishreen Hospital, as in Aleppo Hospital, was completely separate from the main building where doctors worked and where ordinary citizens came for treatment.

During the first years of the revolution, Rahban worked with a group of activists to bring medicines and medical supplies into the Barzeh and Qaboun neighborhoods. He was active within the Barzeh Housing Coordination Committee for the Syrian Revolution and the Union of Damascus Coordination Committees.

Rahban was arrested on charges of “financing terrorist acts,” referred to the “terrorism court,” and then sent to the notorious Sednaya prison.

After 75 days in detention, he was released under a decision to “bar prosecution for lack of evidence,” after paying large bribes to investigators and the investigating judge to secure his release.

Rahban said that when detainees became ill, most of them were referred to the “special section” at Tishreen Hospital.

“The treatment was very bad. We were beaten severely and described as terrorists and traitors by doctors and medical staff, whose main concern at the beginning of the revolution was to demonstrate absolute loyalty to the regime,” he said.

Liquidation by breaking necks

Despite the severity of torture in those hospitals, especially Tishreen, some people managed to survive, including Brigadier General Mohammed Mansour Ammar, who was serving at al-Seen Military Airport in the Damascus countryside when the revolution began in 2011.

He was detained in Sednaya between 2014 and 2022 on charges of “providing terrorists with information.”

Ammar told Asharq Al-Awsat that he was transferred to Tishreen Hospital six times during those years. “Each time, the number of those transferred was about 20 detainees, but no more than three of us would return,” he said.

Ammar described how the killings took place.

“All the members of the military police detachment were thugs. Every day, they would choose 10 detainees and order them to lie on their backs. Then one of the members would come and step forcefully on the detainee’s neck, killing him within minutes, while those still alive were forced to collect the bodies at the door of the detachment,” he said.

He pointed to the forensic doctor’s indifference. “He would not enter the detachment or examine the patients. He would simply ask the assistant from the doorway, with disgust, about the number of bodies so he could record them,” Ammar said. He added that during four visits to Tishreen Hospital, he witnessed “the liquidation of about 45 detainees by breaking their necks.”

Among the survivors was also Ibrahim Ali al-Hamdan, who held the rank of conscripted first lieutenant in the former regime’s army in Daraa. He defected in mid-2012 and was arrested in Damascus in August 2012.

Hamdan spoke bitterly to Asharq Al-Awsat about the severe torture he endured for a month and a half at Harasta Hospital.

“My body was exhausted from torture for three weeks. An assistant named Abu al-Layth told me, ‘There is a recommendation from the head of the branch to slaughter you because you are an informant for the Free Syrian Army.’”

He added: “A medical committee came to the section. When the doctor examined me, he found that my feet were infected because of the severe beatings. He cut open the swelling with a scalpel, without any anesthesia or disinfectant, and began pressing on it.”

According to Hamdan, Abu al-Layth once brought in a detainee, accompanied by a doctor and two members of the security forces. They tortured him severely for hours. After resting briefly, they resumed torturing him until midnight, and he died at dawn.

In July 2013, Hamdan was transferred to Sednaya prison. During his detention, he was referred 47 times to Tishreen Hospital, where on one occasion he stayed for about four months while suffering from several illnesses.

“They gave me an IV drip, and I developed a severe fever. I felt I was dying, and I vomited blood, while the doctors were saying that I might die,” Hamdan said.

Because of his condition, a doctor requested that Hamdan be transferred to the intensive care unit. But the director of the medical section replied: “He will remain in the holding cell until he dies. Intensive care is for war wounded, not traitors.”

Hamdan, who was released from Sednaya in late 2020 after serving his sentence, said “the hospital was a place to finish off detainees, not treat them. During four months, I recited the shahada for 40 people before they died.”

Diab Serrih, executive director of the Association of Detainees and the Missing in Sednaya Prison, said: “It is not possible, given the current data and circumstances, to verify any figures for the number of victims at Tishreen Military Hospital. But we estimate that about 39,000 detainees entered Sednaya prison between 2011 and 2021, of whom about 6,000 remained alive.”

Serrih said in a report published in 2023 that a significant number of those who lost their lives were transferred alive to Tishreen Military Hospital, then died there. He added: “We were able to document only 80 cases of people who returned alive from the hospital to Sednaya prison, out of 1,160 documented cases inside the prison.”

The fate of the perpetrators

In this context, Rahban said the old Military Medical Services Directorate had been “completely dissolved, and most of those involved in those crimes are believed to have fled the country.”

He said Major General Dr. Ammar Suleiman, the former director of the Military Medical Services Directorate, who had close ties with Bashar al-Assad, was chiefly responsible for the liquidation operations carried out in those hospitals.

Rahban said Suleiman was believed to have “fled the country, while Brigadier General Dr. Nizar Ismail was arrested two or three months after liberation.” Ismail had held the posts of deputy director of the directorate, head of the supply branch and head of its therapeutic branch.

“Information indicates that the head of the officers’ department in the directorate, Colonel Lubna Ali, fled on the night of liberation from her office to her hometown, then abroad. As for the directorate’s security officer, Brigadier General Mazen Iskandar, there is no information about him,” Rahban said.

According to Rahban, Major General Dr. Mufid Darwish, who served as hospital director until the fall of the regime, knew all the details of what was happening in the hospital, whether in the main building or in the isolated building for sick detainees.

But his treatment was extremely harsh even toward the medical staff working in the main civilian building.

Darwish remained in the country for a short period after liberation, then left for the United Arab Emirates. Some doctors were detained and later released, including the security officer at Tishreen Hospital, Brigadier General Dr. Hani Salloum.

As for the heads of medical departments and divisions in the main building, Rahban said they “had no connection to what was happening in the isolated building.”

He said most of them had regularized their status and were granted settlement documents after it was confirmed that they were not involved in bloodshed and that no personal claims had been filed against them.

Travel ban notices were placed on their names at land, air, and sea crossings. Anyone wishing to travel must submit a request to the Ministry of Defense and may be allowed to do so once for a period of three months after a security review.

Distribution of roles and tasks

The role of the forensic medicine division in the hospital was to document the deaths of detainees and issue death certificates.

But its head would state in the death certificate that the death resulted from “cardiac and respiratory arrest” or “cardiovascular collapse,” even though detainees had in fact died under torture.

From 2011 until liberation in December 2024, Brigadier General Dr. Akram Fares al-Shaar, from the Hama countryside, headed the forensic medicine division at Tishreen Hospital.

The division also included his deputy, Brigadier General Ismail Kiwan from the city of Sweida; Lieutenant Colonel Ayman Khalo; Lieutenant Munqith Shammut; and seven noncommissioned officers who served as nurses and administrators.

Rahban said Shaar had been detained, and noted that Ayman Khalo had been detained for some time over a criminal case unrelated to Tishreen Hospital. Ismail Kiwan fled to areas controlled by Druze cleric Hikmat al-Hijri in Sweida province in southern Syria.

With the dissolution of the old Military Medical Services Directorate, Asharq Al-Awsat’s information indicates that the number of former medical staff members who returned, including doctors and nurses, “can be counted on one hand.”

A number of doctors who were not involved in crimes are practicing in private clinics, while others have left for Western, regional, and Arab countries.

An accelerated process is currently underway to evacuate and hand over the ready housing units affiliated with Tishreen Hospital. The move implements a decision issued by the Ministry of Defense at the beginning of this May, which set a one-month deadline from the date of issuance.

An organized network of killing and torture

The Syrian Network for Human Rights does not yet have a fully documented figure for the number of doctors and medical personnel involved in liquidation operations specifically inside Tishreen Hospital.

What can be confirmed, according to the network’s documentation methodology, is that the hospital included an organized network of doctors, nurses, and security officers who cooperated in killings and torture, and that the violations were not committed by isolated individuals.

Its director, Fadel Abdul Ghany, told Asharq Al-Awsat that “the data collected by the network indicate the existence of networks of doctors, nurses, and security personnel involved in these crimes, including organ removal in addition to direct killings.”

The available data point to three categories. The first includes detainees whom the new security authorities managed to arrest. The second includes those who fled Syria. The third includes those who remained inside the country with unresolved legal status.

Abdul Ghany said some medical staff members were still in the hospital housing units or in different parts of Syria, as revealed by the recent security operation conducted in the nurses’ housing units affiliated with the hospital.

Abdul Ghany said the escape of some of those individuals posed a serious challenge to accountability efforts, requiring immediate international coordination to issue Interpol notices and international arrest warrants against suspects.

Abdul Ghany noted that some suspects had been arrested, but said their number remained limited compared with the scale of documented crimes.

Among the most prominent cases documented by official Syrian sources was the Interior Ministry’s announcement in late 2025 that five former members of the medical, judicial, military, and security cadres had been arrested in the nurses’ housing units in early May 2026, while a number of former workers were detained.

A German court issued its ruling on June 16, 2025, sentencing Syrian doctor Alaa Mousa to life in prison on charges of committing crimes against humanity, including torturing detainees in military hospitals in Syria.



Long-Suffering Yemeni Families Flee Renewed Fighting

 A displaced woman sits outside her tent at a makeshift camp for people displaced by clashes between Iran-aligned Houthi fighters and Yemeni government forces, in Taiz province, Yemen September 21, 2026. (Reuters)
A displaced woman sits outside her tent at a makeshift camp for people displaced by clashes between Iran-aligned Houthi fighters and Yemeni government forces, in Taiz province, Yemen September 21, 2026. (Reuters)
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Long-Suffering Yemeni Families Flee Renewed Fighting

 A displaced woman sits outside her tent at a makeshift camp for people displaced by clashes between Iran-aligned Houthi fighters and Yemeni government forces, in Taiz province, Yemen September 21, 2026. (Reuters)
A displaced woman sits outside her tent at a makeshift camp for people displaced by clashes between Iran-aligned Houthi fighters and Yemeni government forces, in Taiz province, Yemen September 21, 2026. (Reuters)

As fighting escalates once again in Yemen's long-running war, thousands of families have been forced from their homes, many of them for a second or third time.

In the Al-Farsi camp in Aden, Arwa told AFP how she, her husband and their four children left Mokha on Yemen's western coast as it was seized by Iran-backed Houthi fighters.

They shared a single motorcycle to travel 200 kilometers, first to Al-Arah in the Lahj governorate and then on to Aden, temporary seat of Yemen's government.

"We couldn't find any means of transport... We stayed out in the cold and didn't have clothes to keep us warm," Arwa told AFP at the camp, where sat on the ground by a tent.

The camp currently hosts 128 families living under canvas along dirt paths where barefoot children run.

Their tents are sparsely equipped -- some bedding, cooking pots, and a few clothes and belongings that the families managed to bring with them when they ran.

It is not the first time Arwa has been forced to flee her home.

Nine years ago she left Maqbanah in Taiz governorate to head to Mokha, also because of the war.

"I hope I can find a house to live in with my children. We're exhausted by the heat, the dust and the humiliation," she said. "I hope the situation improves and we can return to our home and our families."

Armin Yedgarian, a representative of the UN High Commissioner for Refugees, said the camp was "in dire need of more support", adding that its 8,800 inhabitants included many elderly people and women with children.

International organizations, including the World Food Program, distribute meals to the displaced.

Arwa received a portion of rice to feed her children. But she regrets that her seven-year-old daughter, her only school-aged child, has not been attending class since the family was forced to head to Aden.

- No schooling -

At Aden's Al-Firdaws camp, which currently shelters about 110 families who arrived over the past two weeks, the acting representative of UNICEF's office in Yemen, Obiya Atchieng, told AFP that families' needs were not limited to food and basic supplies.

"Most of the children were enrolled in schools," he says. "Our team carried out a field visit to assess the possibility of providing education services."

Last week, UNICEF said 57,000 children had been displaced inside Yemen in just two weeks and 243 schools had been closed or suspended, affecting more than 137,000 students.

Even before the latest escalation, 3.2 million school-age children were not enrolled.

After years of relative calm, Yemen's civil war flared back to life in July against the backdrop of the broader conflict in the Middle East.

In the past 10 days, a surprise Houthi offensive enabled the group to expand its areas of control as far as the strategic Bab al-Mandeb Strait linking the Indian Ocean to the Red Sea, and by extension, the Suez Canal.

- 'Hearts beating' -

As a result of a 2022 ceasefire, those under the age of four have not previously experienced conflict of this intensity.

"The sounds of explosions were new to the children, and now any loud noise unsettles them, even if it's a motorcycle," said one 39-year-old father of two who remained in Mokha despite the Houthi takeover.

"I try to reassure them and convince them there is no danger. But even when they're in my arms, I can feel their hearts beating rapidly against my chest."

The man said he had been displaced from the city of Hodeidah eight years ago, and had no desire for it to happen again.

Noha, a housewife and mother of two children aged eight and 10, said she broke down in tears when she heard they were fleeing from Al-Khokha in western Yemen -- which the Houthis captured less than two weeks ago -- to her husband's family home in Aden.

"Because I cried, the children cried. We left in a bus with our neighbors and I haven't been able to make the children feel safe."

"Today I learned that my neighbor, a mother of six children who was in her final month of pregnancy, was also displaced and died in Aden two days after we arrived because of postpartum hemorrhage," she said.

"The newborn baby girl is in the incubator, and the other children and her husband are in a terrible, miserable state."


Trump Shattered Canada’s Old US Relationship. Carney is Building a New One in Europe

FILE- Canada's Prime Minister Mark Carney, front left, speaks with European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen at the European Parliament in Strasbourg, eastern France, Thursday, Sept 17, 2026. (AP Photo/Pascal Bastien, File)
FILE- Canada's Prime Minister Mark Carney, front left, speaks with European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen at the European Parliament in Strasbourg, eastern France, Thursday, Sept 17, 2026. (AP Photo/Pascal Bastien, File)
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Trump Shattered Canada’s Old US Relationship. Carney is Building a New One in Europe

FILE- Canada's Prime Minister Mark Carney, front left, speaks with European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen at the European Parliament in Strasbourg, eastern France, Thursday, Sept 17, 2026. (AP Photo/Pascal Bastien, File)
FILE- Canada's Prime Minister Mark Carney, front left, speaks with European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen at the European Parliament in Strasbourg, eastern France, Thursday, Sept 17, 2026. (AP Photo/Pascal Bastien, File)

For nearly four decades, Canada built its economy around closer integration with the United States. President Donald Trump has turned that dependence into leverage, imposing tariffs, threatening Canada’s sovereignty and openly seeking to pull Canadian industrial production south.

Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney has moved on. Rather than return to trade talks or wait for the next US president to restore the old relationship, he is urgently building a future in which Canada is less dependent on America, The Associated Press said.

Last week, Carney embraced the prospect of Canada becoming the European Union’s first associate member, not as a step toward full membership, but as a way to reduce Canada’s dependence on any single country without ceding control over its own decisions.

“There is now a price to be paid for access to the United States market,” Carney said Sunday, pointing to tariffs, US investment commitments and demands for domestic policy changes.

Carney told the European Parliament on Thursday that countries need enough economic strength to keep any one power from dictating their choices.

Building options beyond the US

He carried that argument into a meeting Sunday with French President Emmanuel Macron in Saint-Pierre-et-Miquelon, the French territory just off Newfoundland’s coast.

“Canada and Europe will build an alliance for the future that will strengthen our collective resilience so we can live our lives as we choose based on the values that we share,” Carney said while standing alongside Macron.

Carney’s relentless schedule reflects the urgency of his push to build alternatives to the United States.

He began last week in Toronto hosting some of the world’s biggest investors, flew to Strasbourg, France, for European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen’s State of the European Union address, raced to Liverpool, England, to meet Britain’s new prime minister and returned to Strasbourg to address the European Parliament.

He met Macron in Saint-Pierre-et-Miquelon before flying back to Ottawa to meet Norwegian Prime Minister Jonas Gahr Støre. On Monday, he is set to open a new session of Parliament before heading to New York for the United Nations General Assembly.

Europe becomes the alternative

Trump has suggested Canada’s closer relationship with the EU could amount to a “hostile act” and threatened “very heavy tariffs” on Europe if he judged the move unfriendly.

Canada could become a test case for other middle powers trying to avoid being pushed around by larger countries. In his speech at the World Economic Forum in Davos, Switzerland, in January, Carney argued that “middle powers must act together,” warning that “if you’re not at the table, you’re on the menu.”

Støre echoed Carney on Sunday, saying tariffs should not become “a weapon to be used against countries, because we will all end up losers.”

The next major step in shaping that proposed relationship is an Oct. 29-30 Canada-EU summit in Montreal.

Unwinding 40 years of dependence

For Canada, that means undoing some of the reliance developed over nearly 40 years.

The 1989 Canada-US Free Trade Agreement and later NAFTA deepened integration, creating cross-border supply chains in autos, energy and manufacturing. Roughly 70% of Canada’s exports went to the US Europe remains nowhere close to replacing the US market.

Carney walked away from trade negotiations in August rather than accept terms he said Ottawa could not live with. The talks remain suspended, and Carney said Friday that leaving the table was the right decision.

“It was easy business, but it meant we relied too much on one economic partner,” Carney said recently. “That time is over.”

Investment chair wants to ‘crank the non-US’

Dominic Barton, Carney’s pick to chair Invest in Canada and a former global head of McKinsey & Co., said diversification does not mean abandoning the United States.

“We can’t complacently count on it,” Barton said. “It’s not about, let’s not do stuff with the US It’s let’s crank the non-US Let’s be way more ambitious on that side.”

Barton, a former Canadian ambassador to China, said Canada has been too inward-looking.

“We are not very global,” he said, calling Trump’s pressure a “jolt” Canada should use to build more global companies.

Carney wants to double non-US trade over the next decade and aims for a free-trade deal with India by year’s end. He said Canada’s tariff-free access to 1.5 billion consumers could double within six months.

Canada sells the trust America is losing

Carney is trying to turn growing doubts about the US as a predictable place to invest into a Canadian advantage. His pitch to global capital is increasingly clear: where Trump’s America uses tariffs and uncertainty as leverage, Canada offers stability, rule of law and reliability.

“The most sought after commodity today is trust,” Finance Minister François-Philippe Champagne said. “The world has changed and America has changed. And I think the world has taken notice.”

Trump may ultimately have done Canada a favor by forcing the country to confront its dependence, Barton said.

“Maybe in 20 years, we’ll thank Trump for shaking us out of our complacency,” Barton said. “Let’s use the moment.”

The ambition has limits. EU “associate membership” does not yet exist, and Europe cannot quickly replace a US market that buys nearly three-quarters of Canadian exports.

But Carney is hardly alone in concluding that Canada must rely less on the United States.

Former Conservative Prime Minister Stephen Harper, from the opposition Conservatives, said the government “had no choice but to take this path.”

That conclusion was particularly difficult for Harper as “one who has long been and known to be a great admirer of America” and who regarded Canada’s close relationship with the US as “among this country’s most precious assets.”

The current US administration now views the countries’ economic integration as incompatible with Canada maintaining its sovereignty, he said.

“Thus, to maintain that sovereignty, we must pursue diminished reliance on the United States,” Harper said. “I do find this all very sad, just as equally necessary.”


Voluntary Return or Pushed Out Against their Will? Migrants in Tunisia Go Home

African migrants during a protest demanding to be repatriated because of the harsh conditions they are living under in Tunisia (AFP)
African migrants during a protest demanding to be repatriated because of the harsh conditions they are living under in Tunisia (AFP)
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Voluntary Return or Pushed Out Against their Will? Migrants in Tunisia Go Home

African migrants during a protest demanding to be repatriated because of the harsh conditions they are living under in Tunisia (AFP)
African migrants during a protest demanding to be repatriated because of the harsh conditions they are living under in Tunisia (AFP)

Less than a year after arriving in Tunisia, Michael Oppona had not planned to return to Ghana.

But, faced with increasingly harsh pressure from local authorities, he is among thousands of sub-Saharan migrants seeking to head home.

Many, like Oppona, have registered for a free return to their countries of origin.

But humanitarians say many migrants and refugees are being pushed out against their will.

Oppona, 37, had crossed the Sahara with his wife and two toddlers before arriving in Tunis but Europe proved out of reach after a 2023 deal with Tunis to curb migrant departures.

"The people here, the government... they treat us like we're not human," said Oppona, waiting for a "voluntary return" appointment near the International Organization for Migration headquarters in Tunis.

Many sub-Saharan migrants in Tunisia face increasingly harsh conditions following a speech by President Kais Saied in 2023 in which he said "hordes of illegal migrants" were posing a demographic threat.

The IOM told AFP it had helped 4,965 migrants return to their countries of origin from January 1 to August 31.

The IOM's program is separate from a namesake program run by the Tunisian government, and operates a major "return hub" near the city of Sfax.

Authorities did not respond to several requests by AFP for interviews and a visit the center.

In June, a Tunisian National Guard official told AFP that nearly 5,000 migrants had been sent to their home countries in the preceding 12 months and that "near-daily" return flights were now scheduled.

But humanitarian sources say these returns should not be considered "voluntary", arguing that socio-economic and political pressures including racism were deliberately forcing migrants to leave Tunisia.

"These are clearly expulsions," one source said.

Humanitarian sources also said migrants were at times coerced to leave even when it was unsafe for them in their home country.

"Authorities say that migrants stay at the so-called 'return hubs' for about two weeks, whereas we know that that process can take months, especially with people without documentation," one said.

The sources also said the conditions in which migrants were held were unclear, adding that some might have been sent to the wrong country.

"We've seen that more people have been arriving in Libya lately," one said.

UN experts in July said they were alarmed by an "alleged system of mass detention, expulsion and trafficking" at the Tunisia-Libya border.

Neither Tunisian nor Libyan authorities have commented on the allegations.

The humanitarian sources to whom AFP spoke also raised concerns over the lack of official information regarding the government's return program.

"We don't know how the authorities have been repatriating people who hold no documents, for example," one source said.

More than 40 global NGOs have said that refugees and migrants in Tunisia faced harsh mistreatment, including rape, according to testimonies they gathered.

In a joint statement in July, the NGOs -- including Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International -- said "refugees, asylum seekers and migrants have faced racist violence" in Tunisia, added to "arbitrary detention, collective expulsions, abuse, torture and other ill-treatment".

Their statement marked the three-year anniversary of a controversial deal the European Union signed with Tunisia to provide Tunis with financing, equipment and training to stop irregular departures.

The groups said the deal came at "a significant cost to human rights and dignity" and called the EU "complicit".

Campaigners say Tunisia's crackdown on organizations that supported migrants, compounded by the suspension of the UN refugee agency's operations in 2024, have barred thousands from receiving help.

Using pseudonyms, 24-year-old Moussa and 22-year-old Karim from Guinea also waited for an IOM "voluntary return" appointment in Tunis.

The two friends said they came to Tunis three years ago with one aim: to cross to Europe.

"But it's impossible to go now, and impossible to stay," said Karim.

Moussa said there was "more pressure now", his voice shaking.

"You're not free. The police prevent you from going anywhere -- to work or get something to eat," he said.

"So why not go back home?"