Thirst Grips Khartoum Residents as War Enters Fourth Year

Water sellers gather with donkey-drawn carts to collect and sell water. (Asharq Al-Awsat)
Water sellers gather with donkey-drawn carts to collect and sell water. (Asharq Al-Awsat)
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Thirst Grips Khartoum Residents as War Enters Fourth Year

Water sellers gather with donkey-drawn carts to collect and sell water. (Asharq Al-Awsat)
Water sellers gather with donkey-drawn carts to collect and sell water. (Asharq Al-Awsat)

As Sudan’s war enters its fourth year, civilians are enduring worsening hardship on an unprecedented scale, with prolonged power outages and the broad collapse of basic services turning access to water into one of the harshest challenges of daily life.

Obtaining drinking water is no longer routine. It has become a daily struggle, no less grueling than the sound of artillery and shells, draining time, effort, and money amid suffocating humanitarian and economic conditions.

Since the war erupted, drinking water has shifted from an available basic service into a heavy burden on Sudanese families. Residents spend long hours in extended queues to obtain barrels of water that cover their daily needs and keep life going in homes, markets, and small restaurants, many of which have been disrupted by the lack of water supplies.

In several outskirts of the capital, Khartoum, the impact of the crisis is clear in the details of daily life. Children and women carry containers over long distances, while donkey-drawn carts have become the main means of transporting water to homes.

Residents complain of rising prices and declining water quality, amid growing fears of the spread of diseases linked to contamination and the lack of safe alternatives. They are increasingly calling for urgent intervention by the authorities to restore basic services and ease the suffering of the population.

A grinding daily struggle

Al-Tayeb Bilal, who owns a donkey-drawn cart used to transport water, said the crisis had worsened sharply because of continuous power outages, which have knocked water stations out of service in many areas.

Speaking to Asharq Al-Awsat, he said he sometimes spends more than 10 hours waiting to obtain a barrel of water, which he buys for 5,000 Sudanese pounds, about $1, before selling it for around 20,000 pounds, or $4, at parallel market rates to cover transport costs and the effort of his daily work.

Resident Zeinab al-Tom described the suffering as “harsh and continuous,” saying families have been forced to buy water daily for more than a year despite deteriorating living conditions. She said some of the water that reaches residents is contaminated or not fully fit for use, but people are forced to use it because there are no alternatives.

Makkah Abdullah, a tea seller, said power outages have imposed growing burdens on small business owners. She said she has to buy two 24-pound containers of water every day, along with charcoal and other supplies, which consume most of her limited income.

She appealed to the authorities to intervene urgently to restore electricity and water services, saying the continued crisis has greatly deepened people’s suffering.

In the same context, Fatima Hassan, a restaurant owner, said the steady rise in the prices of water and ice had directly affected her business, with most of her revenue going toward operating costs, leaving little profit.

She said she works under difficult conditions to support her family, while her husband suffers from illness and hemiplegia, and her five children continue their studies amid rising expenses.

Mohamed al-Nour, a butcher, said the water crisis had become one of the most serious problems facing citizens, given its direct impact on daily life and professional activity. He called on the relevant authorities to act urgently to find lasting, fundamental solutions that ensure regular water supplies to residential neighborhoods.

Resident Abbas Mahjoub said about 60,000 people in the East Nile and Green Valley areas, east of Khartoum, were still facing a severe water shortage, amid a weak official response and, in some areas, reliance on local efforts to repair groundwater wells.

Consumption rises sharply

Relevant authorities attributed the worsening crisis to repeated power outages and unstable electricity supplies feeding water stations, as well as declining electricity production and higher consumption during the summer.

Al-Tayeb Saadeddin, spokesman for the Khartoum state government, said authorities had resorted to operating some water stations using diesel generators to keep supplies running. He said the Al-Manara water station in Omdurman alone needs about 80 barrels of diesel a day to operate normally.

Saadeddin said urgent interventions had been carried out in recent days to address the water crisis in the Umm Badda locality, west of Khartoum. These included drilling 10 high-output wells to cover the areas of Umm Badda al-Sabeel and Dar al-Salam. He said he expected the crisis to ease gradually once the Al-Manara water station becomes fully operational.

In a country exhausted by war and weighed down by successive crises, Sudanese hardship is no longer limited to fear, displacement, and loss of security. It has extended to the most basic necessities of life.

Between waiting in queues, soaring prices, and the continued collapse of services, civilians continue their daily struggle to survive in a scene that reflects the scale of the humanitarian deterioration engulfing the country.

 



US ‘Veto’ Stalls Talks to Complete Zaidi Govt in Iraq

Iraqi Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi meets US envoy Tom Barrack in Baghdad, June 16, 2026. (Government media)
Iraqi Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi meets US envoy Tom Barrack in Baghdad, June 16, 2026. (Government media)
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US ‘Veto’ Stalls Talks to Complete Zaidi Govt in Iraq

Iraqi Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi meets US envoy Tom Barrack in Baghdad, June 16, 2026. (Government media)
Iraqi Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi meets US envoy Tom Barrack in Baghdad, June 16, 2026. (Government media)

A US “veto” has stalled talks to fill vacant posts in Iraqi Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi’s government, political sources said, as Washington prioritizes a plan to bring armed factions’ weapons under state control despite Iranian objections.

Al-Zaidi told a meeting of the ruling Coordination Framework on Monday that he was close to completing his cabinet, which he announced in mid-May with 14 ministerial portfolios filled and nine posts vacant.

The vacancies include key ministries such as defense, interior, higher education and planning.

Iraq’s federal parliament has often approved incomplete governments in previous terms because of disputes among political parties and blocs over quotas and ministerial posts, with compromises reached later to fill the remaining portfolios.

But the formation of al-Zaidi’s government appears more complicated, and the remaining posts could stay vacant for months, according to a senior Framework official.

US ‘red lines’

The official told Asharq Al-Awsat that disputes over posts could delay completion of the government for a short period, but recent US intervention, particularly under al-Zaidi’s government, could hold it up for months.

The official said discussions within the Framework pointed to “a veto and red lines” imposed by the United States and US presidential envoy Tom Barrack on virtually all candidates nominated by the Framework.

“Some clearly believe Washington does not want the government completed at the moment,” the official said.

Several sources have previously said Washington categorically rejected representatives of armed factions taking ministerial posts and had raised the issue explicitly with al-Zaidi during his latest visit to Washington in July.

Framework uncertainty

Amid reports that Washington has rejected Laith al-Khazali for the post of deputy prime minister, the senior official said there was confusion within the Coordination Framework over the US position, saying Washington had placed red lines on most of its parties and factions.

“Take the State of Law coalition, for example. It has no factions or armed wings, but it too is under the weight of US anger and is not allowed to take ministerial posts,” the official said. “The same happened with its leader Nouri al-Maliki, whom the US president publicly rejected when he was nominated for prime minister.”

Maliki is the head of the State of Law coalition and Trump had vehemently opposed his nomination.

The official said the US priority appeared to be bringing weapons under state control and countering Tehran’s influence in Iraq, rather than completing the cabinet.

“Washington may prefer the defense and interior ministries to remain directly under Prime Minister al-Zaidi,” the official said.

Amid unconfirmed media reports that the head of Iran’s Quds Force is in Baghdad to counter moves to dissolve the armed factions, political sources said al-Zaidi’s announcement that the remaining cabinet posts would be filled was “a cover for the failure to reach an agreement with the Iranians over bringing weapons under state control, and for concerns about the fate of the government itself.”

After September

Kifah Mahmoud, political adviser to Kurdistan Democratic Party leader Masoud Barzani, said negotiations to fill the remaining government posts could take place in September at the earliest.

September 30 is the deadline set by the Baghdad government to resolve the issue of disarming the factions, he told Asharq Al-Awsat.

He added that Iraq’s federal constitution does not accept the presence of any armed faction outside the authority of the state and government.

Mahmoud agreed with the view that there was US resistance to completing the government, saying Washington had repeatedly opposed senior government posts going to figures close to armed factions.

“The two main parties in Kurdistan, the Democratic Party and the Patriotic Union, support al-Zaidi and his efforts to complete his cabinet,” he said.

“But the issue is tied to disputes among the leading forces within the Coordination Framework, as well as among Sunni parties.”

Still, Mahmoud said “serious US reservations over who holds government posts, and the red lines Washington has imposed, could obstruct al-Zaidi’s efforts to fill the remaining vacancies.”


Iran’s Revolutionary Guards Overhaul Houthi Security Measures

A barge is secured to the dock at the Port of Mokha the day after an attack by the Houthis on the city of Mokha, held by Yemen's internationally recognised, Aden-based government on 10 August 2026. (AFP)
A barge is secured to the dock at the Port of Mokha the day after an attack by the Houthis on the city of Mokha, held by Yemen's internationally recognised, Aden-based government on 10 August 2026. (AFP)
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Iran’s Revolutionary Guards Overhaul Houthi Security Measures

A barge is secured to the dock at the Port of Mokha the day after an attack by the Houthis on the city of Mokha, held by Yemen's internationally recognised, Aden-based government on 10 August 2026. (AFP)
A barge is secured to the dock at the Port of Mokha the day after an attack by the Houthis on the city of Mokha, held by Yemen's internationally recognised, Aden-based government on 10 August 2026. (AFP)

The Iran-backed Houthis in Yemen have dispersed senior leaders and shifted the running of institutions in areas under their control to new locations under tight security in wake of their latest military escalation, Yemeni security sources told Asharq Al-Awsat.

The measures include turning major hotels in Sanaa, Hodeidah, Saada and other cities into temporary bases for security and intelligence agencies and civilian institutions, as the group seeks to shield its leadership from possible strikes.

The sources revealed that officers from Iran’s Revolutionary Guards were overseeing the escalation, while Ali Mohammad Rezaei, the so-called Iranian ambassador to the Houthis, was personally supervising an operations room directing military and security affairs in Houthi-held areas.

Security and intelligence officials, ministers and heads of state bodies in the Houthis’ internationally unrecognized government have been ordered to move into hotels and continue working from there, the sources said. They said the aim was to place senior figures among civilians and hotel guests, making them harder to target.

The Revolutionary Guards have also set up a dedicated operations room to track developments on the ground and coordinate the media campaign accompanying the escalation, according to the sources.

That campaign includes promoting claims of a blockade and demands for the payment of government employees’ salaries, in what the sources described as an attempt to cast the escalation as driven by domestic grievances.

Its main purpose, however, was to support Tehran in its confrontation with the United States, the sources said.

Iranian officers expect the Coalition to Support Legitimacy in Yemen to respond by targeting Houthi military, security and government leaders, as it did during earlier rounds of conflict, they added. That expectation has prompted the group to tighten precautions around its senior figures.

Hotels turned into hideouts

A number of Houthi leaders have been moved into hotels in major cities under the group’s control, with trusted intelligence operatives appointed as links between them and the institutions they oversee, the sources said.

Those operatives relay orders and requests to lower-ranking officials in government institutions and facilities, while supplying senior leaders with information and other needs at their new locations.

Second-tier officials have meanwhile been left to handle day-to-day operations.

The changes have coincided with the disappearance from public view of several top Houthi figures, who have moved to more secure locations, the sources said.

The group has also tightened security at hotels, linking some to networks operated by intelligence and police agencies under its control to monitor guests, verify identities and prevent infiltration.

Saada sealed off

Several of the Houthis’ most senior leaders have moved to Saada, the group’s main stronghold in northern Yemen, the sources said.

They described the province as effectively sealed off, with entry and exit subject to tight checks.

The province contains fortified Houthi sites beneath mountains that are used as shelters, military command centers and weapons storage facilities, the sources said. Similar sites have also been developed elsewhere.

Houthi officials and supervisors running government institutions under the group’s control have been instructed by Revolutionary Guards personnel to move into hotels in major cities.

Military commanders, by contrast, have been told to remain in trenches and fortified positions prepared across several areas.

The Houthis have also built a network of tunnels and hardened sites for shelter and command operations, particularly in Ibb, Hajjah and Hodeidah provinces, according to the sources.

The precautions draw on the group’s experience during its attacks on shipping in the southern Red Sea from late 2023 through the first quarter of 2025.

During that period, military and security leaders moved into secret locations and residences away from visible centers of activity, helping several senior figures avoid being hit during US and Israeli strikes, the sources said.

Those precautions, however, did not prevent a secret meeting of the Houthi government from being struck, killing the head of government and nine ministers, according to the sources.

The group’s chief of staff was also targeted despite efforts by senior leaders to conceal their whereabouts.

Launch sites dispersed

At the same time, Iranian officers have overseen the establishment of additional positions near front lines and selected multiple sites for launching missiles and drones, the sources said.

The move is designed to prevent the Houthis from relying on a single launch point and to make the sites harder to detect and destroy.

Launch positions have been spread across Ibb, Taiz and Al-Bayda provinces, a pattern that was evident during the heavy missile attack on Mokha port, according to the sources.

The Houthis fired around 20 missiles from areas in Ibb province, some of which fell on the province’s outskirts, they said.

The group also used areas under its control in rural Taiz to fire further volleys of missiles and drones.


Lebanon-Israel Talks Head for Stalemate

The US Embassy in Rome, Italy, where the seventh round of Lebanese-Israeli negotiations was held. (AP)
The US Embassy in Rome, Italy, where the seventh round of Lebanese-Israeli negotiations was held. (AP)
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Lebanon-Israel Talks Head for Stalemate

The US Embassy in Rome, Italy, where the seventh round of Lebanese-Israeli negotiations was held. (AP)
The US Embassy in Rome, Italy, where the seventh round of Lebanese-Israeli negotiations was held. (AP)

Lebanese-Israeli negotiations appear headed for a period of drift, with no serious signs that political and technical discussions will translate into practical steps.

The seventh round, held in Rome last week, ended without tangible results.

The next round will be held next month, a State Department official announced Tuesday.

"The political track will reconvene in Rome in early September, and conversations will continue in Beirut, Jerusalem, and Washington in the interim," the official said on condition of anonymity.

Lebanese ministerial sources following the negotiations said the deadlock was driven mainly by Israeli and US political calculations, making a meaningful breakthrough unlikely in the near term.

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu does not appear ready to make concessions or take major steps before Israel’s elections in October, the sources told Asharq Al-Awsat.

With the outcome uncertain, they said, Netanyahu would be reluctant to approve a withdrawal from areas in southern Lebanon that could carry domestic political costs or be used against him during the campaign.

Limited US pressure

The sources said Washington was also unlikely to put heavy pressure on Netanyahu at this stage, despite continuing to sponsor the negotiations.

They linked that caution to US domestic politics ahead of the midterm elections and the administration’s desire to maintain strong ties with Israel and segments of the Jewish American electorate.

That leaves Washington with limited room to push the Israeli government, the sources said.

The United States appears keen to keep the talks alive and prevent their collapse, but not to press Israel into major steps before the Israeli political picture becomes clearer.

Talks, but no implementation

The seventh round underscored the limits of the current process, the sources said.

“If there had been a serious desire to make progress, it would at least have been possible to agree on the pilot areas and identify them by name as a prelude to implementation,” they said.

Instead, discussions shifted to border issues, working mechanisms and technical arrangements.

No practical steps were agreed, including Lebanon’s demand for an end to the war and destruction, the sources said.

The problem, they added, is that the talks are increasingly focused on mechanisms and details while the political decisions needed to begin implementation remain absent.

That risks turning the negotiations into an open-ended process with no tangible outcome.

Prisoners and remains

The sources said bringing the issue of Israeli remains into the talks and linking it to the prisoners’ file was also pulling attention away from the core issues.

If there were a serious and positive effort to address the prisoners’ issue, they said, the International Committee of the Red Cross should at least be allowed to meet them, something Israel continues to refuse.

Raising such issues without taking clear steps only prolongs the negotiations, the sources said, rather than moving toward the issues Lebanon wants addressed.

Against that backdrop, Beirut is using its channels with US officials to press Israel, at least to halt the continuing bulldozing and destruction in the south.

Lebanon is stressing to Washington that ongoing destruction, alongside negotiations, makes it difficult to portray the process as serious or capable of producing a settlement, the sources said.

Beirut hopes for some progress on that front in the near term.

Could Lebanon walk away?

On whether Lebanon might suspend its participation, the sources pointed to an episode during the seventh round in Rome.

Lebanese delegation head Ambassador Simon Karam wanted to withdraw after Israel threatened to strike the town of Mansouri and called for its evacuation, they said.

The Lebanese presidency, however, favored continuing the talks.

Its view was that any suspension should come from the other side, not Lebanon, so Beirut would not be blamed for derailing the negotiations.

Iran remains a factor

The US-Iranian negotiations are also feeding into the Lebanese-Israeli track, alongside Israel’s elections, the sources said.

Any progress between Washington and Tehran could affect the situation in Lebanon.

The main impact, they said, would be on efforts to disarm Hezbollah, ease tensions and push the group toward a more positive approach to Lebanon’s negotiating track.