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Yemen Transport Minister Says Two Arabian Sea Ports Planned

A view of Aden International Airport earlier this year (Reuters)
A view of Aden International Airport earlier this year (Reuters)
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Yemen Transport Minister Says Two Arabian Sea Ports Planned

A view of Aden International Airport earlier this year (Reuters)
A view of Aden International Airport earlier this year (Reuters)

The Yemeni government is betting that rebuilding the transport sector can help revive an economy battered by more than a decade of war that has left airports, ports and roads badly damaged.

Yemeni Transport Minister Mohsen al-Amri told Asharq Al-Awsat that rebuilding the sector “requires resources, capabilities, investments and effective partnerships with donors, international institutions and the private sector.”

Al-Amri said the ministry was working under “a phased vision” to expand airport capacity and reconnect Yemeni governorates with the region and the wider world. It is also seeking to develop two ports on the Arabian Sea “to improve logistics services, support maritime trade and connect coastal areas to regional and international trade routes,” he said.

The Houthi group, meanwhile, has limited itself to estimating the sector’s losses without acknowledging responsibility.

Al-Amri said the damage since the start of the war had been extensive across air, sea and land transport.

“We cannot determine any figures in this regard at the present time, and there is no doubt that rebuilding Yemen’s transport sector requires resources, capabilities and investments with the private sector,” he said.

The minister praised Saudi Arabia’s continued support across several fields, including transport, saying its impact was reflected in improved services.

The Houthi group issued a report several days ago, presented at an event attended by some of its leaders, putting cumulative war damage and losses across transport sectors at $23.2 billion.

It claimed it could restore the operational readiness of damaged facilities in areas under its control within weeks, but did not set out a strategy.

Reconnecting Yemen

Recent moves by Yemen’s Transport Ministry point to a broader government push to rehabilitate airports and ports and increase the capacity of air and sea gateways. The government says the plan aims to turn Yemen into a hub linking international trade corridors, drawing on its strategic location.

Al-Amri said the ministry was pursuing a phased plan to turn several local airports into international airports, including Al-Ghaydah in the eastern governorate of Al-Mahra, Ataq in the central governorate of Shabwa and Mokha in the southwestern governorate of Taiz.

The plan also includes upgrading Seiyun airport in the east and Socotra airport in the south, with the aim of “linking Yemeni governorates to the regional and international spheres.”

The government is also seeking to revive maritime transport through new port projects, led by Qarma port on Socotra island in the Indian Ocean and Brom port in the eastern governorate of Hadramout.

Al-Amri described the two ports as “strategic projects” that would ease pressure on main ports, improve logistics, stimulate maritime trade and connect coastal areas to regional and international trade routes.

He said the ministry sets transport project priorities based on population density, economic importance, development and service impact, and the ability to facilitate the movement of people, trade and aid. Project readiness and financing prospects are also considered, he said, along with the goal of balancing development among governorates and directing resources by priority.

In recent weeks, the Transport Ministry has stepped up foreign outreach through talks and cooperation agreements with the European Union, the International Civil Aviation Organization, Morocco and Egypt. The aim is to secure technical and professional support to develop airports and ports, train personnel and modernize air navigation systems.

Al-Amri said the government does not see transport development as a services project alone, but as part of a wider plan to restore state institutions and strengthen their economic role.

Houthi denial

The Yemeni government expects its plans to help move Yemen from a country exhausted by war into a hub linking international trade corridors, using its position on the Red Sea, the Gulf of Aden and the Arabian Sea. It also expects the plans to cut transport and insurance costs, stimulate trade, attract private investment and support economic recovery.

By contrast, the Houthi group’s claims and loss estimates expose the depth of deterioration in one of the most vital sectors under its control, whether from its use of facilities and installations as military bases and barracks, or from attacks linked to escalation in the Red Sea and against Israel.

According to the group’s figures, losses at the ports of Hodeidah, Al-Salif and Ras Isa on Yemen’s western coast exceeded $8.7 billion. Airport losses topped $2 billion, with major airports knocked out of service, Sanaa International Airport damaged, thousands of kilometers of roads destroyed and more than 100 bridges wrecked.

The group has avoided acknowledging responsibility for destroying these facilities and damaging the sector, particularly after it detained four Yemenia Airways aircraft at Sanaa airport. The planes were destroyed by Israeli airstrikes last May in response to Houthi missile attacks.

The gap between government development plans and Houthi loss figures shows that transport has become one of the central arenas for rebuilding the Yemeni state. Reopening airports and ports is not just about improving services. It is about restoring key tools of economic sovereignty, easing the movement of trade and aid, and reconnecting Yemen’s regions with one another and with regional and international markets.

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Arab World

Kfara Facility Raises New Questions Over Military Site Verification in Southern Lebanon

Vehicles pass damaged buildings near a Lebanese army checkpoint in the southern Lebanese town of Kafra on June 15, 2026 (AFP)
Vehicles pass damaged buildings near a Lebanese army checkpoint in the southern Lebanese town of Kafra on June 15, 2026 (AFP)
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Kfara Facility Raises New Questions Over Military Site Verification in Southern Lebanon

Vehicles pass damaged buildings near a Lebanese army checkpoint in the southern Lebanese town of Kafra on June 15, 2026 (AFP)
Vehicles pass damaged buildings near a Lebanese army checkpoint in the southern Lebanese town of Kafra on June 15, 2026 (AFP)

Israel's claim that Hezbollah has resumed military activity at a facility in southern Lebanon previously entered by the Lebanese army has renewed questions over how military sites south of the Litani River are secured and whether measures are in place to prevent their reuse.

The allegation, involving a facility in the town of Kafra, came as US-sponsored military talks were set to take place in Tampa, Florida, on Tuesday and Wednesday, focusing on security provisions of the "framework agreement" between Lebanon and Israel.

Israeli allegations raise questions over verification

Israeli military spokesperson Ella Waweya said the Lebanese army was asked through a US monitoring mechanism in December 2025 to address a facility in Kafra allegedly used by Hezbollah to store weapons.

The Lebanese army said it had taken the necessary measures, but Hezbollah continued using the site and moving equipment out, according to Waweya.

She released footage purportedly showing Hezbollah members loading weapons onto a truck later targeted by Israeli forces.

The Israeli statement also accused individuals within the Lebanese army of coordinating with Hezbollah, enabling the group to remove military equipment before security measures could be carried out.

Neither the allegations nor the date of the footage could be independently verified. There was no immediate Lebanese response.

Israeli claims aim to pressure army, reset negotiations: Expert

Retired Brigadier General Dr. Khalil Helou said the timing of Israel's announcement, just hours before the Tampa talks, was calculated to pressure the Lebanese army, undermine confidence in its capabilities and force additional conditions that could send negotiations back to square one.

"Israel uses such announcements at carefully chosen political and military moments, regardless of the nature or scale of the reported activity," Helou told Asharq Al-Awsat.

He said Israeli claims about Hezbollah movements often coincide with negotiations or Lebanese army deployments, portraying the military as incapable of fulfilling its responsibilities.

"The Israelis know perfectly well that this is not true," he said, accusing Israel itself of obstructing the army's effective deployment in the south.

Helou pointed to the town of Zawtar, where he said the Lebanese army was deployed in the western sector while Israeli forces operated in the east.

"Israeli forces are carrying out explosions and demolitions, and whenever the Lebanese army moves, it comes under attack or shelling near its positions," he said.

He argued that Israel continued to behave as though the war had not ended, linking that stance to Israeli elections and calls by some ministers to annex Lebanese territory.

Helou also cited tunnels dug by Hezbollah between 2014 and 2018, saying Israel had known about them before publicly revealing their existence.

"The timing of Israeli statements and announcements carries political and military significance. No announcement can be viewed in isolation from the circumstances surrounding it," he said.

Footage could become leverage for tougher withdrawal terms

Retired Brigadier General Khaled Hamadeh also questioned the timing of the Israeli announcement, saying it was intended to put pressure on Lebanon's negotiating delegation.

He said Israel could use the footage to demand stricter verification measures to ensure southern areas are free of Hezbollah's military presence, while making its withdrawal conditional on security guarantees that could prolong the occupation.

For Hamadeh, the crucial question is not simply what the images show, but when they were taken and whether they reflect current conditions.

"Are these recent images or do they date back to an earlier period? Were they taken today or during the previous war? We cannot say for certain without verifying their timing and content," he told Asharq Al-Awsat.

He said the Lebanese army might be unable to definitively confirm or refute Israel's account, particularly if it had no presence in the area or could not gain access to verify conditions on the ground.

"If the Lebanese army has declared control over the area south of the Litani, and Israel then says Hezbollah is still operating militarily from a facility in Kafra, Israel will use that to challenge the effectiveness of Lebanese measures," Hamadeh said.

"It will argue that the declared control has failed to prevent Hezbollah from continuing its military activity."

Hamadeh doubted Hezbollah was preparing to launch another war from the area, but warned that Israel could exploit the allegations, regardless of their accuracy, to reopen negotiations over verification procedures and demand further guarantees before withdrawing.

"I do not believe Hezbollah intends to launch a new war from this area. The problem is how Israel uses this information, regardless of whether it is accurate, to reopen the debate over verification measures and demand additional guarantees before withdrawing," he said.

The absence of a trusted, mutually agreed verification body, he argued, gives Israel considerable room to maneuver.

Israel could cite continuing Hezbollah military activity to justify refusing to withdraw, while Lebanon lacks sufficient leverage to compel it to honor its commitments.

Hamadeh warned that tying withdrawal to further security demands could revive proposals for a drawn-out timetable.

"The agreement reached is supposed to lead to an Israeli withdrawal from Lebanese territory," he said.

"But giving Israel additional pretexts could reopen the door to a prolonged, phased withdrawal, potentially stretching over five years, on the grounds that the Lebanese state needs enough time to dismantle Hezbollah's military infrastructure and confiscate its weapons."

Arab World

Iraq Threatens Crackdown on Opponents of Disarmament Plan

Iraqi armed factions set conditions for bringing weapons under state control (X)
Iraqi armed factions set conditions for bringing weapons under state control (X)
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Iraq Threatens Crackdown on Opponents of Disarmament Plan

Iraqi armed factions set conditions for bringing weapons under state control (X)
Iraqi armed factions set conditions for bringing weapons under state control (X)

Iraq's government and parliament have threatened legal action against opponents of a plan to bring all weapons under state control, even as Türkiye ruled out withdrawing its troops from Iraq until regional and border security conditions are met.

Baghdad says the disarmament plan will take effect after the withdrawal of international coalition forces.

The ruling Coordination Framework alliance reaffirmed its commitment to resolving the issue of weapons outside state control by June 30, 2027, authorizing the government to "take steps to ensure compliance," according to a statement issued Monday evening.

The renewed push comes just days after a new cabinet was formed, with several political groups that maintain armed factions securing ministerial posts.

Among them is Asaib Ahl al-Haq, which landed the deputy prime minister's post, potentially reinforcing reports that Washington had given such groups a "green light" to join the government in exchange for laying down their arms.

Sources close to the armed factions said most now acknowledge the need for disarmament after securing influential positions in government and parliament. Kataib Hezbollah, however, remains opposed.

Criminal charges threatened

The government has ordered state institutions to enforce the law and pursue criminal complaints against anyone who incites opposition through the media or seeks to obstruct decisions to place weapons exclusively under state control.

In a statement, the prime minister's media office said freedom of expression and media activity, while guaranteed by the constitution and law, must operate within legal boundaries and respect public order and citizens' rights.

Such freedoms, it warned, cannot be used to incite violence or internal conflict, support weapons outside state control or back outlawed groups.

The warning appeared directed at armed faction spokespeople and supporters who have repeatedly mocked or rejected government disarmament announcements on television, in public statements and through online posts.

Activists close to Kataib Hezbollah have openly opposed disarmament, as has Kazem al-Fartousi, spokesman for Kataib Sayyid al-Shuhada. Their objections have frequently been accompanied by sharp criticism of Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi.

The government said it had instructed all institutions to pursue criminal complaints against anyone involved in media incitement or efforts to derail state decisions on weapons control.

It cited Iraq's constitution and Articles 2 and 4 of Anti-Terrorism Law No. 13 of 2005 as the legal basis for the measures.

The statement also pointed to a Supreme Judicial Council position that using, supporting or threatening to use weapons outside state authority falls under the anti-terrorism law.

Parliament backs crackdown

Parliament Speaker Haibat al-Halbousi threw his support behind the government's legal measures, saying they were necessary to preserve civil peace, enforce the law and bring all weapons under state control.

Halbousi stressed that constitutionally protected freedoms of expression and media activity must be balanced against legal and professional obligations.

Those freedoms, he said, must not become a cover for inciting violence, fueling internal conflict or supporting weapons beyond state authority.

He backed holding accountable anyone proven to have incited violence or threatened public security and national stability, while emphasizing that enforcement must respect constitutional rights, legal safeguards and the principle of equal treatment under the law.

Security agencies step up scrutiny

Iraq's security agencies have identified cases of incitement and calls to obstruct disarmament decisions, according to Saad Maan, head of the country's Security Media Cell.

Speaking to the official Iraqi News Agency, Maan said specialized units within the office of the commander-in-chief of the armed forces, the Iraqi National Intelligence Service, the National Security Service and the Interior Ministry were monitoring and analyzing such activity.

He stressed that no action would be taken without judicial authorization.

Maan said directives from the commander-in-chief called for pursuing those who incite violence or support weapons outside state control, describing the measures as essential to maintaining long-term security amid regional and global turmoil.

Freedom of expression and media activity remain constitutionally protected, he said, but those protections do not extend to stirring chaos, tensions or unrest.

Asked where authorities draw the line between free expression and punishable media incitement, Maan said criminal liability depends on the applicable law and whether the elements of an offense are established.

Any prosecution, he added, must remain under judicial authority.

Türkiye stands firm on troop presence

Meanwhile, Turkish Defense Minister Yasar Guler said Ankara would keep its forces in Iraq and Syria until it was satisfied that security along its borders with both countries was fully guaranteed.

Türkiye "maintains its military presence in Iraq and Syria," Agence France-Presse quoted Guler as saying.

"Once we are certain that the necessary conditions regarding regional and border security have been met, the status of our deployments and presence in the region will be reviewed," he added.

The statement highlights a key obstacle to Iraq's disarmament plan: Iraqi armed factions had made the withdrawal of Turkish troops one of their conditions for agreeing to the initiative during negotiations with the Coordination Framework.

On October 14, Sabah al-Numan, spokesman for the commander-in-chief of Iraq's armed forces, suggested the issue of Turkish troops in northern Iraq could be resolved within three months.

Turkish forces are stationed at the Zilkan base in the mountainous Bashiqa district, about 30 kilometers (19 miles) northeast of Mosul, and at numerous other positions near the shared border.

Local reports put the number of Turkish checkpoints inside Iraqi territory and along the border at around 130.

In September, Iraqi Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi met Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan on the sidelines of the United Nations General Assembly in New York.

The talks produced an agreement for a "gradual evacuation" of Turkish forces from the Zilkan base, scheduled to begin officially on October 1, with control to pass to Baghdad under an agreed timetable and mechanism.

But Ankara has long tied any withdrawal to Baghdad's progress in securing Sinjar district in northern Nineveh province.

Türkiye demands that Iraqi authorities establish control over the district and expel armed groups, particularly wings of the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) that have not complied with the decision to dissolve the party and surrender weapons, announced by its leader Abdullah Ocalan in late February 2025.

Arab World

15 Years After Gaddafi's Death, Supporters Struggle to Find Political ‘Heir’

Late Libyan leader Muammar al-Gaddafi. (Reuters)
Late Libyan leader Muammar al-Gaddafi. (Reuters)
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15 Years After Gaddafi's Death, Supporters Struggle to Find Political ‘Heir’

Late Libyan leader Muammar al-Gaddafi. (Reuters)
Late Libyan leader Muammar al-Gaddafi. (Reuters)

Fifteen years after the killing of Libyan leader Muammar al-Gaddafi, his supporters are still searching for a political heir, with the assassination of his son Saif al-Islam last February extinguishing hopes of a comeback that had grown since his ill-fated presidential bid in 2021.

Gaddafi was captured by opposition fighters in the city of Misrata on Oct. 20, 2011, before being killed as his rule of more than four decades came to an end. His downfall left a political vacuum among loyalists who later rallied around Saif al-Islam as the most prominent face of the former regime.

Hopes of a political revival gained momentum when Saif al-Islam announced his presidential candidacy in November 2021. But the elections never took place, and his assassination in Zintan in February reopened the question of succession, leaving the movement without a figure capable of uniting its supporters.

Political analyst Hossam Fenaish told Asharq Al-Awsat that Gaddafi loyalists were searching for a successor, with attention turning to his surviving children Aisha, Al-Saadi and Mohammed. Hannibal, he said, appeared to have the weakest prospects. Two other sons, Khamis and Saif al-Arab, were killed during the 2011 uprising.

Saif al-Islam Gaddafi in November 2011. (Reuters)

The most notable shift came in September, when supporters of the former regime began promoting Aisha Gaddafi on social media as a possible contender.

Their campaign drew on an open online poll that reportedly put her more than 30,000 votes ahead of her nearest rival. But there was no verified information on the number of participants or whether the results reflected wider public opinion.

Aqila Dalhoum, head of the media and human rights team at the National Truth Committee investigating Saif al-Islam's killing, backed the idea. He said the poll reflected both the Gaddafi family's enduring symbolic appeal among some Libyans and frustration over the country's political, economic and living crises.

Aisha, however, has largely stayed out of public politics. She lives in Oman with her brother Mohammed and has turned to visual art, exhibiting works depicting her father and brother Mutassim at Moscow's State Museum of Oriental Art in 2024, followed by an exhibition in Muscat this year.

Yet enthusiasm for her possible candidacy is far from unanimous.

Two prominent former regime figures declined to comment on calls for her to run. One questioned whether such discussions were premature.

"Where are the presidential elections at this point, given the stalled political process in Libya?" he told Asharq Al-Awsat.

A former Libyan army spokesman also played down the campaign, saying it reflected individual initiatives rather than a collective decision by Gaddafi loyalists.

No candidate had secured a consensus, he told Asharq Al-Awsat.

"Aisha is a Libyan citizen who has the right to run for office like anyone else," he said. "Choosing a representative of the former regime's supporters begins with a family decision, followed by consultations within the movement. The final say then rests with voters."

Hannibal Gaddafi. (Reuters file)

Aisha is not the only Gaddafi family member whose name has surfaced.

Supporters have also floated Al-Saadi Gaddafi, who lives in Türkiye, as a possible contender. But he publicly ruled out a political role in June, saying in a post on X that he had no intention of entering politics, contesting elections or backing any faction.

Instead, he said he wanted to live an ordinary life devoted to learning and wished success to whoever Libyans chose to lead the country.

Al-Saadi was freed from a Tripoli prison in 2021 after spending years in detention following his extradition from Niger in March 2014 over allegations linked to the crackdown on the 2011 uprising.

Attention has also turned to Mohammed Gaddafi, the former leader's eldest son from his first wife, Fathia Nuri Khalid.

Mohammed resurfaced on social media after Saif al-Islam's assassination, pressing for the findings of the murder investigation to be made public.

Last month, he raised questions about a suspected sabotage cell apprehended in Tripoli and its possible links to the assassination, urging relevant international organizations to investigate and uncover the circumstances of the killing.

Pages aligned with the former regime have since touted Mohammed as another potential successor.

One page, "Gaddafi Speaks," portrayed him as a man suited to a time when Libyans are seeking a strong, independent state. Blogger Ahmed Faraj also voiced support for him as a future candidate.

But activist Rania Gaddafi dismissed suggestions that Mohammed was preparing to enter politics as rumors.

Al-Saadi Gaddafi. (Al-Saadi Gaddafi on Facebook)

She said he had no interest in running for election or holding office, and was concerned only with seeing Libya regain security, stability and national unity.

Born in 1970, Mohammed previously headed the Libyan Olympic Committee and chaired the board of the General Posts and Telecommunications Company.

Hannibal Gaddafi, meanwhile, remains entangled in one of the family's most complicated chapters, far from Libya's political stage.

He spent about a decade in detention in Lebanon in connection with the 1978 disappearance of Lebanese cleric and politician Musa al-Sadr and his two companions before his release.

Feneish said Hannibal appeared to be out f the running for now.

But beyond the competing names, some Gaddafi loyalists reject the idea that his political legacy belongs to any single family member. They argue that the former leader left behind not a conventional political inheritance but a set of national and pan-Arab values and principles.

Libyan writer and researcher Mustafa al-Fetouri, a supporter of the former regime, told Asharq Al-Awsat that the question of succession went beyond the Gaddafi family.

"Anyone who believes in those principles can be his heir, beyond his family and children," he said.