Protests in Syria’s Jazira Region Over Deteriorating Living Conditions

Residents protest on the Hol-Hasakah road (Hasakah Observatory)
Residents protest on the Hol-Hasakah road (Hasakah Observatory)
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Protests in Syria’s Jazira Region Over Deteriorating Living Conditions

Residents protest on the Hol-Hasakah road (Hasakah Observatory)
Residents protest on the Hol-Hasakah road (Hasakah Observatory)

Protesters in the al-Hol area east of Hasakah province blocked the main route used by fuel tankers heading into other parts of Syria, demonstrating against worsening living conditions.

The move came amid calls for demonstrations in Hasakah, Qamishli, al-Shaddadi, al-Yarubiyah, Ras al-Ain, Tell Hamis, and Tell Brak — areas collectively known as Syria’s Jazira region — and opposition to the implementation of integration measures perceived as favoring the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) at the expense of other local communities.

Economic hardship has deepened in eastern Syria at a time when residents had hoped for relief following the January 29 agreement between the Syrian government and the SDF, which provides for the integration of the Autonomous Administration’s institutions into the structures of the Syrian state.

Although economic pressures are affecting all parts of Syria, they may be particularly severe in the country’s eastern region, especially in the aftermath of the Euphrates flooding disaster. Researcher Abdul Wahab Assi said that continued economic strain could prompt residents to reassess the government-SDF integration process, which they see as moving too slowly.

In his view, some residents may attribute part of the deterioration in living conditions to the broader instability resulting from the sluggish pace of integration — not because the process itself has directly caused services to decline, but because ongoing administrative and political uncertainty affects essential sectors such as bread supplies, fuel, electricity, employment opportunities, and development, particularly in agriculture.

Speaking to Asharq Al-Awsat, Assi added that the integration process may also have generated genuine concerns among segments of the population about the possible implementation of economic policies, whether related to customs duties, taxes, crop procurement, or agricultural support, that fail to take into account the region’s unique circumstances and already fragile economy. “Any such decision would have a direct impact on people’s livelihoods,” he stated.

Assi further noted that there is little evidence to suggest that all residents of eastern Syria view accelerated integration as an automatic solution to economic and development challenges. Rather, some groups remain wary that integration could lead to policies, which do not reflect the region’s specific needs.

On Sunday, residents of Umm Hujayrah, a town in the al-Hol countryside east of Hasakah, staged a protest during which they blocked several roads and prevented a convoy of fuel tankers from traveling into other parts of the country. Video footage circulated by local media showed the demonstration. According to the Hasakah Media Center, protesters called for improved public services, the delivery of basic necessities, and relief from mounting economic pressures.

Reports from Syria’s Jazira region indicate that a combination of factors has contributed to worsening living conditions, amid a widespread perception among many Arab residents that the integration process is being carried out primarily in the interests of the SDF rather than other communities.

Journalist Khalil Hussein, a native of the Jazira region, said this perception has been reinforced by rising prices resulting from newly imposed customs duties - previously minimal in the area - as well as higher fuel costs.

He argued that SDF-controlled areas have been less affected because oil fields in Hasakah remain under SDF control and much of the oil is directed to predominantly Kurdish areas. Oil leaving Qamishli, for example, is sent to Ain al-Arab (Kobani) rather than to places such as al-Shaddadi, raising questions about the benefits of integration.

Hussein told Asharq Al-Awsat that residents of these areas are no longer primarily concerned with who controls or administers their territories. Instead, their main concern is improving what he described as their harsh living conditions.

Meanwhile, activists in the Jazira region called for demonstrations across predominantly Arab areas in opposition to the integration process.

“What is taking place before our eyes today is not the integration of these militias into state institutions. Rather, it is the government itself being absorbed into their structure and an explicit handover of control over our lives to those who displaced us and killed our sons,” Activist Suhaib al-Yaarubi wrote on social media.

At the same time, residents of the southern countryside of al-Yarubiyah appealed to the Syrian government to intervene and secure drinking water supplies amid severe shortages and the failure of water tankers to reach areas that lack wells and water networks.

Local sources said that water shortages in rural Hasakah worsen during the summer as temperatures rise. Higher fuel prices have also driven up the cost of tanker-delivered drinking water.

Residents of southern and eastern rural Hasakah complain that their areas have been neglected.

According to journalist Khalil Hussein, years of SDF control have brought no significant development projects to these districts, while services such as hospitals, schools, and universities have been set up in cities including Hasakah and Qamishli.

He criticized the SDF’s treatment of predominantly Arab rural areas of Hasakah, saying they have been viewed largely as “a commercial market for the distribution of goods.”



UN Chief Warns Cash Crunch Threatens Palestinian Refugee Agency

Displaced Palestinians gather to receive hot meals distributed by a charity kitchen in the Khan Younis refugee camp in the southern Gaza Strip on June 29, 2026. (AFP)
Displaced Palestinians gather to receive hot meals distributed by a charity kitchen in the Khan Younis refugee camp in the southern Gaza Strip on June 29, 2026. (AFP)
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UN Chief Warns Cash Crunch Threatens Palestinian Refugee Agency

Displaced Palestinians gather to receive hot meals distributed by a charity kitchen in the Khan Younis refugee camp in the southern Gaza Strip on June 29, 2026. (AFP)
Displaced Palestinians gather to receive hot meals distributed by a charity kitchen in the Khan Younis refugee camp in the southern Gaza Strip on June 29, 2026. (AFP)

UN chief Antonio Guterres warned Tuesday of the "increasingly precarious" situation of the UN agency for Palestinian refugees known as UNRWA, saying that millions of people's livelihoods were at risk.

The secretary-general said that further funding cuts for UNRWA -- which Israel has criticized as politically biased -- could "push conditions beyond breaking point."

Because of insufficient funding, UNRWA has scaled back its operations since the start of the year.

"As we meet here today, the safety and welfare of millions of Palestine refugees hangs in the balance," Guterres told a donor conference for the UN agency.

He noted the "utterly appalling" living conditions in Gaza, violence by Israeli settlers in the West Bank and Israeli strikes on Lebanon.

"It [UNRWA] faces sweeping restrictions throughout the Occupied Palestinian Territory. And a cash shortfall that imperils its work across the region," Guterres said.

"I am appalled by continuing efforts to marginalize and undermine UNRWA through disinformation, smear campaigns, legislative actions, operational restrictions, diplomatic roadblocks and more," he said.

Israel has long opposed UNRWA, created by the UN General Assembly in 1949, and intensified its criticism after October 7, alleging that employees participated in the deadly 2023 attack on Israel.


Hundreds of Thousands of Lebanese Head Home as Fighting Eases, Many Still Stranded

Lebanese people drive a vehicle loaded with mattresses as they return to their village in the town of Nabatieh, southern Lebanon, 23 June 2026, amid a ceasefire between Israel and Hezbollah. (EPA)
Lebanese people drive a vehicle loaded with mattresses as they return to their village in the town of Nabatieh, southern Lebanon, 23 June 2026, amid a ceasefire between Israel and Hezbollah. (EPA)
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Hundreds of Thousands of Lebanese Head Home as Fighting Eases, Many Still Stranded

Lebanese people drive a vehicle loaded with mattresses as they return to their village in the town of Nabatieh, southern Lebanon, 23 June 2026, amid a ceasefire between Israel and Hezbollah. (EPA)
Lebanese people drive a vehicle loaded with mattresses as they return to their village in the town of Nabatieh, southern Lebanon, 23 June 2026, amid a ceasefire between Israel and Hezbollah. (EPA)

Some 400,000 Lebanese uprooted by war have returned to southern Lebanon, with more expected to follow in the coming week, a government minister said on Tuesday, encouraged by a lull in the four-month-long conflict between Israel and Hezbollah.

Yet many remain unable to go back. Since March, around 1 million people have been forced to flee their homes, and large numbers are still in shelters or temporary housing because their homes are destroyed or uninhabitable, said Hanine ‌El Sayed, Minister of Social Affairs.

Roughly 40% ‌of those displaced have now returned to their towns ‌and ⁠villages. The number ⁠of people staying in collective shelters has fallen sharply, to about 13,000 from 37,000, she said.

While some shelters will remain open for families who cannot return, aid programs — including emergency cash support — will continue. The number of shelters has dropped from 692 at the height of the crisis to 479, with additional centers opened in Nabatieh for those wanting to stay near their home ⁠areas.

El Sayed said the headline figures conceal a ‌gap between those able to return and ‌those still displaced.

"These are families that are able to return to something, at least ‌the basic minimum," she told Reuters. "The fact that the others have ‌not returned means they have a much harder situation."

Authorities expect further returns in the coming days and hope within about a week to better gauge how many families cannot go back at all.

"In about a week's time ... we would really know ‌the size of the problem - how many absolutely cannot return because their homes have been totally damaged," she said.

CHALLENGES ⁠OF GOING ⁠HOME

For many, returning home does not mean a return to normal life. Families are often finding damaged houses, scarce electricity and water, and destroyed businesses and livelihoods, as the government works to restore basic services and expand cash assistance, rental support and employment programs.

Yet despite these hardships, many are choosing to return.

"Many of the people of the south are very attached to their land and they want to rightfully make a claim back to it," El Sayed said.

The government estimates Lebanon will need billions of dollars to rebuild damaged homes and infrastructure, funding that it does not currently have, El Sayed said.

Nearly 90,000 housing units have been totally or partially destroyed in the latest conflict, adding to widespread damage from earlier fighting.


Aoun Optimistic on ‘Best Possible’ Deal for Lebanon, Banks on US Role

In this photo, released by the Lebanese Presidency press office, Lebanese President Joseph Aoun, right, shakes hands with Adm. Brad Cooper, the top US military commander in the Middle East, at the presidential place in Baabda, east of Beirut, Lebanon, Monday, June 29, 2026. (Lebanese Presidency press office via AP)
In this photo, released by the Lebanese Presidency press office, Lebanese President Joseph Aoun, right, shakes hands with Adm. Brad Cooper, the top US military commander in the Middle East, at the presidential place in Baabda, east of Beirut, Lebanon, Monday, June 29, 2026. (Lebanese Presidency press office via AP)
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Aoun Optimistic on ‘Best Possible’ Deal for Lebanon, Banks on US Role

In this photo, released by the Lebanese Presidency press office, Lebanese President Joseph Aoun, right, shakes hands with Adm. Brad Cooper, the top US military commander in the Middle East, at the presidential place in Baabda, east of Beirut, Lebanon, Monday, June 29, 2026. (Lebanese Presidency press office via AP)
In this photo, released by the Lebanese Presidency press office, Lebanese President Joseph Aoun, right, shakes hands with Adm. Brad Cooper, the top US military commander in the Middle East, at the presidential place in Baabda, east of Beirut, Lebanon, Monday, June 29, 2026. (Lebanese Presidency press office via AP)

In one phrase, Lebanese President Joseph Aoun answers critics of the framework agreement Lebanon and Israel signed late last week, an agreement he admits is “not ideal”, “Give me the alternative.”

For more than three years, Lebanon has been reeling from the fallout of Hezbollah’s successive “support” wars, first for Gaza in late 2023 and then for Iran on March 2 in wake of the war with the United States and Israel. Still, visitors to Aoun come away with a clear impression that the president is optimistic about the path opened by the agreement.

A senior Lebanese source said the reality created by those wars has added to Lebanon’s burden. Beirut had been negotiating over Israel’s withdrawal from five hills it occupied in the first round.

It then found itself negotiating under fire and occupation, as Israel’s presence expanded to the outskirts of Nabatieh in the east and Tyre on the coast, seizing Bint Jbeil in between.

The source placed direct responsibility for the war on Hezbollah. “Had it not been for its six rockets, which it fired last March, we would not be in this position today,” the source said.

The agreement is the result of facts imposed by the battlefield and by Lebanon’s condition as it buckles under rising human and material losses, with no clear path to a solution, it added.

A framework, not yet an agreement

Still, the source insisted the agreement “is not bad. More precisely, it has not become an agreement yet. It is a framework agreement that sets broad guidelines, pending the fine details that will be negotiated gradually.”

Lebanon is betting on the new US momentum to press Israel into making concessions on those details, it continued.

The clearest sign that the agreement is not bad, according to the source, “was Israel’s fierce rejection of it at first. That rejection would not have turned into approval without the major US pressure applied in the final hours before signing.”

The second sign was how quickly Israeli leaders moved to craft their own version of the agreement, “which has nothing to do with the truth,” the source said.

“Ninety percent of what Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said is not true,” it stressed.

An Israeli military vehicle maneuvers on the Lebanese side of the Israel-Lebanon border, as seen from the Upper Galilee, 28 June 2026, amid an Israel-Lebanon ceasefire. (EPA)

US support

Lebanon sees clear US support as its best weapon against Israel’s lack of interest in a solution and its tilt toward constant escalation.

The strongest proof, Lebanese officials believe, is that US President Donald Trump has called Aoun twice so far. Both calls were highly positive, as were calls from other US officials who contacted Aoun more than once, including Vice President JD Vance and Secretary of State Marco Rubio, who remained in continuous contact with him.

The source asked: Can Lebanon afford to risk losing US support when everyone knows the Americans are the only party able to exert real pressure on Israel?

The source said Trump, in his latest call with Aoun, was very clear in adopting Lebanon’s demands for a full Israeli withdrawal “despite the disruptions.”

Trump also expressed readiness to help revive Lebanon and put it back on track. That track includes the return of displaced people, reconstruction, and extending state authority through its own forces across all Lebanese territory, a Lebanese demand above anyone else’s.

The Doha cell and a Hezbollah representative

The Americans are closely tracking developments in Lebanon.

Although Washington is separating what is being agreed on in the Pakistan with Iran track from the Lebanese-Israeli track, it is working in parallel on the Lebanese file. That includes setting up the cell provided for in the US-Iranian understanding to monitor the ceasefire in Lebanon.

The source said the committee would operate from a liaison point in the Qatari capital, Doha. It would include representatives of the United States, Lebanon, Qatar and Iran, as well as Hezbollah, likely the group’s representative in Tehran.

A satellite image shows the village of Froun in Lebanon, June 24, 2026. (Pléiades Neo © Airbus DS 2026/Handout via Reuters)

Ali al-Taher

When practical negotiations over the withdrawal began, Aoun proposed starting with an Israeli pullback from Kfar Tibnit and the historic Beaufort Castle, the last point reached by Israeli forces in their advance. The aim was to push Israeli forces away from Nabatieh after they had reached the city’s outskirts.

But the proposal collided with Israel’s determination to reach the Ali al-Taher heights, believed to contain a massive underground Hezbollah military facility.

Aoun called Rubio and proposed that the Lebanese army enter the area, while the Israeli army would withdraw beyond the Litani River. Rubio contacted the Israelis. Aoun, through intermediaries, contacted Hezbollah.

Israel approved the proposal. Hezbollah gave two contradictory answers. The first allowed the army to deploy without entering the facility. The second rejected the idea completely.

Later, Hezbollah settled on one answer: the matter was absolutely unacceptable. The proposal collapsed.

The area’s importance goes beyond Hezbollah’s facility. If Israeli forces position themselves there, they would directly overlook Nabatieh. From the other side, the heights overlook Israeli settlements, especially Metula, just a few kilometers from Nabatieh.

The idea of a withdrawal from that area was shelved. Instead, the focus shifted to another pullback from Zawtar al-Gharbieh and to the launch of a “pilot zone” there and the towns of Froun and Ghandourieh in the central sector.

That was the middle-ground solution. A withdrawal from the coastal line falls under the same equation because of its proximity to the southern border and, therefore, its high sensitivity for Israel.