Destruction from Two Wars Strains the Lebanese State

A man points at a building damaged by Israeli strikes in Beirut's southern suburbs, Lebanon, March 28, 2026. Picture taken with a mobile phone. REUTERS/Stringer
A man points at a building damaged by Israeli strikes in Beirut's southern suburbs, Lebanon, March 28, 2026. Picture taken with a mobile phone. REUTERS/Stringer
TT

Destruction from Two Wars Strains the Lebanese State

A man points at a building damaged by Israeli strikes in Beirut's southern suburbs, Lebanon, March 28, 2026. Picture taken with a mobile phone. REUTERS/Stringer
A man points at a building damaged by Israeli strikes in Beirut's southern suburbs, Lebanon, March 28, 2026. Picture taken with a mobile phone. REUTERS/Stringer

A pattern of systematic destruction pursued by Israel in the current war is becoming clearer by the day, extending in both context and objectives from the previous conflict and pushing entire Lebanese regions and governorates toward a “scorched earth” reality. The scale and nature of the targeting no longer suggest localized operations or limited military objectives.

Israeli operations are no longer confined to destroying sites, depots, and warehouses belonging to Hezbollah. They now extend to targeting entire built-up areas and residential neighborhoods, hindering the return of residents and prolonging displacement. This serves as a pressure tactic against Hezbollah’s support base on the one hand, and against the Lebanese state and its institutions on the other.

Lebanon was already unable to secure the resources needed for reconstruction after the previous war, making the task today even more difficult amid the massive and accumulating losses of the current conflict. The outlook is further darkened by the absence of any serious indications of external funding sources for recovery and reconstruction, as most countries that traditionally provided support are preoccupied with their own domestic conditions and major crises resulting from the ongoing war in the region. This makes it likely that Lebanon will be left to face its fate alone, burdened with costs far beyond its capacity- unless those concerned succeed in including a reconstruction funding clause in any potential ceasefire agreement.

Israeli Destruction Strategy

Former Lebanese minister Nasser Yassin points to a “strong similarity in the destruction strategy adopted by Israel between the previous war and the current one, particularly in terms of targeting buildings and facilities it claims belong to Hezbollah.” He notes that “the target bank often appears to be the same, with buildings struck in the previous war being targeted again.”

He adds that “what differs from the 2023–2024 war is the deliberate targeting of bridges to sever areas south of the Litani River and to pressure the Lebanese state,” adding: “Targeting official facilities may be partly linked to military plans and partly intended to pressure the state. This is a dangerous indicator that will impose high costs and cause additional direct losses amounting to billions of dollars.”

Yassin told Asharq Al-Awsat that “what Lebanon obtained after the previous war was a $250 million loan from the World Bank, in addition to $50 million allocated in the public budget- amounts that fall far short of the funding required for reconstruction.”

He adds that “this reality will worsen after the current war, as state revenues are insufficient. Gulf countries that typically contributed to reconstruction are now part of the war and are facing daily attacks from Iran, while major economic activity has been disrupted, shifting their focus more toward internal affairs. This is in addition to a political environment that may not be conducive to funding reconstruction, as successive governments have not demonstrated seriousness in implementing reforms.”

He adds: “Western countries also face their own challenges due to the repercussions of the Russia-Ukraine war and inflation driven by the regional conflict.”

Civil defense personnel at a site targeted by Israeli shelling in the Saksakieh area of ​​southern Lebanon (EPA)

Preliminary Estimates of the Scale of Destruction

The continuation of the war makes it difficult to assess the full extent of newly inflicted damage less than a month after its onset. However, research Specialist at Information International Mohammad Chamseddine points to an initial picture indicating the destruction of “4,500 units in the south and 1,600 units in Beirut’s southern suburbs completely, in addition to various levels of damage to 12,000 units.” He notes that “what distinguishes the current Israeli approach from the previous war is that it is more intense and the scale of destruction is greater.”

According to Chamseddine , the number of housing units that sustained minor or moderate damage in the previous war reached 317,000, while 51,000 units were completely destroyed, including 9,000 in the southern suburbs, 1,500 in the Bekaa, and 22,000 in the border strip area.

The World Bank previously estimated that the direct cost of the last Israeli offensive on Lebanon reached approximately $14 billion, noting the destruction and damage of more than 100,000 housing units, in addition to severe damage to infrastructure and public facilities.



Syria Hopes for Terrorism Delisting to Spur Economic Recovery

01 June 2026, Syria, Deir Ezzor: A view of the war-damaged buildings in Deir Ezzor. (dpa)
01 June 2026, Syria, Deir Ezzor: A view of the war-damaged buildings in Deir Ezzor. (dpa)
TT

Syria Hopes for Terrorism Delisting to Spur Economic Recovery

01 June 2026, Syria, Deir Ezzor: A view of the war-damaged buildings in Deir Ezzor. (dpa)
01 June 2026, Syria, Deir Ezzor: A view of the war-damaged buildings in Deir Ezzor. (dpa)

The Syrian government is betting that removal from Washington’s list of state sponsors of terrorism, a designation in place since 1979, will clear the biggest political and legal hurdle to its economic recovery.

Alongside remaining sanctions, the designation has blocked any tangible gains from what was billed as a near-comprehensive lifting of international sanctions about a year ago.

Sources in Damascus said the US hesitation was tied to Israel’s opposition to lifting sanctions. Other sources pointed to a mix of regional, international and domestic factors.

In a recent phone call with US President Donald Trump, Syrian President Ahmed al-Sharaa asked for the remaining sanctions to be lifted, saying the move was essential to revive Syria’s economy, improve living conditions and attract investment.

Syria remains caught in a complex sanctions web despite limited easing in recent months. Those measures covered Sharaa himself, the interior minister, the central bank, Syrian Airlines, the ports of Latakia and Tartus, and the Syrian Petroleum Company.

Researcher and economic expert Ziad Arbash told Asharq Al-Awsat that the sanctions still in place include the Caesar Act, which has only been suspended repeatedly and temporarily for 180 days at a time, not permanently repealed, leaving investors facing uncertainty.

They also include the state sponsor of terrorism designation, as well as broad secondary sanctions, including hundreds of measures still imposed by the United States, the European Union and the United Kingdom on individuals and entities.

Other restrictions remain on technology exports, above all strict US curbs on dual-use civilian and military technologies, along with personal sanctions on fugitive former president Bashar al-Assad and his inner circle.

Arbash said removing Syria from the state sponsors of terrorism list would unlock direct US investment, which had been fully banned, help reconnect Syrian banks to the global financial system, ease bank transfers and bolster international confidence.

Washington says sanctions will continue to target people it accuses of human rights abuses, Captagon traffickers and other actors it sees as destabilizing the region.

That position comes as US policy in the Middle East rests on the view that a US-centric balance of power works best when allies are encouraged to become more self-reliant and to share burdens through their interdependence and integration with one another.

This is according to Tom Barrack’s first comments after taking up his new duties as special presidential envoy for Syria and Iraq.

But Trump’s policy may be colliding with the realities of a Syria emerging from war.

Abbas Sharifa, a researcher in international relations, said keeping Syria on the state sponsors of terrorism list raises “fundamental problems” that clash with the US view of Syria as a partner in the fight against terrorism.

He said the United States arranged its withdrawal from Syria on the basis that “the Syrian state has become capable of confronting the threat of terrorism.”

Reality also undermines the designation, he said, because “Syria today plays an important role in pursuing ISIS, has no relationship with Iranian militias and provides no support to any groups Washington considers terrorist organizations.”

Sharifa said the delay in lifting the remaining sanctions was likely tied to political positions held by some pro-Israel members of Congress.

Trump’s Syria policy, he said, has long run counter to Israel’s view, but “there appears to be Israeli pressure in some decision-making circles to obstruct this measure and link it to the signing of the security agreement with Israel, which has faltered because of Israeli intransigence.”

He ruled out Syria’s commercial and military ties with Russia as an obstacle, saying that “the US administration itself granted exemptions for the export of Russian oil.”

Across Syria, frustration has replaced the optimism that followed the partial lifting of sanctions. A year on, the economy remains far from real recovery, and the impact on daily life has been very limited, Arbash said.

He said the reasons are complex. Remaining sanctions still prevent Western banks and companies from operating freely in the Syrian market.

The United States and European countries will not move toward a full lifting of sanctions without the implementation of United Nations Security Council resolution 2254, an improved human rights record and guarantees for the safe return of refugees.

Full repeal of the Caesar Act also requires approval from the US Congress, a lengthy process with political hurdles.

“Even if sanctions were lifted completely today, the positive effects, such as investment inflows, would need months or years to appear on the ground,” Arbash said.

He also pointed to international concern that aid or investment “could fund corruption unless there are transparent mechanisms to ensure it reaches the Syrian people.”

Internal divisions are another obstacle. Some areas remain outside central government control, making it harder to apply unified economic decisions. Added to all these factors is Israeli opposition to lifting sanctions.


Iraq’s Asaib Ahl Al-Haq Says It Will Start Handing Its Weapons to the State

Members of the Iraqi Popular Mobilization Forces parade of the Asaib Ahl al-Haq, participate in a Quds Day march in Baghdad, Iraq, Friday, July 1, 2016. (AP)
Members of the Iraqi Popular Mobilization Forces parade of the Asaib Ahl al-Haq, participate in a Quds Day march in Baghdad, Iraq, Friday, July 1, 2016. (AP)
TT

Iraq’s Asaib Ahl Al-Haq Says It Will Start Handing Its Weapons to the State

Members of the Iraqi Popular Mobilization Forces parade of the Asaib Ahl al-Haq, participate in a Quds Day march in Baghdad, Iraq, Friday, July 1, 2016. (AP)
Members of the Iraqi Popular Mobilization Forces parade of the Asaib Ahl al-Haq, participate in a Quds Day march in Baghdad, Iraq, Friday, July 1, 2016. (AP)

One of Iraq’s most powerful Iran-backed armed groups said Tuesday it would begin putting its weapons under government control, a major step in the new government’s effort to bring armed factions that have long operated on their own under state command.

Asaib Ahl al-Haq said it had formed a committee to oversee the move, including an inventory of its fighters, weapons and equipment, and to coordinate with the commander-in-chief of the armed forces. The group cast the decision as a response to calls by Iraq’s top Shiite religious authority and the Iran-aligned Coordination Framework, the largest bloc in parliament that dominates Iraqi politics.

The war in the Middle East has exposed the fragility of Iraq’s state institutions and their limited ability to restrain these groups. A parallel confrontation between Washington and the factions has deepened the crisis, with factions acting as an extension of Iran’s regional campaign and escalating attacks on US assets in Iraq before a tenuous ceasefire deal was reached in April.

The first significant move came a week ago, when the influential Shiite cleric Moqtada al-Sadr said his Saraya al-Salam faction would split from his political movement and integrate into state institutions.

Under pressure from Washington, Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi has been working to assert state authority over weapons.

Zaidi, a 40-year-old banker sworn in last month has made a state monopoly on arms a centerpiece of his program. The Trump administration has warned against any government influenced by Iran-linked factions and tied defense cooperation and funding to efforts to curb them.

Many Iran-backed factions are funded through the Iraqi state budget and embedded within the security apparatus, although not under the government's control. This has drawn criticism from the United States and other countries that have borne the brunt of their attacks and say Baghdad has failed to take a tougher stance.

Several armed factions aligned with Iraq’s Coordination Framework have taken a different stance on efforts to bring weapons under state control. Two important groups, Kataib Hezbollah and Harakat al-Nujaba, have rejected disarmament, tying the issue to Iraq’s sovereignty and the presence of foreign troops.

Kataib Hezbollah welcomed moves by other factions to place weapons under state authority but said its own armed activity will continue as part of what it describes as “resistance work." In a recent statement attributed to its Abu Mujahid al-Assaf, the group said it would offer coordination with the Popular Mobilization Forces rather than surrendering arms.

The PMF, a state-backed umbrella of armed groups, was formed in 2014 to fight the ISIS group. Many of its groups still keep their own command and ties to Iran.


Lebanon’s Berri to Guarantee Hezbollah Respect for ‘Global’ Truce with Israel, Says Adviser

 Rescue workers use excavators, as they search for victims under the rubble of a building that was hit Monday in an Israeli airstrike in the southern port city of Tyre, Lebanon, Tuesday, June 2, 2026. (AP)
Rescue workers use excavators, as they search for victims under the rubble of a building that was hit Monday in an Israeli airstrike in the southern port city of Tyre, Lebanon, Tuesday, June 2, 2026. (AP)
TT

Lebanon’s Berri to Guarantee Hezbollah Respect for ‘Global’ Truce with Israel, Says Adviser

 Rescue workers use excavators, as they search for victims under the rubble of a building that was hit Monday in an Israeli airstrike in the southern port city of Tyre, Lebanon, Tuesday, June 2, 2026. (AP)
Rescue workers use excavators, as they search for victims under the rubble of a building that was hit Monday in an Israeli airstrike in the southern port city of Tyre, Lebanon, Tuesday, June 2, 2026. (AP)

Lebanese parliament Speaker Nabih Berri, a key Hezbollah ally, will guarantee the Iran-backed group's adherence to a "global ceasefire" with Israel, his adviser told AFP on Tuesday.

Berri, who heads the Hezbollah-allied Amal party, has long acted as an intermediary between the group and the United States, which considers Hezbollah a "terrorist" organization.

US President Donald Trump said late Monday that Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu had agreed to call off a military raid on Beirut while Hezbollah agreed "all shooting will stop".

Despite the announcement Israeli drone strikes on southern Lebanon on Tuesday killed eight people, including a father and his son and daughter.

Adviser Ali Hamdan told AFP that "speaker Berri's main demand is a global ceasefire. If a global ceasefire deal is reached, he will guarantee Hezbollah's respect for it."

Hamdan said a "global ceasefire means a halt to Israeli strikes by air, land or sea, and that it will not carry out detonations or demolitions" in the south, where Israel is accused of razing entire villages.

Trump had said that "through highly placed Representatives, I had a very good call with Hezbollah, and they agreed that all shooting will stop -- That Israel will not attack them, and they will not attack Israel."

Netanyahu said late Monday that he had told Trump "that if Hezbollah does not cease attacking our towns and our citizens, Israel will strike terrorist targets in Beirut".

Hezbollah has not released a statement on the announcement.

Lebanon's embassy in the United States said on Monday that Hezbollah had accepted a US proposal on a "mutual cessation of attacks".

"Under the proposed arrangement, Israeli strikes on Dahieh would cease in exchange for Hezbollah refraining from launching attacks against Israel, with the ceasefire framework to be expanded to encompass all Lebanese territory," the embassy statement released by the Lebanese presidency added, referring to Beirut's southern suburbs.

Iran has insisted that a ceasefire in Lebanon remains a key condition for any deal with the United States to end the Middle East war.

Iran's parliament speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf, who is also the country's chief negotiator, said on Monday night that he and Berri had spoken by phone.

Ghalibaf told his Lebanese counterpart that "if the Israeli aggression on Lebanon continues, we will not just stop the negotiation process, but we will be in a direct confrontation with the enemy", he said on X, referring to Israel.

Iran's Tasnim news agency reported on Monday that Tehran was no longer engaging in talks with Washington because of Israel's offensive on Lebanon, although there was no official confirmation of this.