Shayegan: Trials and Tribulations of an Iranian Philosopher

Shayegan: Trials and Tribulations of an Iranian Philosopher
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Shayegan: Trials and Tribulations of an Iranian Philosopher

Shayegan: Trials and Tribulations of an Iranian Philosopher

“We had one life, after all,” said the Daryush Shayegan as he sipped his double espresso as if it were the nectar of gods. “The question is: what did we do with it?”

The scene was a just over a year ago in a café in Paris’ posh Avenue Alma Marceau where we had gathered for lunch with a mutual friend, Professor Shahin Fatemi. At the time none of us knew that Daryush was on his last visit to the French capital which he had always regarded as a second home and that, a year later, he would pass away in his first home, his beloved Tehran.

Last Monday, a small group of mourners attended the burial ceremony in Tehran of the 83-year old Daryush under the watchful eyes of “Islamic Security” deployed to make sure there will be no “disturbances.”

The answer to Shayegan’s question, “what did we do with our life”, is both simple and complex in his case.

He has been described as polymath, philosopher, poet, mystic, linguist, and master in “Eastern” civilizations, whatever that means. But he had also dabbled in literary criticism, historic research, and, theological speculation. Moreover, he was also a keen collector and connoisseur of objects of art, books, and calligraphy.

Perhaps as a side-line, he had also dabbled in grand political strategy by promoting the concept of “a dialogue of civilization” which was first adopted by Empress Farah and, after the mullahs seized power in Tehran, Hojat al-Islam Muhammad Khatami who served as President of the Islamic Republic for eight years.

However, those who knew him best remember him for his passionate love of Iran, almost bordering on idolatry, and what he described as his lifelong love affair with the Persian language.

Shayegan was a typical product of what one may, at the risk of provocation, call the imperial culture of Iran.

He was born in Tabriz, capital of the East Azerbaijan province in northwestern Iran, of an Azeri father and a Georgian mother and thus learned both Azari and Georgian languages from childhood. At the same time, however, he learned Persian, the lingua franca, of “Iranzamin” (The Realm of Iran) which bound the many ethnic and linguistic communities of the country into a tightly-knit nation. At the time of Shayegan’s birth, Iran was home to 18 living languages, all but one of which represented ethnic communities. (Right now, sadly, only six of those languages still exist.)

The exception was Persian which, not identified with an ethnic group, was the language of every Iranian.

But Persian is a dangerous language; it could bewitch and bewilder you with its charm and mystery, throwing a lasso around your neck and leading you to regions beyond your intentions. It is like a femme fatale whose charisma makes you forget that she has a loaded gun hidden in her crocodile bag.

Shayegan was one of many Iranian intellectuals so smitten by Persian that, rather than commanding it in the service of their thoughts, became vehicles for the projection of its beauty. You marvel at a prose that, beautiful and fascinating, makes any thought it is supposed to express of secondary importance. “You say: I love it, it transports me to the seventh heaven, but what does it mean?”

Again, like many other Iranian intellectuals, Shayegan had to use other languages, in his case mostly French, to deal with the “beard-and-butter” of his philosophical speculations and historical observations. This is why most of his 18 books were written in French while he also used English for some seminar papers and essays.

Shayegan’s mastery of six languages, acquired during studies in England, Switzerland, France and, of course, Iran itself gave him direct access to the bulk of the literature he needed for inspiration and research in Islam, Sufism, Hinduism, Christianity and a whole raft of esoteric religions.

As a popular Professor of Comparative Philosophy at Tehran University between 1968 and 1979, Shayegan trained a whole new generation of scholars who have continued his work in all those domains. However, Shayegan’s focus during his decade of professorship was “Iranian Islam”, a term coined by Henry Corbin, the French Iranologist who forged a bond of friendship with Shayegan. He ended up translating part of Corbin’s work into Persian and writing a whole bio-critical book on the French master. Corbin and Shayegan shared a deep love of Iran and played a significant role in remembering and re-introducing some of Iran’s great half-forgotten Islamic philosophers.

In my view the Corbinist vision exaggerated Iran’s role in transforming Islam from a rather simple religious code into a complex culture and multifaceted civilisation. The French scholar failed to see that Iran and Islam were separate entities that met at some points but diverged at others. Worse still, Corbin was too focused on the mystic version of “Iranian Islam” to allow adequate space for the many other forms in which Iranians expressed their Islamic-ness.

In the end, trying to understand art or culture through the sole prism of religion may do a disservice to both. Does one need delving into Christian dogma to enjoy Bach’s “Passion According to Saint Matthew”? And should one attend a theological course to be admitted in the universe of great Persian poets such as Nasser Khosrow, Mowlawi, Hafez, and Nizami?

Or Saadi who said: ”Everything is good, in its own place!”

In the mid-70s Shayegan was spotted by Empress Farah, who was also French-educated, and invited to join the newly created Royal Philosophical Centre, coordinated by the Empress’s Private Secretary Sayed Hussein Nasr, a noted academic and scholar of Shi’ism.

A number of mullahs, some of whom later became prominent figures in the Khomeini’s Revolution, were also enlisted, among them Hojat al-Islam Mortaza Motahhari. Non-Iranian “philosophers” attracted to the scheme included the French Communist theoretician Henri Lefebvre, and Roger Garaudy, also a French Communist who had converted to Islam. Local philosophers who joined included Ahmad Fardid, a Heideggerian who was to achieve iconic status in the Khomeinist regime.

When Khomeini shut Iranian universities for two years to “purge and Islamicize” them, Shayegan found himself among thousands of professors and lecturers who were shown the door for not being Islamic enough.

Khomeini’s Cultural Revolution Committee, headed by one Jalal Eddin Farsi and including Abdul-Karim Sorush, a British educated Islamist philosopher, decided that those excluded from universities would have to undergo an Islamic re-education scheme to be considered for re-employment.

Many decided to go into exile rather than sign up for re-education. Some decided to stay in Iran but keep a low profile. Shayegan was among them.

The irony in all that was Shayegan had briefly supported the Islamic Revolution and even expressed the belief that Ayatollah Khomeini, the mullah who emerged as leader of the anti-Shah movement, might be “the Gandhi of Islam.” The philosopher’s saccharin-soaked vision of the Khomeinist revolution led many of his friends to stay away from him. (I was among them!)

But Shayegan was above such pettiness, especially because, as he was to admit later, his fascination with “the Gandhi of Islam” had lasted no more than a month. At the end of that month we happened to be together in a gathering and I feigned to ignore him. He, however, rushed towards me, tapped me on the shoulder and said: “I was mistaken. Let’s move on!” Who could resist that master demonstration of the power to subdue one’s ego?
Many years later, Shayegan put his “one month-long slip” into context by recalling that a good many Iranian intellectuals had been seduced by the idea of a revolution and that their fascination had done great damage to Iran.

“All our generation (of intellectuals) made a mess of things,” he wrote in a mea culpa that continues to have an echo among many Iranians.

Shayegan’s most directly political book ”What Is A Religious Revolution?” remains a masterpiece of socio-political observation of the confusion that reigns in many Muslim-majority countries trying to meet the challenges of the modern industrial, and now post-industrial, world in the creation of which they had played no role.

Shayegan further probed that theme in his “Mutilated Gaze” (1996) and “Cultural Schizophrenia: Islamic Societies Confronting the West” (1997), both of which helped inspire many debates across the Muslim world.

By the end of the 1990s, having observed the failure of the Islamic Revolution in Iran, Shayegan, always a man of passions, joined a 200-year-old dynasty of Iranian “westernizers” arguing that Iran won’t progress unless it adopted the values of the renaissance and its grandchild democracy. The result was his “The Light Comes from The West”, published in 2003 and then 2015.

The start of what was later called “The Arab Spring” in December 2010 gave Shayegan a new hope that Muslim societies might be able to find a way out of their predicament without breaking with their religion-dominated culture. It was in that hope that Shayegan dubbed the uprisings “The Islamic Awakening”.

Once again, however, Shayegan soon realised that dabbling in politics was always risky for a philosopher. By 2012, as “The Arab Spring” was beginning to turn into a dicey autumn and then a deep winter, Shayegan admitted to friends, including this writer, that he had been too hasty in supporting the uprisings.

But, where to go after that? Fortunately for Shayegan he could always return home, in the sense of seeking shelter in “Iranianism” which had always been a refuge for Iran’s disillusioned intellectuals for centuries. In that spirit, Shayegan used his prestige and moral power to launch a new series of books, many of them translations from various Western languages, on Iranian history and culture before Islam. The first series that I have seen are well chosen and edited, and printed at the highest standards. As often in Iran’s history popular disappointment in religion encourages a return to nationalism. However, excess in nationalism could be as deadly as excess in political religion.

We don’t know what this return to nationalism might lead Iran. But Shayegan had high hopes for it. The hope we could have is that he wouldn’t prove politically wrong once again.

The question what we did with our “one life” doesn’t apply to Shayegan. For he is destined to live for ever both as philosopher, and a great human being.



Culture Being Strangled by Kosovo's Political Crisis

The cinema has been waiting for much-needed repairs for years. Armend NIMANI / AFP
The cinema has been waiting for much-needed repairs for years. Armend NIMANI / AFP
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Culture Being Strangled by Kosovo's Political Crisis

The cinema has been waiting for much-needed repairs for years. Armend NIMANI / AFP
The cinema has been waiting for much-needed repairs for years. Armend NIMANI / AFP

Kosovo's oldest cinema has been dark and silent for years as the famous theater slowly disintegrates under a leaky roof.

Signs warn passers-by in the historic city of Prizren that parts of the Lumbardhi's crumbling facade could fall while it waits for its long-promised refurbishment.

"The city deserves to have the cinema renovated and preserved. Only junkies gathering there benefit from it now," nextdoor neighbor butcher Arsim Futko, 62, told AFP.

For seven years, it waited for a European Union-funded revamp, only for the money to be suddenly withdrawn with little explanation.

Now it awaits similar repairs promised by the national government that has since been paralyzed by inconclusive elections in February.

And it is anyone's guess whether the new government that will come out of Sunday's snap election will keep the promise.

'Collateral damage'

Cinema director Ares Shporta said the cinema has become "collateral damage" in a broader geopolitical game after the EU hit his country with sanctions in 2023.

The delayed repairs "affected our morale, it affected our lives, it affected the trust of the community in us," Shporta said.

Brussels slapped Kosovo with sanctions over heightened tensions between the government and the ethnic Serb minority that live in parts of the country as Pristina pushed to exert more control over areas still tightly linked to Belgrade.

Cultural institutions have been among the hardest-hit sectors, as international funding dried up and local decisions were stalled by the parliamentary crisis.

According to an analysis by the Kosovo think tank, the GAP Institute for Advanced Studies, sanctions have resulted in around 613 million euros ($719 million) being suspended or paused, with the cultural sector taking a hit of 15-million-euro hit.

'Ground zero'

With political stalemate threatening to drag on into another year, there are warnings that further funding from abroad could also be in jeopardy.

Since February's election when outgoing premier Albin Kurti topped the polls but failed to win a majority, his caretaker government has been deadlocked with opposition lawmakers.

Months of delays, spent mostly without a parliament, meant little legislative work could be done.

Ahead of the snap election on Sunday, the government said that more than 200 million euros ($235 million) will be lost forever due to a failure to ratify international agreements.

Once the top beneficiary of the EU Growth Plan in the Balkans, Europe's youngest country now trails most of its neighburs, the NGO Group for Legal and Political Studies' executive director Njomza Arifi told AFP.

"While some of the countries in the region have already received the second tranches, Kosovo still remains at ground zero."

Although there have been some enthusiastic signs of easing a half of EU sanctions by January, Kurti's continued push against Serbian institutions and influence in the country's north continues to draw criticism from both Washington and Brussels.

'On the edge'

Across the river from the Lumbardhi, the funding cuts have also been felt at Dokufest, a documentary and short film festival that draws people to the region.

"The festival has had to make staff cuts. Unfortunately, there is a risk of further cuts if things don't change," Dokufest artistic director Veton Nurkollari said.

"Fortunately, we don't depend on just one source because we could end up in a situation where, when the tap is turned off, everything is turned off."

He said that many in the cultural sector were desperate for the upcoming government to get the sanctions lifted by ratification of the agreements that would allow EU funds to flow again.

"Kosovo is the only one left on the edge and without these funds."


Saudi Culture Ministry Concludes Intangible Cultural Heritage Documentation Project in Al-Ahsa

Saudi Culture Ministry Concludes Intangible Cultural Heritage Documentation Project in Al-Ahsa
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Saudi Culture Ministry Concludes Intangible Cultural Heritage Documentation Project in Al-Ahsa

Saudi Culture Ministry Concludes Intangible Cultural Heritage Documentation Project in Al-Ahsa

The Saudi Ministry of Culture concluded the project to survey, document, and archive intangible cultural heritage in Al-Ahsa Governorate by holding a workshop in the governorate, attended by stakeholders and relevant entities, as part of the ministry’s efforts to preserve national cultural heritage and strengthen Saudi cultural identity, reported the Saudi Press Agency on Thursday.

The project included a field survey covering various cities and villages across Al-Ahsa, during which diverse elements of intangible cultural heritage were identified and documented. These included oral traditions, performing arts, skills associated with traditional cultural crafts, social practices, and knowledge related to nature and the local environment.

The work was carried out in cooperation with concerned entities, specialized experts, and local practitioners.

The workshop reviewed the project’s final outcomes and presented reports on documentation and digital archiving activities.

It discussed mechanisms to ensure the sustainability of these efforts and the transmission of this cultural legacy to future generations, contributing to greater community awareness of the value and importance of intangible cultural heritage.


Hail Region Pavilion Showcases Heritage Artifacts at Camel Festival

The pavilion aims to connect visitors to Hail's history and social legacy - SPA
The pavilion aims to connect visitors to Hail's history and social legacy - SPA
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Hail Region Pavilion Showcases Heritage Artifacts at Camel Festival

The pavilion aims to connect visitors to Hail's history and social legacy - SPA
The pavilion aims to connect visitors to Hail's history and social legacy - SPA

Hail Region pavilion at the Ministry of Interior’s Security Oasis exhibition, part of the 10th King Abdulaziz Camel Festival in Al-Sayahid, features heritage artifacts that reflect the region's renowned hospitality.

The display includes ancient trays and copperware from nearly seventy years ago.

According to SPA, these traditional food preparation and serving vessels have garnered significant interest from visitors. They document daily life in old Hail and its deep-rooted social traditions, particularly in gatherings and special occasions.

The pavilion aims to connect visitors to Hail's history and social legacy, fostering appreciation for national heritage and ensuring cultural preservation for future generations.