Iraq’s Farmers Pushed off Land as Drought and Heat Cripple Crops

Qasim Abdul Wahad, an Iraqi small-scale farmer, looks at his dying tomato crops on his farm near the village of Abu Al-Khaseeb in southern Iraq’s Basra governorate, March 6, 2022. (Thomson Reuters Foundation)
Qasim Abdul Wahad, an Iraqi small-scale farmer, looks at his dying tomato crops on his farm near the village of Abu Al-Khaseeb in southern Iraq’s Basra governorate, March 6, 2022. (Thomson Reuters Foundation)
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Iraq’s Farmers Pushed off Land as Drought and Heat Cripple Crops

Qasim Abdul Wahad, an Iraqi small-scale farmer, looks at his dying tomato crops on his farm near the village of Abu Al-Khaseeb in southern Iraq’s Basra governorate, March 6, 2022. (Thomson Reuters Foundation)
Qasim Abdul Wahad, an Iraqi small-scale farmer, looks at his dying tomato crops on his farm near the village of Abu Al-Khaseeb in southern Iraq’s Basra governorate, March 6, 2022. (Thomson Reuters Foundation)

Until a few years ago, farming in southern Iraq was "as lucrative as oil", Qasim Abdul Wahad remembers, and his one-hectare farm plot in the governorate of Basra produced enough to feed his family of eight.

Now dust kicks up under his feet as he walks through his land, after worsening extreme heat and drought linked to climate change killed 90% of his winter crops, including all of his okra and eggplant.

"Only a few years ago I would be able to sit here and relax. It was very green and beautiful. When I look at it now, I feel like a member of my family is gone," the 50-year-old said.

Abdul Wahad, who has spent his life farming in the village of Abu Al-Khaseeb - the names means "father of the fertile" - thinks he will soon have to abandon his land, to try to seek more fertile ground elsewhere.

"Three weeks ago I started thinking about moving to Babylon, to work as a farmer there. I don’t want to say it in front of my kids though,” he said, once his family were out of earshot.

Iraq is the fifth most vulnerable country in the world to extreme temperatures and water shortages, according to the UN Environment Program.

The Basra region - already stiffing in the summer, with a top recorded temperature of 53.8 degrees Celsius (129 degrees Fahrenheit) - is among the worst-affected areas.

As harsher drought and heat hit food production and the incomes of people dependent on agriculture, about one in 15 Iraqi households in late 2021 saw at least one family member migrate to seek new economic opportunities, according to the Norwegian Refugee Council (NRC), which researches the issue.

More heat, less water
The pressures are evident in Abu Al-Khaseeb, south of the city of Basra along the Shatt Al-Arab river.

Abdul Wahad this winter lost an expected okra and eggplant harvest worth $3,700 as well as the $400 he spent to plant it. The winter before he lost half of the same two crops.

"There is more dust now because of climate change, the rise in temperature is unbearable and there is also a new kind of infection and mites we are noticing that we haven’t seen before,” he said.

Abu Al-Khaseeb was once famous for dates, but its palm trees are caked in dust and production is falling. Abdul Wahad's last date harvest was 350 kg lower than the year before, he said.

"I have to do some other work now because I can’t just depend on my farm anymore,” he said.

Ally-Raza Qureshi, a representative of the UN World Food Program (WFP) in Iraq, said farmers need help to adapt to changing conditions, through measures such as adopting drought-resistant crop varieties and better drip irrigation systems.

But a lack of awareness in Iraq of the magnitude of the climate change threat - and continuing use of age-old practices - are both factors limiting change, he said.

"In most cases, farmers are still using methods from centuries ago, when water was not as scarce and weather was not as hot," he said.

To cope with the rising temperatures and lack of water, Abdul Wahad has resorted to trying to shade some of his crop and is buying drinking water to mix with tap water to irrigate his plants, an expensive and unsustainable plan.

His farm normally draws water from the adjacent Shatt Al-Arab river, but its level has now fallen so low it can no longer irrigate his fields.

Iraq is predicted to see a 20% drop in water availability by 2050, which could parch a third of its irrigated land, according to the World Bank.

'Do we all have to leave?'
Further upriver, around the village of Al-Qurna - where the Shatt Al-Arab forms at the junction of the Euphrates and Tigris rivers - many fields are still green with wheat, but others were flattened in a recent sandstorm.

"If the wheat is knocked down, that’s it,” farmer Hadi Badr Al-Malai, 57, told the Thomson Reuters Foundation, motioning to his damaged fields.

The large-scale farmer is also battling rising salinity in the soil because of poor drainage, forcing him to leave sections of his 5,000 dunums (1,250 hectares) of land unplanted.

Such problems cut his income by $10,000 last season compared to the previous year, he said.

"I’m worried about the future. Do we all have to leave? Will all my kids have to look for governmental jobs?,” asked Al-Malaki, noting his oldest son already works an off-farm security job, though he comes back to help on the land as well.

According to Caroline Zullo, an NRC policy advisor, almost half of wheat farmers around Al-Qurna lost their entire wheat harvest in the most recent crop season.

Such losses are driving growing migration, usually away from farming.

Haidar Sabah Radi, with his wife and six kids, earlier this year left his 75-dunum farm for Al-Qurna village - eight kilometers away - to find work as a taxi driver.

Last summer he sold all of his livestock - including 90 cows and 200 ostriches - because he could no longer afford to feed them.

"There’s no support from the government," he complained, saying he worried his children will now be disconnected from farming life.

Iraq's Ministry of Agriculture did not respond to a request for comment on support measures for farmers.

According to a January report by the UN Food and Agriculture Organization, over 90% of livestock producers in Iraq last October had difficulty accessing water or buying feed as a result of drought.

Urban tensions
Growing climate-related migration is already evident, with tensions in urban areas growing as competition for jobs and resources increases, leading to social conflict and growing income disparities, WFP's Qureshi said.

Many fear cities will not be able to provide enough work and homes for those displaced from farming, said Zullo of NRC.

Abd Al-Hussein Al-Abadi, the head of the Federation of Farmers Association in Basra, said government support - including compensation for ruined crops - is essential for farmers to stay on their land.

Failure to provide that could hurt Iraq's broader economy if farmers abandon their land and the country needs to import more food, he said.

The challenge is particularly severe as the Ukraine-Russian war dries up exports from two major wheat producers, leading to soaring prices for that grain and other imported commodities.

Iraq's government is helping some farmers by providing hybrid wheat seed designed to stand up to worsening soil salinity, wind and sand storms.

But Mujtaba Noori, the Ministry of Agriculture research department head in Al-Qurna, said not all wheat farmers have access to the seed, in part because they are not equipped to follow ministry rules on how to plant the new varieties.

Al-Abadi, of the farmers association in Basra, said only 20% of wheat farmers in the Basra governorate have so far been able to buy the hybrid seeds.

"The farmers need to make a profit. If there won’t be serious support by the government with seeds… then the farmers will keep losing year after year," he predicted.



Can Iran Legally Impose Tolls on the Strait of Hormuz?

FILE PHOTO: Cargo ships in the Gulf, near the Strait of Hormuz, as seen from northern Ras al-Khaimah, near the border with Oman’s Musandam governance, amid the US-Israeli conflict with Iran, in United Arab Emirates, March 11, 2026. REUTERS/Stringer/File Photo
FILE PHOTO: Cargo ships in the Gulf, near the Strait of Hormuz, as seen from northern Ras al-Khaimah, near the border with Oman’s Musandam governance, amid the US-Israeli conflict with Iran, in United Arab Emirates, March 11, 2026. REUTERS/Stringer/File Photo
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Can Iran Legally Impose Tolls on the Strait of Hormuz?

FILE PHOTO: Cargo ships in the Gulf, near the Strait of Hormuz, as seen from northern Ras al-Khaimah, near the border with Oman’s Musandam governance, amid the US-Israeli conflict with Iran, in United Arab Emirates, March 11, 2026. REUTERS/Stringer/File Photo
FILE PHOTO: Cargo ships in the Gulf, near the Strait of Hormuz, as seen from northern Ras al-Khaimah, near the border with Oman’s Musandam governance, amid the US-Israeli conflict with Iran, in United Arab Emirates, March 11, 2026. REUTERS/Stringer/File Photo

Tehran has sought to tighten its grip over the Strait of Hormuz by charging tolls on vessels to ensure safe passage, in conjunction with Iran's Revolutionary Guard Corps.

The following explains law governing toll collections and actions that countries opposed to tolls might take, according to Reuters.

WHAT IS THE STRAIT OF HORMUZ?

The Strait of Hormuz is ‌a waterway connecting the Gulf with the Gulf of Oman, and located within Iran's and Oman's territorial waters. It is perhaps the world's most important energy shipping lane. About 20% of the world's oil passes through it.

The waterway is about 104 miles (167 km) long. Its width varies, and at its narrowest point provides 2-mile channels for inbound and outbound shipping, separated by a 2-mile buffer zone.

Iran effectively closed the strait following US-Israeli strikes on the country, and has demanded a right ⁠to collect tolls as a precondition to ending the war. The status of any toll collections so far could not immediately be confirmed.

WHAT LAW GOVERNS PASSAGE ON THE STRAIT?

The UN Convention on the Law of the Sea, opens new tab, sometimes known as UNCLOS, was adopted in 1982 and has been in force since 1994.

Article 38 provides vessels a right of unimpeded "transit passage" through more than 100 straits worldwide, including the Strait of Hormuz.

The treaty allows a country bordering a strait to regulate passage within its "territorial sea," up to 12 nautical miles from its border, but shall permit "innocent passage."

Passage is innocent if it is not prejudicial to a country's peace, good order and security. Military action, serious pollution, spying and fishing are not permitted. The concept of innocent passage was key to a 1949 International Court ‌of ⁠Justice case concerning the Corfu Channel, along the coasts of Albania and Greece.

Approximately 170 countries and the European Union have ratified UNCLOS. Iran and the United States have not. This raises the question of whether the treaty's rules affording freedom of maritime navigation have become part of customary international law, or bind only ratifying countries.

Experts say UNCLOS has become or is generally viewed as customary international law. Some non-ratifying countries may ⁠argue that they need not follow the treaty because they persistently and consistently object. Iran has argued that it has made such objections. The United States disputes Iran's authority to charge tolls.

HOW CAN TOLLS BE CHALLENGED?

There is no formal mechanism to enforce UNCLOS. The International Tribunal for the Law ⁠of the Sea in Hamburg, Germany, which the treaty established, and the International Court of Justice in The Hague, Netherlands could issue rulings but cannot enforce them.

Countries and businesses have other potential means to counteract tolls.

A willing state or coalition of states could ⁠try to enforce the treaty. The UN Security Council could pass a resolution opposing tolls.

Companies could redirect shipments away from the Strait of Hormuz, and have begun doing so. Countries could expand sanctions targeting financial transactions believed to benefit Iran's government, by sanctioning companies willing to pay tolls.


How China’s Weapons Transfers to Iran Have Evolved Over Decades

FILE PHOTO: A member of the People's Liberation Army stands as the strategic strike group displays DF-5C nuclear missiles during a military parade to mark the 80th anniversary of the end of World War Two, in Beijing, China, September 3, 2025. REUTERS/Tingshu Wang/File Photo
FILE PHOTO: A member of the People's Liberation Army stands as the strategic strike group displays DF-5C nuclear missiles during a military parade to mark the 80th anniversary of the end of World War Two, in Beijing, China, September 3, 2025. REUTERS/Tingshu Wang/File Photo
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How China’s Weapons Transfers to Iran Have Evolved Over Decades

FILE PHOTO: A member of the People's Liberation Army stands as the strategic strike group displays DF-5C nuclear missiles during a military parade to mark the 80th anniversary of the end of World War Two, in Beijing, China, September 3, 2025. REUTERS/Tingshu Wang/File Photo
FILE PHOTO: A member of the People's Liberation Army stands as the strategic strike group displays DF-5C nuclear missiles during a military parade to mark the 80th anniversary of the end of World War Two, in Beijing, China, September 3, 2025. REUTERS/Tingshu Wang/File Photo

Washington: David Pierson

For much of the last two decades, China has maintained a delicate balance in its military relationship with Iran, offering often indirect assistance instead of arms sales.

That approach is now drawing renewed attention after US officials said intelligence agencies were assessing whether China may have shipped shoulder-fired missiles to Iran in recent weeks. President Trump has said he would impose an additional 50 percent tariff on Chinese goods if the assessment proves accurate. China has denied the claim, calling it “pure fabrication” and has vowed to “resolutely retaliate” if the Trump administration goes through with tariffs.

The American officials said the information obtained by US intelligence agencies was not definitive. But if proven true, it would be a significant tactical change in the way Beijing supports its closest strategic partner in the Middle East.

Chinese arms sales to Iran exploded in the 1980s and have all but vanished in the last decade to comply with a United Nations embargo and US sanctions. Chinese support for Iran in recent years has instead come in the form of components that could be used in both civilian technologies as well as missiles and drones.

China has a major stake in the crisis in Iran. About a third of its total crude oil imports come from the Arabian Gulf.

Here is how China’s military support for Iran has evolved over the years:

The 1980s: The Boom Years

The outbreak of the Iran-Iraq War in 1980 coincided with major market reforms in China when the leader at the time, Deng Xiaoping, ordered state-owned companies to wean themselves off government support and instead seek commercial profit.

Chinese state-run defense companies were suddenly empowered to export their wares. That resulted in a deluge of Chinese missiles, fighter jets, tanks, armored vehicles and assault rifles being sold to Iran starting in 1982 and peaking in 1987, according to the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute.

At the same time, China sold even more arms to Iraq, resulting in a situation in which the two warring sides clashed with each other using the same Chinese weapons.

The Reagan administration opposed China’s arms sales to Iran, particularly Silkworm anti-ship cruise missiles. Tehran used the missiles in attacks in Kuwaiti waters in 1987 that struck an American-owned tanker and an American-registered tanker.

The United States responded by curbing exports of some high-technology products to China. China denied selling arms directly to Iran, but said it would do more to prevent its military exports from reaching Iran through intermediaries.

The 1990s: Technology Transfers

Following the war, Iran set out to develop its own military-industrial base with the help of China. One of its key products was the Noor anti-ship cruise missile, which had been reverse-engineered through purchases of Chinese C-802 cruise missiles.

“China played a major role in supporting Iran’s military modernization for decades, especially in developing Iran’s missile capabilities,” said Brian Hart, a fellow with the China Power Project at the Center for Strategic and International Studies.

Iran also received help from China in building missile-production facilities and even in constructing a missile test range east of Tehran, wrote Bates Gill, a longtime China expert, in the Middle East Review of International Affairs.

Under US pressure to curtail its sale of finished weapons, particularly missiles, to Iran, China began increasing exports of machine tools and components that could be used for both military and civilian purposes.

The 2000s to the Present: Dual-Use Technologies

In 2006, the United Nations imposed sanctions on Iran’s nuclear and ballistic missile programs. China voted in favor of the resolution and largely pivoted away from new, formal arms contracts with Tehran.

The shift was as much about regional strategy as it was about international law. Starting in the mid-2010s, China began deepening its strategic relationships with Gulf countries including Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates, as well as Qatar.

China continued to supply Iran with dual-use technologies and materials that have helped it amass an arsenal of missiles and drones.

That included chemicals used to produce fuel for ballistic missiles and components for drones, such as radio frequency connectors and turbine blades.

But Mr. Hart said China was still “a critical form of support, given Iran’s reliance on ballistic missiles and drones to attack US and Israeli forces and other countries in the region.”

The US Treasury Department has sanctioned Chinese and Hong Kong front companies it says were set up to source parts and ingredients for ballistic missiles and drones for Iran.

Suspicions are also growing that Iran is using its access to China’s BeiDou satellite navigation system, an alternative to the US-owned Global Positioning System, for military purposes. Last month, a US congressional agency said BeiDou may have been used to direct Iran’s drone and missile strikes across the Middle East.

The New York Times


A Look at Sudan’s War by the Numbers

Sudanese refugees, who have fled the violence in their country, line up to receive food rations from World Food Program (WFP), in Adre Chad July 20, 2023. (Reuters)
Sudanese refugees, who have fled the violence in their country, line up to receive food rations from World Food Program (WFP), in Adre Chad July 20, 2023. (Reuters)
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A Look at Sudan’s War by the Numbers

Sudanese refugees, who have fled the violence in their country, line up to receive food rations from World Food Program (WFP), in Adre Chad July 20, 2023. (Reuters)
Sudanese refugees, who have fled the violence in their country, line up to receive food rations from World Food Program (WFP), in Adre Chad July 20, 2023. (Reuters)

Sudan is entering a fourth year of war between the military and paramilitary forces.

The fighting has pushed many people into famine, caused a huge displacement crisis and left over 30 million people in need of humanitarian assistance. Parties have been accused of committing atrocities like ethnic cleansing, extrajudicial killings and sexual violence against civilians.

Here's a look at the war by the numbers:

59,000 At least this many people have been killed, according to the Armed Conflict Location & Event Data, or ACLED. Aid groups say the true toll could be much higher as access to areas of fighting across the vast country remains limited.

4.5 million About this many people have fled the country to places like Egypt, South Sudan, Libya and Chad.

9 million About this many people remain displaced in Sudan.

19 million More than this many people face acute hunger, according to the World Food Program.

24% This is the amount that fuel prices have shot up in Sudan since conflict in the Middle East escalated.

354 This is the number of community kitchens that have closed over the last six months after providing a lifeline for millions of people, according to Islamic Relief.

Over 4,300 About this many children have been killed or maimed in the war, according to UNICEF.

8 million At least this many children are still out of school, according to UNICEF.

11% About this many schools are being used by warring sides or are shelters for displaced people, according to UNICEF.

63% This many of Sudan's health facilities are fully or partially functioning, according to World Health Organization chief Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus.

217 This is the number of verified attacks on health facilities since the war began, according to the WHO.

1,032 This was the number of civilians killed by air and drone strikes in 2025, according to ACLED, as a surge in drone strikes took a growing toll.