Oil Minister Says Iraq to Act to Annul Kurdish Oil Deals

Ihsan Abdul-Jabbar Ismail, Iraq Oil minister speaks during an interview with The Associated Press in Baghdad, Iraq, Friday, June 11, 2021.(AP)
Ihsan Abdul-Jabbar Ismail, Iraq Oil minister speaks during an interview with The Associated Press in Baghdad, Iraq, Friday, June 11, 2021.(AP)
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Oil Minister Says Iraq to Act to Annul Kurdish Oil Deals

Ihsan Abdul-Jabbar Ismail, Iraq Oil minister speaks during an interview with The Associated Press in Baghdad, Iraq, Friday, June 11, 2021.(AP)
Ihsan Abdul-Jabbar Ismail, Iraq Oil minister speaks during an interview with The Associated Press in Baghdad, Iraq, Friday, June 11, 2021.(AP)

Iraq’s oil minister said on Thursday the government will take steps to enforce a recent court decision to annul oil contracts the semiautonomous northern Iraqi Kurdish region made with international companies.

The minister, Ihsan Abdul-Jabbar Ismail, told The Associated Press the deals, which circumvent the government in Baghdad, are illegal and amount to oil smuggling.

His remarks were the strongest yet by a senior government official since Iraq’s Supreme Federal Court issued a landmark ruling in February against the northern region’s independent oil sector. Ismail said in total 17 oil companies will be targeted for their dealings with the Iraqi Kurdish region.

Ismail said the international companies that have signed these deals would first receive a cautionary note.

"We will give them a soft message: ‘You are working in the smuggling of oil.' If they are a respectful company they will listen to us," Ismail told the AP in the exclusive interview.

Kurdish officials, including the ruling Kurdistan Democratic Party in Erbil, have dismissed the court ruling as politicized and claim the supreme court itself is unconstitutional.

The ruling came against the backdrop of political upheaval in Baghdad, where Iran-backed groups are pressuring Kurdish parties to join their efforts and proceed with the forming of a government after influential Shiite cleric Moqtada al-Sadr, the winner of the parliamentary elections last year, stepped down from the political process because he could not corral enough lawmakers in the 329-seat house. The Kurdistan Democratic Party was allied with Sadr.

The Iraqi Kurdish region has also faced a rising number of attacks targeting its energy infrastructure. Rocket and mortar fire repeatedly struck a gas field while others targeted a pumping station and refineries last month.

For years, Iraqi Kurdish authorities exploited a constitutional loophole, and managed to exports crude and maintain a modicum of financial independence from the federal government in Baghdad. They have kept details of their operations secret, including their production rates. Iraq Oil Report, an oil industry publication, estimates this to be 440,000 barrels per day.

Now, Baghdad officials are looking to close that door, Ismail said.

The February court ruling effectively rejected the Iraqi Kurdish oil law as a legal basis that the region had used to carry on with independent exports and contracts. Many questioned the timing of that ruling, given that it had been delayed for years. At the time, the Kurdistan Democratic Party and Sadr had tried to form a government without Iran-backed parties.

Ismail agreed the ruling came during a politically sensitive time but denied that it was a politicized decision. After the ruling, the Oil Ministry launched lawsuits against seven international companies, including Norway's DNO, Canada's Western Zagros and the UK-listed Gulf Keystone.

This week, Baghdad’s Commercial Court issued rulings invalidating four of the seven contracts, the oil minister said, with the other three to be decided on by the court at a July 17 session.

Ismail said the overall goal is to invalidate a total of 17 contracts. Some of the contracts are with companies from the United Arab Emirates, others are with Chinese and some with Russian companies, he said.

Caretaker Iraqi Prime Minister Mustafa al-Kadhimi has so far maintained distance from the recent developments, issuing conciliatory statements over the fraught relations between Baghdad and the Kurdish authorities.

But Ismail said the ministry has a plan to also act on the commercial court ruling and would give foreign companies the option to cancel their contracts, request that Iraq's federal government grant them a waiver - or transfer them from Kurdistan’s Ministry of Natural Resources to the federal government's Oil Ministry in Baghdad, he said.

He dismissed claims that it would be technically impossible to transfer contracts from one authority to another, saying it's a matter of "just paperwork.” The Kurdish region uses a production sharing contract model that is incompatible with the federal government's preference for technical service contracts.

If the companies do not comply, Ismail said the government would resort to "the law and banks” to enforce decisions.

"We also have the Oil Police, but we haven’t asked to use them,” he said.

Key oil service companies, including Baker Hughes, Haliburton and Schlumberger pledged to obey the ministry's blacklist policy and have said they will not seek new tenders with the Iraqi Kurdish authorities. For years, international companies have been operating in the Kurdish region with assurances from Kurdish officials that they would not face legal risks.

Oil companies contracted with the Kurdish region operate in territory de facto outside the federal government’s control. Sending federal police to physically shut down the operations in the Iraqi Kurdish region would amount to an unprecedented escalation.



Macron Urges Israel to Hold 'Direct Talks' with Lebanon amid More War Casualties

Firefighters and first aid responders work inside an apartment that was targeted by an Israeli airstrike in the Burj Hammoud area on the northern outskirts of Beirut on March 14, 2026. (Photo by IBRAHIM AMRO / AFP)
Firefighters and first aid responders work inside an apartment that was targeted by an Israeli airstrike in the Burj Hammoud area on the northern outskirts of Beirut on March 14, 2026. (Photo by IBRAHIM AMRO / AFP)
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Macron Urges Israel to Hold 'Direct Talks' with Lebanon amid More War Casualties

Firefighters and first aid responders work inside an apartment that was targeted by an Israeli airstrike in the Burj Hammoud area on the northern outskirts of Beirut on March 14, 2026. (Photo by IBRAHIM AMRO / AFP)
Firefighters and first aid responders work inside an apartment that was targeted by an Israeli airstrike in the Burj Hammoud area on the northern outskirts of Beirut on March 14, 2026. (Photo by IBRAHIM AMRO / AFP)

French President Emmanuel Macron on Saturday said Lebanon was ready to engage in "direct talks" with Israel and offered to host negotiations in Paris.

"The Lebanese government has signaled its willingness to engage in direct talks with Israel," he said on X.

"France is ready to facilitate these talks by hosting them in Paris," Macron said, adding he had spoken to the president and prime minister of Lebanon.

He called on Israel to "seize this opportunity ⁠to launch ceasefire discussions, to find a lasting solution and to allow the Lebanese authorities to put in place their engagements for Lebanon's sovereignty."

Macron also urged Israel ⁠to ⁠stop its offensive and on Hezbollah to stop its actions.

"Everything must be done to stop Lebanon from descending into chaos," he said.

A photograph shows the site of an overnight Israeli airstrike that targeted Beirut's southern suburbs, on March 14, 2026. (Photo by AFP)

At least 12 medical personnel were killed in an Israeli strike on a healthcare center in the town of Borj Qalaouiya in southern Lebanon, the Lebanese state news agency reported on Saturday, citing the health ministry.

The Israeli army said that a day earlier it struck Hezbollah operatives "who were bringing rockets into a weapons depot" in Majdal, around seven kilometers from Borj Qalaouiya.

Also, an Israeli strike hit an apartment building in a northern Beirut suburb that had been targeted a day earlier, Lebanese state media said.

The National News Agency said "an Israeli strike targeted the Nabaa-Burj Hammoud area for a second day."

The same building had been struck on Friday without causing casualties.

The NNA also reported on Friday that Israeli shells hit a United Nations base hosting Nepali peacekeepers in the southern border town of Mais al-Jabal.


Egypt Renews Call for Joint Arab Force, Warns of ‘Total Chaos’

Egyptian Foreign Minister Badr Abdelatty (Egyptian Foreign Ministry)
Egyptian Foreign Minister Badr Abdelatty (Egyptian Foreign Ministry)
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Egypt Renews Call for Joint Arab Force, Warns of ‘Total Chaos’

Egyptian Foreign Minister Badr Abdelatty (Egyptian Foreign Ministry)
Egyptian Foreign Minister Badr Abdelatty (Egyptian Foreign Ministry)

Egypt renewed calls to form a joint Arab force capable of effectively confronting threats and risks facing Arab states, warning of “the dangers of the conflict widening in the region and the possibility of sliding into comprehensive chaos.”

It also reaffirmed its solidarity with the Gulf states and rejected any attempt by non-Arab regional powers or actors outside the region to impose regional security arrangements on Arab countries.

The remarks came as Egyptian Foreign Minister Badr Abdelatty participated in the fourth joint ministerial meeting between Egypt and the Gulf Cooperation Council's foreign ministers, held virtually on Thursday evening.

The meeting was chaired by Bahraini Foreign Minister Abdullatif bin Rashid Al Zayani, the current chair of the GCC ministerial council, and attended by GCC Secretary-General Jassim Albudaiwi.

In a statement on Friday, Egyptian Foreign Ministry spokesman Tamim Khallaf said Abdelatty reaffirmed Egypt’s “firm and strong support” for the “brotherly Gulf states” and its solidarity with them in confronting the “unacceptable and unjustified attacks” they faced from Iran in recent days.

He stressed Egypt’s “categorical rejection of any pretexts aimed at undermining the sovereignty or capabilities of the brotherly Gulf states, Jordan and Iraq,” saying “the security of the Gulf states is an integral part of Egyptian and Arab national security, and Egypt stands by its brothers in this delicate regional moment.”

Abdelatty also stressed the “utmost importance” of de-escalation, calming tensions and prioritizing diplomacy and dialogue. He underlined the need to ensure freedom of international maritime navigation and voiced “complete rejection of any attempts to obstruct it,” warning such moves would pose a direct threat to regional stability and global trade flows.

Khallaf said Abdelatty also renewed calls to activate Arab national security frameworks and deepen joint cooperation, urging swift practical steps and new mechanisms to safeguard the security and sovereignty of Arab states, including Gulf countries. These steps include accelerating the activation of the Arab League’s 1950 Joint Defense and Economic Cooperation Treaty and forming a joint Arab force.

Abdelatty told a meeting of the Egyptian cabinet on Tuesday that Egypt is currently leading initiatives to establish a joint Arab force to protect Arab national security, according to Cairo News television.

GCC foreign ministers praised what they described as the “principled, strong and supportive positions” of the Egyptian leadership, particularly Cairo’s unequivocal condemnation of attacks targeting Gulf states and its declaration of full solidarity with them at this sensitive moment.

They also commended Egypt’s continued support for the Palestinian cause and its pivotal role in backing Arab issues, strengthening joint Arab action and safeguarding regional security and stability amid current challenges.

Khallaf said the ministers also reviewed institutional ties between Egypt and the GCC, praising the “qualitative leap” in relations since the signing of a memorandum of understanding on political consultations and the adoption of a joint action plan for 2024-2028.

They also highlighted momentum generated by the Egyptian-Gulf Trade and Investment Forum hosted by Cairo last November and discussed efforts to elevate relations to a comprehensive strategic partnership that would strengthen economic, trade and investment cooperation for the mutual benefit of the region’s peoples.


Is Burhan Heading for a Showdown with Sudan’s Islamists?

A circulating image shows Yasser al-Atta with the commander of the Islamist al-Baraa bin Malik militia fighting alongside the army
A circulating image shows Yasser al-Atta with the commander of the Islamist al-Baraa bin Malik militia fighting alongside the army
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Is Burhan Heading for a Showdown with Sudan’s Islamists?

A circulating image shows Yasser al-Atta with the commander of the Islamist al-Baraa bin Malik militia fighting alongside the army
A circulating image shows Yasser al-Atta with the commander of the Islamist al-Baraa bin Malik militia fighting alongside the army

The designation of Sudan’s Islamists as a terrorist entity places the country’s military leadership before difficult and narrowing choices, particularly as these currents are deeply embedded within the ruling system and wield growing influence in decision-making circles, including inside the military itself.

That reality makes any potential confrontation highly risky at a time when Sudan is already facing a fragile and volatile situation on all fronts.

The development raises key questions about what comes next: Could army commander Abdel Fattah al-Burhan move to curb the Islamists’ influence or remove them from the military? And how might they respond if targeted and the confrontation escalates?

The United States announced last Monday that it had designated the Muslim Brotherhood in Sudan a terrorist organization, accusing it of receiving support from Iran. To avoid confusion over the name, the US State Department specified the “Sudanese Islamic Movement” and included its military wing, the al-Baraa bin Malik Corps, citing links to Iran’s Revolutionary Guard Corps.

Since the fall of ousted president Omar al-Bashir after the 2019 popular uprising, Islamists and their dissolved National Congress Party have split into several civilian and military factions. When war erupted in April 2023, they regrouped in new military formations to fight alongside the Sudanese army against the Rapid Support Forces.

Ali Karti, Secretary General of the Sudanese Islamic Movement and a former foreign minister, is accused of acting as the real driver behind the army through Islamist elements within its ranks in a bid to return to power. The army and Burhan have repeatedly denied those accusations.

Some Islamist leaders say the movement has regained influence inside the institutions of the “deep state” and that confronting it would require extensive intelligence and security efforts. They also acknowledge that Islamists have become a heavy burden on the army, while Burhan appears hesitant to take a decisive stance against them.

Sources familiar with the matter say the administration of US President Donald Trump had earlier decided to designate the group but delayed announcing the move to allow time for efforts to secure a ceasefire between the army and the Rapid Support Forces.

Rising regional tensions, particularly the US-Israel confrontation with Iran, and statements by Islamist leaders fighting alongside the army declaring support for Tehran, accelerated the decision.

Those statements reportedly embarrassed Burhan before regional allies, prompting him to deny any official ties between the army and the groups and to vow to be held accountable.

Sources say the designation explicitly linked “Islamist battalions” in Sudan to training and military support from Iran’s Revolutionary Guards, potentially making them a target of US policies as the regional conflict widens.

At the same time, activists circulated an old video of Sovereignty Council member and assistant commander-in-chief Yasser al-Atta speaking about six Islamist battalions fighting within the army’s ranks.

Possible scenarios

Circles close to the Islamists expect the movement to “bend with the storm,” avoiding public positions that could trigger direct confrontation with the military authorities, particularly as any battlefield setback could allow the Rapid Support Forces to advance.

Despite that caution, those circles say Islamists remain influential, holding sway within security agencies, intelligence services and military intelligence. Their reach also extends into state institutions, including the judiciary and the public prosecution, making their removal costly and complex.

Opponents of the Islamic Movement say the army may struggle to implement the requirements of the US designation - such as freezing accounts or restricting the movement of leaders - because of the movement’s ideological penetration within the officer corps. That infiltration dates back to the 1970s and persisted for three decades under Bashir’s former “Salvation” government.

In this view, the army could try to navigate the sanctions through political maneuvering and continued cooperation with Islamists to soften their impact. But such an approach may test the international community's patience.

Babiker Faisal, head of the executive office of the Federal Gathering, says the army faces three main choices: deny the presence of Islamists within its institutions, a line Burhan has consistently taken; maneuver between the international community and the Islamists by reassuring both sides; or take a decisive step to exclude them and confront them directly.

Faisal believes Burhan is likely to pursue the maneuvering option, pointing to the Sudanese Foreign Ministry’s silence over the designation while calling instead for the Rapid Support Forces to be labeled a terrorist organization.

But he warns the approach may only buy time. The most significant aspect of the designation, he says, is its direct military link between the Islamic Movement and Iran — an issue that has become a top priority for the US administration.

A direct confrontation, he argues, would be extremely difficult given the Islamists’ grip on key state institutions and security bodies. That could push them to fight to the end in what they would see as an existential battle, especially after the decline of Brotherhood-linked movements in several regional countries.

Civilian forces opposed to the war say all possibilities remain open, including the direct targeting of Islamists, depending on regional developments or giving the army time to distance itself from them gradually.

They argue that excluding the Islamic Movement from any future political process is the shortest path to ending the war and restoring stability in Sudan.