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Yousef Al-Benyan Devotes Vast Experience to Serve Saudi Education System

Saudi Education Minister Yousef bin Abdullah Al-Benyan. (SPA)
Saudi Education Minister Yousef bin Abdullah Al-Benyan. (SPA)
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Yousef Al-Benyan Devotes Vast Experience to Serve Saudi Education System

Saudi Education Minister Yousef bin Abdullah Al-Benyan. (SPA)
Saudi Education Minister Yousef bin Abdullah Al-Benyan. (SPA)

Yousef bin Abdullah Al-Benyan was appointed as Saudi Minister of Education on Tuesday by a Royal Decree by Custodian of the Two Holy Mosques King Salman bin Abdulaziz.

A holder of advanced degrees in economics and industrial and economic management, Al-Benyan embarks on a journey to develop the education sector in the Kingdom, and to devote his vast experience to achieve the best learning environment for future generations.

Al-Benyan has held the position of Vice-Chairman and CEO of Saudi Basic Industries Corp (SABIC), the world’s largest petrochemicals manufacturers, since 2015.

He holds a bachelor’s degree in economics and a master’s degree in industrial management, in addition to many specialized diplomas in executive management.

Throughout his rich career, he occupied several posts, most notably Vice-Chairman and CEO of SABIC, and Chairman of the Board of Directors of SABIC Agri-Nutrients, SABIC Investment and Local Content Development Company (Nusaned), the Gulf Petrochemicals and Chemicals Association (GPCA), and the Petrochemical Manufacturers Committee. He was also member of the Board of Directors of the Saudi Tadawul Group and the Saudi Information Technology Company (SITE).

Al-Benyan was also appointed Chairman of the Business Group (B20) of the Group of Twenty (G20) under the Saudi Presidency. Moreover, he chaired the boards of a number of companies, and was member of many business boards, forums, boards of institutions, bodies and programs at the national and global levels.

Coming from the corridors of industrial giants, Al-Benyan is expected to contribute to the alignment of the education sector with Saudi Arabia’s goal to improve the learning environment and to stimulate creativity and innovation in order to meet the requirements of national development and the needs of the labor market.

The minister is also expected to employ his administrative experience in the building of work systems, executive strategies, and awareness of the conditions for industrial and scientific success, in line with Saudi Vision 2030, which seeks to harmonize the outputs of the educational system with the needs of the labor market, expand vocational training to advance economic development, and concentrate scholarship opportunities on areas that serve the national economy.

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Three Scenarios for Russia’s Military Presence in Syria

Russian President Vladimir Putin inspecting his troops at Hmeimim Airbase in Latakia on December 12, 2017 (Sputnik/AP)
Russian President Vladimir Putin inspecting his troops at Hmeimim Airbase in Latakia on December 12, 2017 (Sputnik/AP)
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Three Scenarios for Russia’s Military Presence in Syria

Russian President Vladimir Putin inspecting his troops at Hmeimim Airbase in Latakia on December 12, 2017 (Sputnik/AP)
Russian President Vladimir Putin inspecting his troops at Hmeimim Airbase in Latakia on December 12, 2017 (Sputnik/AP)

Russian President Vladimir Putin said on Thursday he would meet former Syrian President Bashar al-Assad, who fled to Russia after his regime fell in Damascus. But what will Putin say to his former ally? And how might their first exchange unfold, given Russia’s role in helping Assad escape on a chaotic night?

The Kremlin, known for staging Putin’s meetings with precision, might opt to limit media coverage this time. Putin could be seen sitting at a small table with Assad, now on asylum

in Moscow, in a soundless scene—one that leaves little room for formal pleasantries.

Why has Putin announced plans to meet Assad? Is it to reprimand him? Many in Russia believe Assad’s stubbornness has hurt Moscow’s efforts, threatened its gains in Syria, and could eventually risk its key military presence there.

As details remain unclear, Russian experts are racing to analyze developments in Syria and outline scenarios for the next phase.

Some Russian experts have painted grim scenarios. A member of the prestigious Russian Council on Foreign and Defense Policy warned of potential risks, including a prolonged conflict with civil war elements, a humanitarian catastrophe with millions of refugees, escalating migration in Europe, and rising tensions among nations like Israel, the US, and Iran.

He also predicted a new wave of international terrorism that could reach far beyond the region.

Other experts echoed this pessimism. One posted an image of a Syrian dissident stepping on a statue of Assad’s father, warning that “this is just the beginning.” Another blamed the crisis on the “Obama curse,” citing the West’s interference, while a third shared a bleak analysis titled, “We Must Pray for Syria.”

So far, Russian media and think tanks have avoided any optimistic outlooks for Syria’s future.

Experts, who spoke to Asharq Al-Awsat, believe Moscow may be preparing to handle one of three possible scenarios in Syria.

The first, most favorable for Russia’s interests, involves Moscow reaching an agreement with the new Syrian authorities to maintain its military presence for a limited period.

This could mean replacing the current 49-year agreements with a five-year deal to facilitate a gradual Russian withdrawal. Such an arrangement could help the new leadership in Syria manage Western pressure to cut ties with Moscow.

The second scenario envisions Russia giving up its airbase in Hmeimim while retaining a significant presence in Tartus. This would mirror agreements from 1972, which allowed Russian naval vessels to use the Tartus logistics center in the Mediterranean. This compromise would preserve Russia’s interests while reducing Western pressure on Damascus.

The third scenario involves a full Russian withdrawal from both bases, with Moscow later seeking agreements for shared use of air and sea ports. Such agreements, similar to those Russia has signed with other countries, are less likely to provoke Western opposition.

Regardless of the outcome, the Kremlin has yet to develop a clear strategy for dealing with the emerging situation in Syria.

Key questions remain, including how to curb Iran’s regional influence, manage Türkiye and Israel’s growing roles in Syria, and establish a new regional balance that secures Moscow’s minimum interests.