Mazloum Abdi: US Barred Türkiye from Carrying Out Military Operation in Syria 

SDF Commander tells Asharq Al-Awsat he won’t visit Damascus before conditions for political solution are available. 

SDF commander Mazloum Abdi. (Asharq Al-Awsat)
SDF commander Mazloum Abdi. (Asharq Al-Awsat)
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Mazloum Abdi: US Barred Türkiye from Carrying Out Military Operation in Syria 

SDF commander Mazloum Abdi. (Asharq Al-Awsat)
SDF commander Mazloum Abdi. (Asharq Al-Awsat)

Commander of the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) Mazloum Abdi said the American administration of former President Donald Trump “betrayed” its allies in the SDF when it did not oppose the Turkish infiltration in Syria in late 2019. In an interview to Asharq Al-Awsat, he revealed that the current administration has prevented Türkiye from carrying out a new operation in Syria. 

Asked if he was concerned that his forces would be “betrayed” again, he replied that “we are always worried but hope that the new American administration would fulfill its pledges and commitments and prevent Türkiye from carrying out any operation.” 

He noted that Turkish fighter jets had targeted the al-Hol camp for the displaced 80 kilometers deep into Syrian territory. “All Syrian skies were open to them and the US did nothing but make statements,” he stressed. 

Abdi spoke of the discussions he held with commander of the Russian forces in Syria Aleksandr Chaiko, who visited him at his headquarters east of the Euphrates River. They addressed Chaiko’s mediation with Ankara. “We can say that Russia is now standing in a neutral position between us and Türkiye,” said Abdi. 

Russia is trying to ensure that the 2019 Sochi agreement is being implemented and it is tackling violations when they happen. 

“On our end, we have many reservations over Türkiye and the many violations it is committing,” Abdi added. 

On the SDF’s role in Syria’s future, he stated that the force is generally part of the military’s defense organization. “But we have our conditions,” he told Asharq Al-Awsat over Zoom on Monday. “We have dispatched delegations to hold negotiations in Damascus. I want to go to Damascus when the conditions for a solution are right.” 

The SDF officially announced that it has stopped cooperation with the international anti-ISIS coalition. At the same time, we noticed that coalition and American forces deployed patrols in cooperation with the SDF. Can you explain this? 

Just so matters can be understood accurately, we had stated that the Turkish attacks were ongoing. The targeting of forces that were deploying these patrols led to the halt of these operations. The patrols were reduced to a minimum when the strikes were happening. Now, joint work has resumed. 

The issue was related to the security situation. Now that it has improved somewhat, the joint cooperation resumed. 

So cooperation between the SDF and coalition has returned to the way it was, whether related to fighting ISIS or in deploying patrols. 

Exactly. It has returned to the way it was 20 months ago. 

We noticed in recent days that the intense Turkish strikes had eased. Why? Was American pressure on Ankara truly behind this? 

I believe the American pressure on Ankara played a hand to an extent. With time, international pressure also mounted on Ankara. Ankara violated understandings that it had reached with Russia and the US alike. This prompted the major pressure that in turn led to a drop in strikes. 

The second factor, frankly, is that we, as a military force, had been well prepared. For example, the Kobani (Ain al-Arab) region, Manbij and Tal Rifaat were heavily attacked by Turkish jets and artillery, and yet, the SDF did not lose a single member. The Turks did not achieve their desired result.  

There is a belief that the US had granted Türkiye an undeclared green light to carry out its attacks over ten days. We have seen massive destruction of gas and oil infrastructure and attacks close to American military bases. Do you have any information about these claims? 

We can’t speak of a green light or coordination between the forces on the ground. But we have been very critical of the coalition forces because they are on the ground and had they fulfilled their pledges properly, the attacks would not have been this destructive. They had a very weak position towards the attacks. The Turks, just as the US Defense Department said, put the lives of American troops at risk. 

Did Turkish jets really fly over Syrian territory? 

They entered through Deir Ezzor. They struck the al-Hol camp, some 80 kilometers deep in Syrian territories. All Syrian skies were open to them. 

And the US did nothing to stop them? 

Nothing, but make statements to the media. 

The US or the West betrayed the Kurds seven times in the past 100 years Are you worried that another betrayal will happen or that Washington would abandon the Kurds in spite of the great sacrifices made in fighting ISIS? 

The last Turkish operation took place in 2019. At the time, coordination was ongoing between the Trump administration and the Turks, which led to the operation that we deemed a betrayal at the time. to take place. And to be honest, the American administration has since 2019 been exerting the greatest pressure to prevent Türkiye from carrying out a new ground operation. They have not allowed it 

Now, they have stated that the Biden administration will not allow a destructive ground operation to happen. 

We are always worried, but we hope the new American administration would fulfill its pledges and past commitments with Türkiye. We hope it would keep its word and prevent Türkiye from carrying out any operation. 

Days ago, you said that the Turkish escalation was a test to the Biden administration. Are you satisfied with the result of this test? Have you been reassured that the US is not plotting a betrayal? 

So far, we have seen that the Americans have been in direct contact with the Turks. We have asked them to keep up the pressure so that the Turks, specifically [President Recep Tayyip] Erdogan, would realize that they cannot launch any operation if they wanted to remain in power and continue to rule after the upcoming elections. 

So you are not worried about the betrayal? 
Let us be clear, that hasn’t happened yet. We are worried, and frankly, we believe the American position is not enough, but we will let things unfold over time. 

Agreements were reached between Russia, Türkiye and the US in 2019. Türkiye says that the SDF did not fulfill its pledges by withdrawing 30 or 32 kms from the border. Is it true that the SDF did not meet its pledges? 

Everyone knows that we fulfilled all agreements in full. The Russian guarantors have been around since 2019 and they are responsible for the agreement. As for the Americans, they have a deal with the Turks. 

What measures have you taken on the ground to carry out the agreement? 

First and foremost, the Turks’ main excuse was that there was a threat to their national security. Setting aside some extraordinary issues, we, as the SDF have repeatedly said that we have never carried out an operation that threatens Türkiye’s national security. No military operation directly aimed at Türkiye have been carried out from these regions. 

They have demanded the withdrawal of the Kurdish People’s Protection Units (YPG) and the removal of all heavy weapons. Is this true? 

These forces are not deployed in these regions. Officially, the forces deployed on the border are the Syrian military. They are fully deployed along the border. 

You have said that you have not threatened Türkiye’s security. Of course, Türkiye says that the Istanbul bombing was carried out by people affiliated with the SDF and YPG and that it has evidence to back this claim. 

But the US, Britain, and European countries say that they don’t have such evidence and Türkiye never presented it. Has Türkiye presented its evidence to you? 

The main problem is that the Turks don’t cooperate with anyone. They haven’t provided the Americans with information. They only provide information through the media. They want the world to believe their information. We have stated that we view the attack as terrorist but we had nothing to do with it. 

I’ll give you new information: We are relying on the information that Türkiye is providing to the media and not officially. Today, we completed the first part of the probe in all the information that Türkiye has provided and we have submitted the findings to the relevant parties, including the Americans. 

We have proven that we have nothing to do with the operation. We concluded that some of the people who were identified by Türkiye were living in cities that were controlled by ISIS. We gave them our detailed information. The woman who carried out the attack had previously carried out several visits to Afrin where her relatives live. 

Afrin is controlled by Türkiye? 

Yes. Leaders of the so-called Syrian National Army and others were stationed there before we drove them out of the region before 2018. 

The names Türkiye presented were affiliated with armed factions in Jarablus and other regions. We presented the names of the people from Jarablus and Afrin along with the evidence. We will complete the second phase of the probe in the coming days. 

Who do you think is behind the attack? 

We don’t want to accuse anyone, but we know that it has something to do with the regions that are occupied by Türkiye. We have evidence that some of the explosives were obtained from those regions. The suspects came from those areas as well. They are present in Afrin and Jarablus. The probe must prove that the SDF had nothing to do with the operation. 

What about the talks with Russia? Turkish media has leaked a lot of information. The commander of the Russian forces was in Qamishli. What have the Russians offered you after the Turkish escalation? 

Let us correct this information first. They said he came from Qamishli airport. When they visit us, they come to our bases. 

Do they pass through American checkpoints to visit you? 

They come to our bases. 

The Russian command came to us. We completed meetings with the Russian forces commander Chaiko not too long ago. Türkiye accuses Russia of not forcing us to commit to the 2019 Sochi agreement. For its part, Russia is trying to make the Turks commit to the agreement.  

We can say that Russia is now standing in a neutral position between us and Türkiye. It is trying to apply the agreement and tackle violations when they happen. For our part, we have several reservations against Türkiye and the many violations it is committing. 

For instance, they speak of a 30km buffer zone, while they recently infiltrated it 70 – 80 kms deep. They have established infrastructure and boast a military force. These are all violations. 

On our end, we have been asking them to play their role and make Türkiye commit to the agreement. Of course, Türkiye has reservations against us, including claims that we are threatening its national security. 

We are committed to the agreement, in spite of individual violations that are acts of retaliation. We will commit to the 2019 agreements. 

Officially, we are not present on the border, so their demand that we pull out 30kms deep is not valid. The security forces (Asayish) are there, but they are not part of the deal. The Asayish will be present in all areas. They were not part of the withdrawal deal. The SDF is committed to the agreements. 

Our meetings with the Russians were primarily aimed at addressing the violations.  

It was said that Russia offered the withdrawal of the SDF from Kobani and Manbij in return for the deployment of the regime forces. 

Let me tell you something, the regime has more forces there than we do, nearly double ours. The regime is deployed in Kobani, Manbij and Tal Rifaat. The regime has enough forces in these regions. 

An attack on Kobani and Manbij will be more of a problem for the regime than us. The regime is present on the border and they will be targeted. The regime may then take the decision to withdraw and refrain from fighting. It may choose to leave the area to the Turkish army or to fight. 

Is it true that Iran mobilized its forces in the Aleppo countryside and is now presenting itself as a partner on the ground? 

The Iranians are present in Tal Rifaat and al-Shahba, and Nobl and al-Zahraa in the Aleppo countryside. East of the Euphrates and al-Jazira, they are not deployed in an official capacity, but stationed there with the regime. 

What about the talks with Damascus? We know that you signed a document with Syria’s national security chief Ali Mamlouk in 2019. An agreement was reached on the deployment of forces in specific regions. Was this deal carried out in full? 

We consider that it was carried out fully, whether with the regime or Russia, which in turn had reached deals with Türkiye and others. We did not agree to the return of regime institutions. We only agreed on the border guard and the presence of the regime on the border. We committed to this and assisted in the army’s deployment in full on the border. Currently, we have no need for more agreements. 

We are in agreement with the regime over main issues related to maintaining Syria’s territorial integrity. Problems lie in other areas, such as administrative affairs and issues related to education, for example. 

There are, however, disagreements over the Kurdish language, the future of the SDF and the autonomous Kurdish administration. 

Overall, for example, we are not opposed to the SDF becoming part of the defense organization of the Syrian army. We have conditions, however. We boast over 100,000 fighters, who have spent the past ten years in combat. They need a constitutional and legal resolution. The SDF must have a role and specific distinction in the military. We are in agreement over general issues, but the problems lie in the details. 

It appears that Damascus is demanding that you send a greater amount of oil. You are sending greater amounts to al-Sheikh Masoud in Aleppo, while government-held regions are suffering from a major fuel and energy crisis. 

Let me tell you something, Türkiye is threatening Tal Rifaat and al-Sheikh Masoud. Moreover, the regime has imposed a stifling siege on these regions. It is blocking diesel fuel, flour and food shipments. The people are hungry and suffering in the cold and are living without electricity. This has been going on since the Turks began making their threats. This is unacceptable. We may be forced to reply in kind if the situation persists. 

What was the extent of the destruction to the gas and oil infrastructure by Türkiye’s attacks? 

The attacks were aimed at taking institutions out of service, including the lone home gas company. It was taken out of service after being directly targeted. Several refineries were also hit. Over 50 percent of the sectors were damaged. Repairs and reconstruction are underway. 

Mamlouk and Turkish intelligence chief Hakan Fidan met in Moscow in July. Syrian and Turkish security officers met in Kasab later. Are you worried about the Syrian-Turkish security cooperation? Do you believe Ankara and Damascus have set up security coordination, especially on how to confront the SDF? 

Let us be more accurate. We know that the Syrian state opposes the Turkish occupation of more Syrian territories. This is a general national stance. But we have our concerns. 

When Türkiye carries out its threats, our priority should lie in resisting the occupation and standing together against the attempted occupation. 

In the end, Türkiye is trying to occupy Syrian territories, such as Kobani, Tal Rifaat and others. We believe that Damascus has voiced a weak position against this threat. It is trying to benefit from it rather than stand with us against the Turkish occupation. 

They want to exploit the situation to pressure the regions that we may hold dialogue about in the future, such as Manbij, Deir Ezzor, Raqqa and others. I wanted to bring this up because a national stance has not been taken over it. 

Generally, we know that several meetings have been held and they aren’t denying it. 

We have heard claims that Türkiye sometimes asks to coordinate attacks with the regime against certain targets and that Damascus had turned it down. We hope this is true and that they would not coordinate to attack us in these regions. 

Moreover, we have heard through the media that Syrian President Bashar Assad is refusing to meet with Erdogan until after elections are held in Türkiye. We believe this is the right position and will help resolve the Syrian problem.  

Erdogan wants to be victorious in the elections and eliminate the Kurds. He has two options: Either carry out a military operation and later declare victory that he will invest for electoral gain, or reach an agreement with Damascus at the expense of the Kurds. He will also invest this in the elections. 

I have learned that you refuse to visit Damascus. Why so? What are your conditions for negotiations? 

We dispatch delegations to Damascus. I want to go when the conditions for the solution are available. I want my trip to Damascus to help in reaching a peaceful solution to the current crisis. 



Iran-Aligned Faction Demands Downsizing of ‘World’s Largest Embassy’

Members of Iraq’s Popular Mobilization Forces parade in Baghdad’s Tahrir Square to mark the withdrawal of US troops from Iraq (DPA)
Members of Iraq’s Popular Mobilization Forces parade in Baghdad’s Tahrir Square to mark the withdrawal of US troops from Iraq (DPA)
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Iran-Aligned Faction Demands Downsizing of ‘World’s Largest Embassy’

Members of Iraq’s Popular Mobilization Forces parade in Baghdad’s Tahrir Square to mark the withdrawal of US troops from Iraq (DPA)
Members of Iraq’s Popular Mobilization Forces parade in Baghdad’s Tahrir Square to mark the withdrawal of US troops from Iraq (DPA)

As Iraq’s government steps up celebrations marking the end of the international coalition’s mission and the US withdrawal, an Iran-aligned armed faction is demanding a smaller US mission in Baghdad and an end to what it calls “Washington’s economic dominance.”

Since last Wednesday, authorities in Baghdad have mobilized resources for official celebrations of what they have designated “National Sovereignty Day.”

Iran and its allies have hailed the departure of the last troops - mainly from an air base in Erbil, in the Kurdistan region - as a “victory,” even as some Iraqis voice concern over geopolitical challenges.

An agreed timetable

Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi told a “Sovereignty Day” conference on Friday that Iraq’s foundations of “political, economic and security sovereignty” were taking firm hold.

“Iraqis have passed every difficult test,” he told executive and legislative officials, saying the country had reached a moment when it was renewing its resolve to protect the state and its system of government.

Al-Zaidi said Iraq’s restored sovereignty was reflected in the withdrawal of foreign troops and the complete end of the international coalition’s mission.

He also cited an agreement for Turkish forces and Kurdistan Workers’ Party members to withdraw, an end to the presence of foreign armed groups in Iraq, and the unification of Peshmerga forces to strengthen unified security and military decision-making.

He reaffirmed that Iraq would not be used as a launchpad for attacks on neighboring countries, and pledged to bring weapons under control in line with the constitution and the law, following an agreed timetable to address the factions’ status and integrate them into state institutions.

Iraqi Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi attends the Sovereignty Day Conference marking the withdrawal of US-led coalition forces from Iraq, in Baghdad, Iraq, October 1, 2026. Iraqi Prime Minister's Media Office/Handout via REUTERS

The government had originally given the factions until Sept. 30 to surrender their weapons, coinciding with the end of the coalition’s mission. The groups had used the coalition’s presence to justify keeping their arms.

The government later dropped that deadline and extended it to June 2027.

Barzani in Baghdad

Al-Zaidi’s speech made no mention of the role of foreign forces. Kurdistan Region President Nechirvan Barzani, however, praised the US-led coalition for helping Iraqis defeat ISIS.

“Sovereignty means that the state has the final say,” Barzani said in a speech delivered in Arabic. Decisions on war and peace must rest exclusively with the state’s legitimate authorities, he added, and the constitution and federal system must be upheld.

During that difficult period, the United States, the coalition and Iraq’s friends had stood by the country and provided help at the Iraqi government’s request, he said.

“Today, as they leave Iraqi territory under the agreement concluded with the federal government, we will not forget that support and assistance,” Barzani said, adding that Iraqis would always regard it with appreciation and respect.

“But true gratitude should evolve into assuming national responsibility in Iraq.”

“The world’s largest embassy”

The Nujaba Movement, led by Iran-aligned Akram al-Kaabi, warned against any continued US military presence, including through security companies or advisers.

“Dealing on an equal footing requires the US Embassy to be like other embassies, rather than a vast security and military compound,” the movement said in a statement on Friday, describing it as the world’s largest embassy.

Nujaba demanded an end to US dominance over Iraq’s economy and resources and to American interference in its political affairs.

It also called for freeing Iraqi skies from US aircraft it described as attacking, and keeping US forces away from Iraq’s borders in Syria, Jordan and Kuwait.

Iraqi Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi delivers a speech during the Sovereignty Day Conference marking the withdrawal of US-led coalition forces from Iraq, in Baghdad, Iraq, October 1, 2026. Iraqi Prime Minister's Media Office/Handout via REUTERS

After the withdrawal

Experts and activists are questioning what comes next.

Foreign troops stationed in Iraq under an agreement with its government had not undermined sovereignty in the first place, political activist Montadhar Naser said.

“Nevertheless, their departure signals that Iraq no longer needs any outside force,” he told Asharq Al-Awsat.

The authorities must now prove they can exercise full control on the ground, he said, while factions continue to defy the state and the law and push Iraq to the brink of regional military confrontations.

Political science professor Talib Mohammed Karim said Iraq’s political groups agreed on sovereignty in principle, but differed over what it meant and how to achieve it.

“The international community, meanwhile, engages with Iraq according to the extent to which it makes unified decisions through its institutions,” he told Asharq Al-Awsat.


Health Care: A New Struggle for Those Fleeing Houthi Attacks

Many displaced people in Yemen need treatment, while health facilities are out of their reach (UN)
Many displaced people in Yemen need treatment, while health facilities are out of their reach (UN)
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Health Care: A New Struggle for Those Fleeing Houthi Attacks

Many displaced people in Yemen need treatment, while health facilities are out of their reach (UN)
Many displaced people in Yemen need treatment, while health facilities are out of their reach (UN)

Anwar Abdullah had no choice but to flee his home in Yemen’s western Hodeidah province with his wife and six children as Houthi attacks drew close on the night of Sept. 10.

He initially did not know what was happening, but soon realized staying was no longer an option.

“We didn’t know what was happening, then we realized there was fighting. I took my children and my wife and we came to Aden. We left everything behind,” said Abdullah, 29.

The family headed toward Mokha before continuing to Aden, leaving their home, belongings and former life behind.

Thousands of displaced people in Yemen due to Houthi attacks lack healthcare (local media)

They now live in a temporary shelter in northern Aden with few basic necessities. Even preparing a simple meal is a daily challenge: lacking basic cooking equipment, they must cook with firewood beside the shelter.

Reaching a safer place has not ended their suffering. For Abdullah’s family and thousands of other displaced people, fleeing brought a new struggle: getting medical care when a family member falls ill.

They are among thousands of families that arrived in Aden during the latest wave of displacement following renewed fighting along Yemen’s western coast.

By the end of September, the Yemeni government had recorded nearly 200,000 people displaced. Four sites in Aden and Lahj were hosting about 6,500 displaced people before the latest wave arrived.

Since then, the population at some sites has doubled.

Many displaced Yemeni families live in temporary shelters awaiting aid (local media)

Their needs go beyond shelter and food. Many need treatment, but health facilities are difficult to reach for families worn down by displacement and poverty.

The displacement sites visited by teams from Doctors Without Borders, known by its French acronym MSF, are four to 10 kilometers from health facilities.

Distances that might seem short under normal circumstances become a major barrier for families struggling to meet basic needs.

Fuel shortages and rising prices put transport costs, along with the cost of medicines, beyond many families’ means.

“We see sick children, pregnant women who cannot access health care, people with wounds and older people who need medical services but struggle to access them,” said Sara Ghanim, MSF mobile health activity manager in Aden.

Patients without care

The health crisis is evident at the sites visited by medical teams. They have treated wounds and injuries, malnutrition, fever and diarrhea, along with untreated communicable and noncommunicable diseases.

They have also identified pregnant women who received no prenatal care, children with severe malnutrition and others who have not completed their vaccinations.

MSF teams are bringing some health services to displaced people rather than waiting for them to reach medical centers.

Mobile medical teams provide modest services to hundreds fleeing Houthi escalation (local media)

In the first week of the mobile health response, the teams examined 427 patients at four sites in Aden’s Dar Saad and Sheikh Othman districts and Lahj’s Tuban district.

Most patients were women and children. About 40% had been newly displaced by the latest escalation in Taiz and along the western coast.

The teams provide medical consultations and rapid tests, including hemoglobin and blood sugar measurements, malaria and dengue screening, and urine tests.

They also offer routine vaccinations, malnutrition screening, pregnancy tests and family planning services.

Patients needing further care are referred to health facilities able to provide the necessary treatment.

A system under pressure

The response comes as Yemen’s health system faces mounting pressures, according to MSF.

“We see enormous pressure on a health system that is already collapsing and has faced numerous challenges for years,” Ghanim said.

As displaced people continue to arrive, MSF is assessing the sites hosting them and says it is ready to expand its response if health needs increase.

Its work extends beyond mobile teams. Since April, MSF has supported primary health care services in Al-Farshah in rural Lahj and Al-Basateen in Aden.

The two facilities serve areas where displaced people live, both in displacement sites and among host communities.

For families like Abdullah’s, reaching safety does not necessarily end the displacement journey.

After leaving their homes and belongings behind, finding medical care, food and other basic necessities becomes another part of a prolonged struggle whose end they cannot foresee.


From Air to Ground, Taiz Front Lines Repel Houthi Advance

Yemeni army troops fight fierce battles against the Houthis across the Taiz and western Lahj fronts (Military media)
Yemeni army troops fight fierce battles against the Houthis across the Taiz and western Lahj fronts (Military media)
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From Air to Ground, Taiz Front Lines Repel Houthi Advance

Yemeni army troops fight fierce battles against the Houthis across the Taiz and western Lahj fronts (Military media)
Yemeni army troops fight fierce battles against the Houthis across the Taiz and western Lahj fronts (Military media)

Government forces intensified operations across Yemen’s Taiz province over the past few hours, targeting Houthi movements and reinforcements under heavy air cover and recapturing positions the group had infiltrated as fighting entered a pivotal phase.

Successive Yemeni army statements reported 75 airstrikes on Houthi positions and movements in Taiz over 24 hours.

The strikes came in successive waves targeting concentrations of fighters, vehicles, military equipment, reinforcements, weapons depots, command-and-control centers and supply points, according to statements by armed forces spokesman Col. Majed al-Nuzaili.

The airstrikes extended across a broad stretch of Taiz's front lines, rather than concentrating on a single sector.

Security forces of the Yemeni government patrol a street and set up checkpoints in Taiz late on September 27, 2026. (Photo by AFP)

Strikes also hit Sanaa, Saada and Hajjah, indicating a widening confrontation and an effort by government forces to disrupt the movement and supply routes the Houthis use in their operations.

The strikes targeted Humair, Bani Bakari, Sami, al-Aqroudh, Sixty Street, al-A'mour and al-Wazi'iyah in Taiz, as well as Midi and Bani Hassan in Hajjah. A second wave targeted al-Rad'ah, al-Aqroudh, Bani Bakari, al-Kadhah, Mount Nu'man, al-Ajram and al-Marzam in Taiz.

The largest wave, comprising 27 airstrikes, targeted a missile depot, command-and-control centers, forward supply and weapons distribution points, concentrations of fighters, vehicles and military equipment.

It hit positions on Sixty Street north of Taiz city; Bani Omar; Humair in Maqbanah; eastern al-Wazi'iyah; al-Ahkoum and al-Athawir in Hayfan; al-Kadhah; Mount Nu'man; al-Kuraifat; Aqabat Munif; al-Tashrifat; al-Aqroudh; Sami; and al-Shaqab in Sabir al-Mawadim.

In another wave, Yemen's armed forces announced 15 airstrikes in Taiz, targeting Ras Dariz, al-A'mour, Jashi Athawir, Ras Hami at al-Khazzan on the al-Ka'awish front, and al-Junaid village in Hayfan. The military said the strikes neutralized dozens of fighters and reinforcements and destroyed equipment and vehicles.

The military statements suggest the strikes went beyond limited air support for front-line troops, forming part of operations targeting the Houthis' movement, supply and command networks across multiple fronts.

Smoke rises from explosions during what the Yemeni Armed Forces said were strikes targeting Houthi militia personnel, equipment and movements, at a location given as Taiz, Yemen in this still image from video released October 1, 2026. Media Center of the Yemeni Armed Forces/Handout via REUTERS

Attacks repelled

The strikes coincided with fierce clashes involving government forces and the Popular Resistance on several Taiz fronts, particularly Bani Bakari in Jabal Habashi, Humair in Maqbanah and al-Aqroudh southeast of the province, as well as al-Kadhah, Mount Han and the northern and eastern fronts of Taiz city.

Military sources said government forces repelled Houthi attacks and forced the attackers to retreat. On the Sami front southeast of the province, government forces and the Popular Resistance also repelled a Houthi assault before reinforcing their positions, while the Houthis withdrew toward Dimnat Khadir.

Sources said about 20 Houthi fighters were captured on the Sami front, along with Houthi vehicles. In al-Aqroudh, they reported that government fire killed about 30 Houthi fighters and wounded about 50 others.

A separate military tally put Houthi losses at about 100 fighters killed, dozens wounded and others captured following the group's attacks on several fronts in the province. Military vehicles were also disabled and weapons depots destroyed, according to the tally.

Taiz mountains formed a natural barrier against the Houthi advance (Military media)

Field assessments suggested the Houthi plan was to seize parts of rural Taiz and impose a siege on the city, with the group massing dozens of battalions for the operation.

Government forces and the Popular Resistance held their positions before some units began recapturing sites the Houthis had infiltrated in al-Shamayatayn, Jabal Habashi and Sami.

Beyond repelling the attacks, government forces, backed by the Popular Resistance and local residents, announced they had recaptured important areas in the Bani Omar subdistrict of al-Shamayatayn, south of Taiz.

Sources said the forces recaptured Dar al-Rahah and advanced toward Shi'b al-Darahim, while the Houthis suffered losses in personnel and equipment and several of their fighters were captured. Fighting continued at other positions.

Government forces say they have so far thwarted the plan to seize parts of rural Taiz and besiege the city. The fronts remain vulnerable to renewed attacks, particularly as Houthi military movements continue along roads linking different parts of the province.

Restrictions on Houthi movement routes

The developments coincided with continued airstrikes on routes used by the Houthis, extending the fighting beyond direct clashes over positions to attacks on reinforcements, vehicles and sources of supply.

Yemen's armed forces also announced broad precautionary measures to protect civilians, urging residents, drivers and civilian transport operators to avoid roads used by the Houthis to move fighters and military supplies until further notice.

The list included the Sanaa–Dhamar–Ibb–al-Qa'idah–al-Hawban–al-Qasr roundabout route and the al-Hawban–al-Dimnah–al-Rahidah–Hayfan–al-Qubaytah–al-Mafalis route.

It also included roads connecting Sharab, al-Rubai, al-Barh, al-Kadhah, al-Wazi'iyah, Mawza and Mokha, as well as roads through al-Aqroudh, Sami, al-Ayyar and Jabal Habashi.

The warnings indicated the widening scope of military movements. The armed forces stressed that the measures were temporary and precautionary and that protecting civilians and their property was a priority.

In a parallel development, air defenses announced they had intercepted and shot down Houthi suicide drones over Aden, Yemen's temporary capital. The army spokesman said the drones were downed before reaching their targets in civilian areas and neighborhoods.

Strikes were also announced against high-value targets in Sanaa and 11 high-value military targets in Saada, signaling an expansion of operations beyond the Taiz fronts into the Houthi heartland.

The Houthis' attempt to control Taiz cost them hundreds of deaths and injuries in a week (Military media)

Presidential consultations

Alongside the developments on the battlefield, Presidential Leadership Council Chairman Rashad Mohammed al-Alimi held extensive consultations on the situation in Taiz.

He received briefings on the operations from council members Abdulrahman al-Muharrami and Mahmoud al-Subaihi, the defense minister, the chief of the General Staff, the commander of the Fourth Military Region, and military and security officials in the province.

The briefings covered troop readiness, efforts to secure roads and supply lines, responses to attempted infiltrations and breaches, and Houthi losses from the fighting and airstrikes.

Al-Alimi said government forces would continue operations according to established plans.

The Houthis had started the war and the armed forces would end it, he said, according to official media, with the aim of restoring state institutions, recovering the capital Sanaa and ending the coup.

He also urged residents of Houthi-controlled areas to resist mobilization campaigns and prevent their children from being drawn into attacks he described as doomed to fail.

He renewed the state's commitment to what he called the "Safe Return Initiative," saying its doors remained open to those who chose to side with the state and its institutions.