Asharq Al-Awsat Tours Hasaka and Qamishli where Kurds, Syrian Regime Vie for Control

Syrian Kurds take part in a rally in the Syrian city of Qamishli in support of the independence referendum . (AFP)
Syrian Kurds take part in a rally in the Syrian city of Qamishli in support of the independence referendum . (AFP)
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Asharq Al-Awsat Tours Hasaka and Qamishli where Kurds, Syrian Regime Vie for Control

Syrian Kurds take part in a rally in the Syrian city of Qamishli in support of the independence referendum . (AFP)
Syrian Kurds take part in a rally in the Syrian city of Qamishli in support of the independence referendum . (AFP)

Pharmacist Abdulhakim Ramadan, 52, lives with his family in al-Hasaka province in northern Syria. He lives in a city that has been divided between Syrian regime and Kurdish control. His house faces the recruitment center in the middle of security zone that is controlled by the regime. His pharmacy is located on Palestine Street at the dividing line between regime regions and regions under Kurdish autonomous rule since 2014. The Kurdish zones are controlled by the Democratic Union Party (PYD) and Arab and Christian forces.

Ramadan has been a pharmacist since 1992 and, on daily basis, he moves between his residence to his pharmacy amid heavy security measures imposed by the regime and Kurds. He complains about the several military checkpoints set up by both sides.

The presence of the two sides in the area has not been without incident.

Ramadan told Asharq Al-Awsat how clashes had erupted in the past between the regime forces and Kurdish Asayesh near his pharmacy.

“We were trapped for several hours. We could not get out or move due to the severe clashes,” he recalled.

The regime has been striving to take over the area where his pharmacy is located because it is at the heart of Hasaka city’s trade center.

The regime withdrawal from several Syrian regions at the beginning of 2013 gave the Kurds the chance to form local committees in three areas where they make up the majority of the population. The Hasaka and Qamishli cities are one of these areas, in addition to Ain al-Arab (Kobane) in the eastern Aleppo countryside and Afrin city in the northern Aleppo countryside.

Afrin has since January 20 come under a fierce Turkish offensive to expel Kurds from the border area with Turkey. Afrin has been under Kurdish control since 2012.

The Syrian regime has kept two security zones in Hasaka and Qamishli. The zone in Hasaka starts from Qamishli Street in the west and includes the president’s square, government buildings, the judicial palace, municipal headquarters and part of the main market. The zone ends at the military neighborhood in the east.

Palestine Street divides central Hasaka between regime- and Asayesh- controlled areas. The Asayesh are local Kurdish police. Both of these forces deploy checkpoints on either side of the central market. The Asayesh have set up checkpoints near each regime military checkpoint.

Ramadan describes the scene as a “sealed military zone,” saying that the checkpoints should be removed from the city.

The local authority has become in charge of managing the people’s daily lives and various services in the city. It has even introduced Kurdish into school curricula and formed institutions that operate independently from regime circles. These institutions collect taxes from the people and issue official papers. Ramadan revealed that he pays taxes to both the regime and local authority because his pharmacy lies between the regime- and Kurdish- controlled areas.

Suad, a woman in her early 50s, lives near the municipal headquarters in central Hasaka. She describes living in the city as living in “a state within a state” due to the presence of semi-autonomous authorities within the regime’s security zone.

“On the surface, the zone is controlled by the regime, but it is actually managed by the local authority. The truth is, no one knows who is ruling us,” she told Asharq Al-Awsat

Divided city

The situation in Qamishli in the northeastern most point in Syria is not much different than the one in the Hasaka province.

The regime still controls a security zone that includes security headquarters, part of the main city market and Qamishli’s sole airport, which is the only link between the province and the rest of Syria.

A walk along the central market’s main street takes you to an Asayesh checkpoint. Nearby are semi-autonomous administrations. A walk further down the road and you are stopped by a traffic policeman, who stands by the local post office. The office is only meters away from another Asayesh checkpoint. Walking further, you come across a square with a statue of late ruler Hafez al-Assad. North of this point lie the regime’s security agencies, intelligence units, security forces and police.

Asaad Abou Rawand owns a pastry shop that is located just in front of the square with Assad’s statue. He said that the presence of state institutions and regime headquarters serves the citizens in the area.

“My shop is located in the middle of the security zone. Meters west are the regime forces and traffic police. Meters east are he Asayesh members, who work for the local administration. The two sides are in agreement and they do not intervene in the people’s affairs,” he said.

“Customers come to us and they can buy the tastiest sweets without being harassed,” he told Asharq Al-Awsat.

The PYD and semi-autonomous parties had in March 2016 announced a federal system in the regions under their control in northeastern Syria. The region, called Democratic Federation of Northern Syria, was divided into three administrations: Al-Jazeera in the northeast, which includes Hasaka and Qamishli, the north central Euphrates that includes al-Raqqa, Tal Abyad and al-Tabaqa, and Afrin in the northwest.

Fawza Youssef, head of the joint executive authority for the Democratic Federation of Northern Syria, said that the regime has a “limited” presence in the security zones in each of Qamishli and Hasaka.

“They do not have the authority to interfere in the people’s lives because the administration is the real manager of the region. There is no relationship between them unless urgent issues emerge that directly affect the people,” she said.

In Qamishli, the Asayesh controls the majority of the city and has set up headquarters at government institutions. The regime and national defense militia controls the security zone and Qamishli airport. The Sootoro, a Christian force allied with the regime, controls the Christian neighborhoods in central Qamishli.

Kurdish opposition figure and Qamishli resident Saraj Kalash, 52, said that the intelligence and security agencies are almost not operational in the city.

“The better term is that they are sleeping. There have been no reports of arrests, raids or patrols,” he sad.

The regime has limited its role to judicial circles and civilian affairs, he explained.

Each military side has designated the border of their areas of control with checkpoints. The Asayesh do not intervene in the areas under Sootoro control to avoid any clash. Clashes had erupted in 2016 between them when the former attempted to seize control of Qamishli’s Christian neighborhood.

Kalash said that the ties between the PYD and Syrian regime are clear.

“The party controls all institutions and resources in the region, including the economic, social, political, security and civilian aspects of the people’s daily lives,” he added.

Criticism

Before the eruption of the revolt against the regime in 2011, the Kurds, who make up 15 percent of the Syrian population, complained of marginalization by the ruling Baath party.

Haifa al-Arbo, co-governor of the al-Jazeera province, said: “We as Kurds are not concerned with who will rule Syria in the future as much as we care about building a political system based on federal rule and de-centeralized politics.”

“We are a part of Syria and we do not want to secede from it,” she stressed.

The opposition Kurdish National Council, which is part of the National Coalition for Syrian Revolutionary and Opposition Forces, has criticized the PYD’s ties with the Syrian regime.

Council member Bashar Amin said that the local Kurdish administration “does not have complete freedom in taking decisions because it still has ties with the regime. It acts in coordination with it, especially in central issues.”

Analysts and journalist Alan Hassan said that the relationship between the PYD and regime appears “murky” in the media alone. The two sides in fact have common interests in having the regime presence in Qamishli and Hasaka.

“The regime withdrawal from Hasaka would cut off ties between it and the local administration. The latter does not want to secede from Syria and the regime does not want to abandon this territory, which is rich in oil and gas,” he explained.



Why Metal Prices are Soaring to Record Highs

A salesman displays gold chains at an Indian jewelry store in September. Idrees MOHAMMED / AFP
A salesman displays gold chains at an Indian jewelry store in September. Idrees MOHAMMED / AFP
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Why Metal Prices are Soaring to Record Highs

A salesman displays gold chains at an Indian jewelry store in September. Idrees MOHAMMED / AFP
A salesman displays gold chains at an Indian jewelry store in September. Idrees MOHAMMED / AFP

Precious and industrial metals are surging to record highs as the year ends, driven by economic and geopolitical uncertainty, robust industrial demand and, in some cases, tight supply.

Below AFP examines the reasons for the surge in demand.

- Safe havens -

Gold and silver are traditionally seen as safe-haven assets, and demand has soared amid mounting geopolitical tensions, from US President Donald Trump's tariffs onslaught to wars in Ukraine and Gaza, as well as recent pressure by Washington on Caracas.

Investors are also uneasy about rising public debt in major economies and the risk of a bubble in the artificial intelligence sector.

These uncertainties are driving up gold and silver, with other metals now starting to see the impact as investors seek to diversify their portfolios, explained John Plassard, an analyst at Cite Gestion Private Bank.

"Metal is once again becoming insurance rather than just a speculative asset," he told AFP.

- A weak dollar -

Traditional safe havens like the dollar and US Treasuries have become less attractive this year.

Uncertainty around Trump's presidency and the prospect of further Federal Reserve interest rate cuts, have weakened the dollar, reducing its appeal to investors.

As a result, many investors are turning to gold and silver.

Gold has climbed more than 70 percent this year and passed $4,500 an ounce for the first time on Wednesday, while silver reached a record high of $72 an ounce, with prices up about 2.5 times since January.

A weak dollar is also boosting industrial metals, since commodities priced in dollars become cheaper for buyers when the currency falls.

- Fresh demand -

Industrial demand has surged in recent months, driven by the rise of artificial intelligence and the energy transition.

Copper, used for solar panels, wind turbines, electric vehicle batteries and data centers, has seen strong gains as a result.

Prices hit a record on Wednesday, topping $12,000 a ton, helped further by China, the world's largest copper consumer, announcing new measures to boost demand.

Aluminium, a cheaper alternative to copper, and silver are also benefiting from the AI boom and the shift to renewable energy.

Platinum and palladium, used in car catalytic converters, have also risen, reaching a record high and a three-year high respectively, after the European Union decided to allow sales of new internal combustion vehicles beyond 2035.

- Tight supply -

Copper prices have been lifted this year by fears of US tariffs, prompting companies to stockpile ahead of their introduction, with duties imposed on semi-finished products and potentially extending to refined copper.

Supply risks from disruptions at mines in the Democratic Republic of Congo, Chile and Indonesia have added to the price surge.

Physical markets for silver, platinum, and aluminium are also tight.

According to Ole Hansen, an analyst at Saxo Bank, thin holiday trading, which increases volatility, and investor fear of missing out have further amplified the rise at the end of the year.


How Trump’s Decisions Reshaped Syria

A photo of US President Donald Trump meeting Syrian President Ahmed al-Sharaa in Washington on Nov. 10 (AFP)
A photo of US President Donald Trump meeting Syrian President Ahmed al-Sharaa in Washington on Nov. 10 (AFP)
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How Trump’s Decisions Reshaped Syria

A photo of US President Donald Trump meeting Syrian President Ahmed al-Sharaa in Washington on Nov. 10 (AFP)
A photo of US President Donald Trump meeting Syrian President Ahmed al-Sharaa in Washington on Nov. 10 (AFP)

In a crowded regional and international landscape shaped by overlapping security, strategic, economic, and political pressures, the administration of US President Donald Trump has moved since its return to the White House in January 2025 to recalibrate its approach to Syria.

After years of US policy marked by hesitation and competing agendas, particularly under the administrations of Barack Obama and Joe Biden, Washington is now pursuing a more direct and openly pragmatic course, one focused on achieving tangible results on the ground and managing delicate balances, rather than ideological commitments or long-term strategic gambles.

The shift reflects profound changes inside Syria itself, led by the collapse of the former regime and the emergence of a new government seeking to consolidate domestic legitimacy and secure international recognition.

These developments coincide with the persistent threat posed by ISIS, a retreat in Iranian influence, and the expanding regional roles of Saudi Arabia, Türkiye, and Qatar.

Within this evolving landscape, Washington is repositioning its policy in line with what officials describe as Trump’s Middle East doctrine, centered on enforcing stability, limiting the costs of direct military involvement, and opening pathways for reconstruction, development, and investment.

Interests before ideology

Commenting on this shift, Firas Fahham, a researcher at the Abaad Studies Center, said President Trump’s policy toward Syria could be described as “decidedly pragmatic,” focusing primarily on international and economic interests while setting aside the ideological or intellectual background of Syria’s new government.

Fahham said the central pillar of the emerging convergence between Washington and Damascus was preventing the return of Iranian influence to Syria, a goal that sits at the top of the current US administration’s priorities.

He added that this approach could not be separated from the positions of Arab states allied with the United States, which have openly supported the new Syrian government, led by Saudi Arabia, followed by Türkiye and Qatar.

Fahham said the Trump administration had shown a willingness to respond to these positions, viewing them as a key foundation for rebuilding regional alliances.

Comparing the approach with previous administrations, Fahham said the policies of Obama and Biden had been closer to allowing Iran a free hand in the region and supporting minority influence, particularly through close cooperation with the Syrian Democratic Forces, known as the SDF.

He said this had complicated the landscape and weakened prospects for establishing a strong central state capable of maintaining security and preventing the return of extremist groups.

From Riyadh to Washington...turning points

Fahham traced key milestones in Trump’s new policy, saying the starting point came during meetings held in Riyadh in June, when the US president, at the request of Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, announced the lifting of sanctions on Syria.

He described the move as the first positive signal from Washington toward Damascus. This was followed by a trilateral meeting bringing together Trump, the Saudi Crown Prince, and Syrian President Ahmed al-Sharaa, during which the US president offered notable praise for his Syrian counterpart, reflecting Washington’s desire for political openness.

The most important moment, Fahham said, came at the Washington summit held in November, when Trump received President al-Sharaa at the White House in what he described as a pivotal turning point.

Following the meeting, the US administration began concrete efforts to pressure Congress to repeal the Caesar Act, while announcing Syria’s inclusion in the international coalition against ISIS.

This, Fahham said, shifted the relationship from limited coordination to something resembling an alliance.

The SDF and the future of eastern Syria

On the issue of the Syrian Democratic Forces, Fahham said the Trump administration was dealing with the matter from a strictly practical standpoint, balancing its interests with Syria’s new government, reflected in reduced support for the SDF compared with the Biden era, and its interests with its Turkish ally.

Washington, he said, now views Damascus as the most effective actor in the fight against ISIS.

This assessment, he said, was based on recommendations from US research centers. They concluded that previous reliance on the Kurdish component alone, and practices associated with it in eastern Syria, had created a sense of grievance that ISIS later exploited for recruitment.

As a result, the administration became convinced that cooperation with Damascus was more effective.

In a related context, Fahham said Washington viewed Israeli incursions in southern Syria with dissatisfaction, considering them destabilizing and contrary to Trump’s vision for regional development.

The United States, he added, fears that weakening the Syrian government could reopen the door to renewed Iranian influence and ISIS activity.

As for the southern province of Sweida, Fahham said the US administration supports integrating the province into the state, citing remarks by US envoy Tom Barrack, who stated that decentralization had failed in the Middle East, reflecting a preference for backing a unified Syria.

A parallel reading from the military establishment

From another angle, researcher on armed groups Raed al-Hamed offered a complementary reading of the US position.

He said that although Trump, during his first term, had moved toward withdrawing forces and ending the partnership with the SDF, warnings from senior military commanders about a possible ISIS resurgence after the battle of Baghouz in March 2019 prompted him to keep about 2,000 troops in Syria.

Al-Hamed noted that the partnership with the SDF dated back to the battle of Kobani in 2015, when Washington relied on the group as a ground force.

However, he said the new policy following the fall of Bashar al-Assad’s regime and Syria’s entry into the international coalition was now based on refusing to recognize any independent entity east of the Euphrates and rejecting federal formulas similar to Iraq’s Kurdistan region.

Al-Hamed said the new policy offered no real US guarantees to the SDF in the face of Türkiye and coincided with pressure to integrate the group into Syria’s military and security institutions, in line with the vision of the Syrian government, which rejects any armed presence outside the framework of the state.

This, he said, is still rejected by the SDF as the deadline approaches for implementing the March agreement with the government in Damascus, scheduled for the end of this year.

Overall, the Syrian scene appears to have entered a pivotal phase that goes beyond traditional conflict equations, laying the groundwork for a new reality governed by the language of interests and reciprocal security arrangements.

While Washington and its regional allies, particularly Riyadh and Ankara, are betting on the ability of the new leadership in Damascus to impose stability and end years of chaos, observers say the success of this path will depend on developments on the ground in the coming months.

The ability of the “new republic” to balance the demands of internal reconciliation with the conditions of external alliances will be the decisive test in determining whether this turn truly marks the opening chapter of an end to years of US hesitation in the region.


Thousands Flock to Bethlehem to Revive Christmas Spirit after 2 Years of War in Gaza

 Palestinian scout bands parade toward the Manger Square near the Church of the Nativity, traditionally believed to be the birthplace of Jesus, on Christmas Eve, in the West Bank city of Bethlehem, Wednesday, Dec. 24, 2025. (AP Photo/Mahmoud Illean)
Palestinian scout bands parade toward the Manger Square near the Church of the Nativity, traditionally believed to be the birthplace of Jesus, on Christmas Eve, in the West Bank city of Bethlehem, Wednesday, Dec. 24, 2025. (AP Photo/Mahmoud Illean)
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Thousands Flock to Bethlehem to Revive Christmas Spirit after 2 Years of War in Gaza

 Palestinian scout bands parade toward the Manger Square near the Church of the Nativity, traditionally believed to be the birthplace of Jesus, on Christmas Eve, in the West Bank city of Bethlehem, Wednesday, Dec. 24, 2025. (AP Photo/Mahmoud Illean)
Palestinian scout bands parade toward the Manger Square near the Church of the Nativity, traditionally believed to be the birthplace of Jesus, on Christmas Eve, in the West Bank city of Bethlehem, Wednesday, Dec. 24, 2025. (AP Photo/Mahmoud Illean)

Thousands of people flocked to Bethlehem's Manger Square on Christmas Eve as families heralded a much-needed boost of holiday spirit. The giant Christmas tree that was absent during the Israel-Hamas war returned on Wednesday, overlooking a parade of scouts playing songs on bagpipes.

The city where Christians believe Jesus was born cancelled Christmas celebrations for the past two years. Manger Square had instead featured a nativity scene of baby Jesus surrounded by rubble and barbed wire in homage to the situation in Gaza, The AP news reported.

Cardinal Pierbattista Pizzaballa, the top Catholic leader in the Holy Land, kicked off this year's celebrations during the traditional procession from Jerusalem to Bethlehem, calling for “a Christmas full of light.”

Arriving in Manger Square, Pizzaballa said he came bearing greetings from Gaza's tiny Christian community, where he held a pre-Christmas Mass on Sunday. Among the devastation, he saw a desire to rebuild.

“We, all together, we decide to be the light, and the light of Bethlehem is the light of the world,” he told thousands of people, Christian and Muslim.

Despite the holiday cheer, the impact of the war in the Israeli-occupied West Bank is acute, especially in Bethlehem, where around 80% of the Muslim-majority city’s residents depend upon tourism-related businesses, according to the local government.

The vast majority of people celebrating were residents, with a handful of foreigners in the crowd. But some residents said they are starting to see signs of change as tourism slowly returns.

Loss of tourism devastates Bethlehem “Today is a day of joy, a day of hope, the beginning of the return of normal life here,” said Bethlehem resident Georgette Jackaman, a tour guide who has not worked in more than two years.

She and her husband, Michael Jackaman, another guide, are from established Christian Bethlehem families that stretch back generations. This is the first real Christmas celebration for their two children, aged 2 1/2 and 10 months.

During the war, the Jackamans pivoted to create a website selling Palestinian handicrafts to try to support others who have lost their livelihoods.

During the Gaza war, the unemployment rate in the city jumped from 14% to 65%, Bethlehem Mayor Maher Nicola Canawati said earlier this month.

A visitor from France, Mona Riewer, said that “I came because I wanted to better understand what people in Palestine are going through, and you can sense people have been through a very hard time."

Although friends and family cautioned her against coming due to the volatile situation, Riewer said being in Bethlehem helped her appreciate the meaning of the holiday.

“Christmas is like hope in very dark situations, a very vulnerable child experiencing harshness,” she said.

Despite the Gaza ceasefire that began in October, tensions remain high across much of the West Bank.

Israel’s military continues to carry out frequent raids in what it says is a crackdown on militants. Attacks by Israeli settlers against Palestinians have reached their highest level since the United Nations humanitarian office started collecting data in 2006. Israel captured the West Bank in the 1967 Mideast war.

The internationally recognized Palestinian Authority has limited autonomy in parts of the territory, including Bethlehem. Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas is expected to attend midnight Mass for the first time in two years, the mayor said.

As poverty and unemployment have soared, about 4,000 people have left Bethlehem in search of work, the mayor said. It’s part of a worrying trend for Christians, who are leaving the region in droves.

Christians account for less than 2% of the West Bank’s roughly 3 million residents. Across the Middle East, the Christian population has steadily declined as people have fled conflict and attacks.

The beginning of a return to normal life Fadi Zoughbi, who previously worked overseeing logistics for tour groups, said his children were ecstatic to see marching bands streaming through Bethlehem's streets.

The scouts represent cities and towns across the West Bank, with Palestinian flags and tartan draped on their bagpipes, drummers spinning mallets adorned with pompoms. For the past two years, the scouts marched silently as a protest against the war.

Irene Kirmiz, who grew up in Bethlehem and now lives in Ramallah, said the scout parade is among her favorite Christmas traditions. Her 15-year-old daughter plays the tenor drum with the Ramallah scouts.

But her family had to wake up at 5 a.m. to arrive in time for the parade and waited upwards of three hours at Israeli checkpoints. The drive previously took 40 minutes without the checkpoints that have increasingly made travel difficult for Palestinians, she said.

“It's very emotional seeing people trying to bounce back, trying to celebrate peace and love,” Kirmiz said.

The Israeli Ministry of Tourism estimates 130,000 tourists will visit Israel by the end of December, including 40,000 Christians. In 2019, a banner year for tourism before the pandemic, the tourism ministry said 150,000 Christian tourists visited during Christmas week alone.

During the previous two years, the heads of churches in Jerusalem urged congregations to forgo “any unnecessarily festive activities.” They encouraged priests and the faithful to focus on Christmas’ spiritual meaning and called for “fervent prayers for a just and lasting peace for our beloved Holy Land.”