Aoun Complains of ‘Barricades’ against him as he Completes 4th Year as Lebanon’s President

Lebanese President Michel Aoun. (Dalati & Nohra)
Lebanese President Michel Aoun. (Dalati & Nohra)
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Aoun Complains of ‘Barricades’ against him as he Completes 4th Year as Lebanon’s President

Lebanese President Michel Aoun. (Dalati & Nohra)
Lebanese President Michel Aoun. (Dalati & Nohra)

There is no doubt that the four years that Lebanese President Michel Aoun has spent in power have not been anything close to the people’s expectations. This is especially true for his Christian popular base that had for decades dreamed of his return to the Baabda presidential palace that he was forced to flee in 1990 when he was then head of the transitional government.

The “strong” president, as his supporters like to describe him, has not been able to fulfill the pledges of “reform and change”. He has instead blamed others for “setting up barricades” that have impeded his ambitions.

Aoun was elected president in 2016 after a presidential settlement was struck with former Prime Minister Saad Hariri and after an agreement was reached with his rival, Samir Geagea, head of the Lebanese Forces. Both agreements had envisaged electing Aoun as president so that he can achieve his “reform” plans.

However, the deal with the LF soon collapsed and the settlement with Hariri floundered last year when he resigned as premier in wake of massive anti-government protests that erupted in October.

Aoun was quick to turn on Hariri, saying he “lost a year and 14 days of my tenure due to the formation of governments that were headed by the PM.”

Hariri was earlier this month designated as prime minister for the fourth time. Aoun’s bloc, the largest in parliament, did not nominate him to the post. Ahead of the parliamentary consultations that eventually led to the naming of the veteran politician, Aoun complained that some sides were “obstructing the realization of vital projects for the country.”

He also vowed that he will “continue to confront everyone who is preventing our people from carrying out reform and building the state.”

Aoun’s latest televised appearance sparked a wave of criticism that called on him to resign if he is unable to achieve anything for the country.

This prompted his supporters to claim that the president already has limited constitutional powers, alleging that local and foreign powers were conspiring against him.

MP of Aoun’s Lebanon Strong bloc, Alain Aoun said: “At the beginning of his term, the president was able to achieve several security achievements by resolving the Arsal outskirts clashes and defeating ISIS in Lebanon.”

“On the financial level, budgets were approved after nearly a decade of disputes. Economically, the Cedre conference was held in April 2018 and Lebanon received international pledges worth 11 billion dollars. Politically, the proportional electoral law was approved, marking a qualitative shift in political life,” he told Asharq Al-Awsat.

The past two years, however, witnessed developments that brought this momentum to a halt, he said, citing political disagreements that led to the squandering of opportunities and several missteps.

He also cited the October 17 revolution and its repercussions, as well as the financial collapse, the country’s isolation and the August 4 blast at Beirut port.

“All of these developments worsened the situation and led us to where we are today,” he explained. “We should not surrender, but invest in the last opportunity that was granted to us in the shape of the French initiative that is aimed at stopping the downward spiral and kicking off Lebanon’s economic recovery.”

The MP noted that Lebanon needed to address several “fundamental problems in its political system”. They demand development and amendments so that the country could become more productive and avoid impasses whenever disputes arise.

This can take place through constitutional amendments related to expanding the president’s authority, he remarked, adding, however, that priority at the moment must be addressing the financial crisis, implementing reforms and restoring local and international trust in Lebanon.

Political science professor Michel Doueihy said that since Aoun’s return to Lebanon from Paris exile in 2005, his behavior and political alliances all sought to build his legislative and executive power.

He had no red lines and qualms about striking alliances with allies of the Syrian regime. His Reform and Change movement soon began to take on the practices of the parties that it had long criticized, namely the Amal movement of Speaker Nabih Berri.

Doueihy told Asharq Al-Awsat: “Aoun’s political failure is part of the failure of the entire political system and authority. The alliance between sectarian parties and banks is what collapsed.”

“Alleging that the president has lost his privileges is unfounded because even though the Taif Accord did diminish them, the president still retains major authority, such as approving government lineups, judicial appointments and others,” he said.



Jamal Mustafa to Asharq Al-Awsat: I Couldn’t Provide Bribe Demanded by Judge, So I Was Jailed for Another 10 Years

Saddam Hussein and Jamal Mustafa Sultan.
Saddam Hussein and Jamal Mustafa Sultan.
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Jamal Mustafa to Asharq Al-Awsat: I Couldn’t Provide Bribe Demanded by Judge, So I Was Jailed for Another 10 Years

Saddam Hussein and Jamal Mustafa Sultan.
Saddam Hussein and Jamal Mustafa Sultan.

In the final installment of his interview with Asharq Al-Awsat, Jamal Mustafa Sultan, a former Iraqi official and Saddam Hussein’s son-in-law, delves into his arrest, the collapse of hopes for resistance against US forces, and the turmoil that followed the American invasion of Iraq in 2003.

Mustafa faced a harsh journey during the 2003 US invasion of Iraq. He traveled to rally tribal leaders to defend Baghdad, only to return and find the city occupied. Declared a fugitive, his face appeared on the US “most-wanted” playing cards.

Mustafa fled to Syria but was denied asylum and sent back to Iraq, where he was arrested. Accused of leading resistance and car bombings, the court found no evidence to convict him.

In 2011, a judge offered him release in exchange for a bribe, which Mustafa could not afford. His proposal to sell family land to pay was rejected, leaving him imprisoned for another decade. He was eventually freed over lack of evidence.

A US soldier watches the toppling of Saddam Hussein’s statue in Baghdad on April 7, 2003. (Reuters)

After his release, Mustafa went to Erbil, where Kurdish leader Masoud Barzani invited him for a meeting. Barzani welcomed him warmly and asked how he could help. Mustafa requested assistance in obtaining a passport, praising Barzani’s generosity.

Mustafa shared that Saddam respected Barzani, once calling him a “tough but honorable opponent.” He also revealed that, before the 2003 US invasion of Iraq, Barzani had assured Saddam that Kurdish forces would not fight the Iraqi army.

Recalling the lead-up to the war, Mustafa said Saddam tasked him with reconnecting with tribal leaders to encourage them to resist the invasion.

He delivered personal messages from Saddam, along with financial support, to help tribes host Iraqi soldiers stationed nearby. Mustafa later traveled to the Anbar province to rally tribes and bring them to defend Baghdad.

This account offers a rare glimpse into the behind-the-scenes efforts to resist the US invasion and the complex relationships that shaped Iraq’s history.

As the US invasion loomed, Mustafa met with thousands of tribal leaders to rally support for Baghdad’s defense.

“During the war, I met with over 4,500 tribal sheikhs from across Iraq,” he said. But when he returned to Baghdad after a trip to Anbar, everything had changed. “The city had fallen, and everything was in chaos.”

Mustafa tried to locate his associates but found no one. On April 11, 2003, he sent his driver to search for allies.

By chance, his brother, Lt. Gen. Kamal Mustafa, located him. “He told me we needed to leave Baghdad. I hadn’t planned to leave, but he convinced me it was the logical choice—we had no weapons, no men, and no resources. Staying would only mean capture.”

The brothers fled to Ramadi, where tribal leaders offered them refuge, and from there, they attempted to seek asylum in Syria. After just two days, Syrian authorities sent them back to Iraq.

Back in Baghdad, Mustafa and Khalid Najm, Iraq’s last intelligence chief, stayed with a university friend, Dr. Hafidh Al-Dulaimi. While there, Al-Dulaimi’s nephew suggested surrendering to Ahmed Chalabi’s forces, but Mustafa refused.

Saddam Hussein meets with top members of his regime. (Getty Images)

Shortly after, armed men stormed the house. “They came with tanks and masks,” Mustafa recalled. He and Najm were arrested on April 21, 2003—a day he will never forget.

Mustafa shared his experiences in US detention after his capture. “The interrogations were relentless, often involving psychological and physical pressure,” he added.

“They focused on weapons of mass destruction—’did Iraq have them, and where were they?’ Everyone faced the same questions. They also asked about US pilot Michael Scott Speicher, whose plane was shot down during the Gulf War. Though his remains were later found, the Americans kept questioning us, believing more was being hidden.”

Life in the detention center was highly controlled. Detainees were grouped in blocks of seven and given 30 minutes of outdoor time. Sultan recalled a chilling moment when Ahmed Hussein, Saddam’s office chief, told him during exercise: “The president has been captured.”

“We had clung to hope that Saddam’s freedom could lead to Iraq’s liberation,” Mustafa said. “His arrest shattered that hope and signaled the occupation’s permanence.”

He also described mysterious construction in the prison. “We saw carpenters working constantly. Eventually, they built a wooden barrier, blocking the corridor from view. We could only guess what it was for.”

When asked if Saddam had led the resistance before his capture, Mustafa confirmed: “Yes, the resistance began after the war. It wasn’t planned in advance because, at that time, the focus was purely military—army against army.”

“After the occupation, a new phase started. Battles unfolded in stages, and Saddam was leading the resistance during this one. He was the hope of the resistance, of the Iraqi people, and of Arabs and Muslims,” Mustafa revealed.

His remarks offer a glimpse into the post-invasion dynamics and the symbolic role Saddam played during Iraq’s turbulent transition.

Mustafa also recounted the difficulty of reaching his family after his arrest.

“After my capture, I lost all contact with my family. I didn’t have any phone numbers for my brothers, friends, or colleagues. Even if I had, phone lines had been disrupted—many exchanges had been bombed, and communication in Iraq was severely impacted,” he told Asharq Al-Awsat.

Mustafa recalled an encounter with the International Red Cross during his detention.

Saddam Hussein and his daughter Hala. (Courtesy of the family)

“The Red Cross offered me the chance to write a message to my family, as is their usual practice. But I was at a loss—who could I write to? I had no idea where my brothers or family were. I didn’t know anything about their whereabouts.”

Then, Mustafa had an idea. “I thought of Ammo Baba, a well-known football coach in Iraq. I didn’t know his address, but I remembered the address of the Police Club, where I had been president. I decided to write the letter there, addressed to Ammo Baba, asking him to pass it on to my family.”

Mustafa’s story highlights the communication challenges and isolation faced by detainees during the Iraq War.

He then described the prolonged separation from his family following his arrest. “I had no hopes of hearing from my family when I sent my letter through Ammo Baba,” Mustafa said.

“The situation was too difficult. After two and a half to three months, I received a response from Ammo Baba. He sent his regards, inquired about my health, and included a message from Yassin, a coach who worked with me. Along with the letter, they sent me sportswear—a shirt and shorts.”

Mustafa’s communication with his family may have been limited, but the letter served as a lifeline.

“A couple of years later, I received the first message from my wife, Hala, after two years in detention.”

Jamal Mustafa Sultan with his children.

When asked if he had been separated from his family for 18 years, Mustafa confirmed: “Yes, I hadn’t seen them or my children for 18 and a half years.”

“There were no visits or conversations, except for a brief period when we were held by the Americans. During that time, they allowed us five minutes a week to speak with our families. I would split the time—two and a half minutes with my mother and siblings, and the rest with my wife and daughters,” he said.

However, he revealed that after 2010, communication was cut off entirely.

“When we were transferred to Iraqi custody, they stopped allowing any contact. I was careful not to make calls with the Iraqis, as I feared enemies or foreign agents could record them,” explained Mustafa.

Mustafa’s story underscores the isolation he endured and the limited means of contact with his loved ones during years of detention.