Iraqi Factions Defy Qaani's Directive to Maintain Calm

A memorial of the names of the victims in Mosul on the anniversary of the city's recapture from ISIS (AFP)
A memorial of the names of the victims in Mosul on the anniversary of the city's recapture from ISIS (AFP)
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Iraqi Factions Defy Qaani's Directive to Maintain Calm

A memorial of the names of the victims in Mosul on the anniversary of the city's recapture from ISIS (AFP)
A memorial of the names of the victims in Mosul on the anniversary of the city's recapture from ISIS (AFP)

Shiite leaders of the Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF) denied reports claiming that the factions agreed to escalate attacks against US troops in Iraq.

Recent reports said there was "defiance" against the directives of the commander of al-Quds Force Esmail Qaani regarding maintaining calm after targeting Erbil airport and Ain al-Assad base.

However, sources confirmed to Asharq Al-Awsat that a meeting was held last week in Baghdad airport between Iranian Revolutionary Guards Corps (IRGC) officers and Iraqi Shiite leaders where the two sides agreed on maintaining calm, which was opposed by Hezbollah and Sayyid al-Shuhada Brigades.

The sources said that the leaders of the Fatah Alliance and Asaib Ahl al-Haq supported the decision, however, the Sayyid Al-Shuhada Brigades spokesman, Kadhim al-Fartousi, announced that the Iraqi Islamic resistance strongly rejected any mediation regarding halting military operations against the US forces.

The military escalation against the US troops aims to remove them from Iraq, he said, warning that escalation will not be stopped, regardless of pressures on the factions.

According to Iraqi sources, who attended the meeting, the Iranian proposal was met with challenge and opposition.

One of the six faction leaders said: "They could not stay quiet while the death of his predecessor Qassim Soleimani and senior Iraqi militia commander Abu Mahdi al-Muhandis in a US drone strike went unavenged."

The details from the meeting, confirmed to The Associated Press by three Shiite political officials and two senior militia officials, demonstrate how Iranian-aligned Iraqi militia groups are asserting a degree of independence, sometimes even flouting orders from Tehran.

Iran now relies on Lebanon's Hezbollah for support in reining them in, and there is potential that Iran's new president could play a role in doing the same.

Abu Ali al-Askari brigades take a different path from the rest of the factions, adopting direct and adventurous escalation without agreeing to any political settlement with the other PMF brigades.

The leader of the Sayyid al-Shuhada Brigades is threatening to postpone the elections scheduled for April 2022, according to The AP.

The sources said that the Iranian officers warned the leaders of the Shiite factions that "continuing the security escalation will end the Shiite rule."

The regional situation is reaching dangerous levels, and the Iranians have sent clear messages to the Iraqis that the situation at the Afghan border requires a stable front in the eastern axis, especially in Iraq, according to a Fatah commander and political advisor of Rule of Law coalition.

The Fatah commander said that major Shiite parties have agreed to a minimum truce until the Iraqi elections, but the situation is getting more complicated because of the decentralization method in which the factions operate.

Three main factors play into the policy of "creative chaos" for the faction's system.

The first is the emerging Shiite cells, which work with the leaders of the traditional factions without direct contact with the Iranians and carry out special operations.

The second is that the factions' strategy separates their rivalry with Prime Minister Mustafa Kadhimi and their agenda of removing the US forces from the country.

But the third factor constitutes the intense competition for influence over whom to replace Muhandis.

A PMF commander reported that the relationship between factions' leaders is not what it seems, saying there is intense competition.

"It may all seem chaotic, but it is the chaos that created influence in Iraq," he noted.

Several factions see in the new Iranian president Ebrahim Rasisi a more significant opportunity to consolidate influence and stabilize the status of the Popular Mobilization Forces in the same form in which the IRGC operates.

In general, the factions that seek escalation against the government or US interests in Iraq reflect a fundamental shift that was not prominent during the former government and represents an imposition of a new reality on Iraq's security and political conditions.



Israeli Defense Minister: We Will Never Withdraw our Forces from Gaza

Israeli Defense Minister Israel Katz. (dpa)
Israeli Defense Minister Israel Katz. (dpa)
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Israeli Defense Minister: We Will Never Withdraw our Forces from Gaza

Israeli Defense Minister Israel Katz. (dpa)
Israeli Defense Minister Israel Katz. (dpa)

Israeli Defense Minister Israel Katz said on Tuesday that Israel “will never withdraw from the Gaza Strip,” announcing that new settlement outposts will be established in the northern part of the enclave “when the appropriate time comes.”

Israeli media reported that Katz made the remarks during a ceremony held in Beit El, stating: “We will do this in the right way and at the right time. There will be those who protest, but we are ministers.”


A Shaky Start for Lebanon’s Financial Gap Bill

Depositors hold protest banners against the draft deposit recovery law during popular demonstrations on the road to the Presidential Palace (Asharq Al-Awsat). 
Depositors hold protest banners against the draft deposit recovery law during popular demonstrations on the road to the Presidential Palace (Asharq Al-Awsat). 
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A Shaky Start for Lebanon’s Financial Gap Bill

Depositors hold protest banners against the draft deposit recovery law during popular demonstrations on the road to the Presidential Palace (Asharq Al-Awsat). 
Depositors hold protest banners against the draft deposit recovery law during popular demonstrations on the road to the Presidential Palace (Asharq Al-Awsat). 

A widening wave of objections in Lebanon to the draft “financial gap” bill has exposed the hurdles facing its passage in parliament.

Prepared by a ministerial and legal committee chaired by Prime Minister Nawaf Salam, the bill has drawn resistance from influential political and sectoral actors, bolstering the opposition voiced by depositors’ associations and the banking lobby.

Conflicting ministerial positions ahead of Monday’s special cabinet session to review the final draft underscore the sharp disputes likely to intensify once the bill is formally sent to parliament, a senior financial official told Asharq Al-Awsat.

With parliamentary elections due next spring, candidates are wary of confronting voters or powerful interest groups.

According to the government’s forthcoming brief, the bill marks the end of years of disorder and the start of a clear path to restore rights, protect social stability, and rebuild confidence in the financial system after six years of paralysis, silent erosion of deposits, and crisis mismanagement.

It is framed not as a narrow technical fix, but as a strategic shift, from denying losses and letting them fall haphazardly, to acknowledging and organizing them within an enforceable legal framework.

The government argues the plan would protect about 85% of depositors by enabling access to a guaranteed portion of savings, up to $100,000 over four years, while preserving the nominal value of all deposits via central bank–guaranteed bonds maturing in 10, 15, and 20 years.

Banks, however, have openly declared their “fundamental reservations and strong objection” to the bill on financial regularization and deposit treatment.

Professional associations and unions have joined depositors’ groups in opposing proposals they say would load the bulk of losses onto depositors, either through direct haircuts or by stretching repayment over one to two decades.

The Beirut Order of Engineers added its voice, warning that the near-final draft manages collapse rather than delivers reform, distributing losses unfairly at the expense of depositors and productive sectors, and failing to explicitly protect union funds.

Legal objections have also surfaced over provisions with retroactive effect, taxes, levies, and accounting adjustments applied to transfers made after the crisis erupted in autumn 2019, as well as to past deposit returns.

Banks say such measures constitute an unjustified infringement of rights and lack sound legal and financial grounding or precedent.

The financial official noted that these retroactive elements could be challenged before the State Council, as they contradict the principle that laws apply only after promulgation. Most transactions, he added, were conducted under then-valid laws and central bank approvals.

By contrast, previous governments compelled the central bank to spend more than $11 billion on poorly controlled subsidies, much of which was smuggled abroad, notably to Syrian markets.

Banks insist that any credible solution must begin with a precise, transparent assessment of the financial gap at the Central Bank, based on audited, unified accounts and realistic financial modeling.

They argue that the plan effectively wipes out banks’ capital and - under loss-sharing rules set by Law 23/2025 - ultimately hits depositors, while the state avoids settling its debts to the central bank or covering its balance-sheet shortfall.

 

 

 


Gazans Fear Renewed Displacement after Israeli Strikes

This overview shows a destroyed mosque and other buildings in Khan Younis in the southern Gaza Strip on October 7, 2024 on the first anniversary of the ongoing war in the Palestinian territory between Israel and Hamas. (AFP)
This overview shows a destroyed mosque and other buildings in Khan Younis in the southern Gaza Strip on October 7, 2024 on the first anniversary of the ongoing war in the Palestinian territory between Israel and Hamas. (AFP)
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Gazans Fear Renewed Displacement after Israeli Strikes

This overview shows a destroyed mosque and other buildings in Khan Younis in the southern Gaza Strip on October 7, 2024 on the first anniversary of the ongoing war in the Palestinian territory between Israel and Hamas. (AFP)
This overview shows a destroyed mosque and other buildings in Khan Younis in the southern Gaza Strip on October 7, 2024 on the first anniversary of the ongoing war in the Palestinian territory between Israel and Hamas. (AFP)

When her children, trembling with fear, ask where the family can go to escape Israel's continued bombardment in southern Gaza's Khan Yunis area, Umm Ahmed has no answer.

In her small, devastated village near Khan Yunis city, recent Israeli drone and artillery strikes shattered the tenuous sense of peace delivered by a ceasefire that has largely held since October 10, AFP said.

Residents say the strikes have targeted neighborhoods east of the so-called Yellow Line -- a demarcation established under the truce between Israel and Hamas.

The Israeli military says its troops are deployed in the area in accordance with the ceasefire framework, accusing Hamas militants of "crossing the Yellow Line and carrying out terrorist activities".

More than two years after Hamas's October 7 attack on Israel sparked a devastating war, tens of thousands of Gazans still live in tents or damaged homes in these areas, where the Israeli army maintains control and operates checkpoints.

Now, many fear being forced from their homes, compelled to move west of the Yellow Line.

"We don't sleep at night because of fear. The bombardments in the east are relentless," said Umm Ahmed, 40.

"My children tremble at every explosion and ask me, 'Where can we go?' And I have no answer."

Her home in Bani Suheila has been completely destroyed, yet the family has stayed, pitching a tent beside the ruins.

"Staying close to our destroyed home is easier than facing the unknown," Umm Ahmed said.

Crossing the Yellow Line to Al-Mawasi, west of Khan Yunis, is not an option for them.

There, makeshift camps stretch as far as the eye can see, housing tens of thousands of Palestinians who fled the fighting.

"There is no place left for anyone there, and not enough food or water," Umm Ahmed said, as Gaza remains trapped in a catastrophic humanitarian crisis.

- 'We will not leave' -

The Israeli military blames continued threats from the Hamas group for its actions in the area.

The Israeli military said in a statement to AFP that the army’s “current operations in Gaza, and their deployment in the Yellow Line area in particular, are carried out to address direct threats from terrorist organizations in Gaza.”

The war in Gaza began with Hamas's attack on Israel on October 7, 2023 that resulted in the deaths of 1,221 people, mostly civilians, according to an AFP tally based on official Israeli figures.

Since the war began, more than 70,000 people have been killed in Gaza, according to the Hamas-run territory's health ministry.

The vast majority of Gaza's more than two million residents were displaced during the war, many multiple times.

A fragile ceasefire has been in place since October 10, though both sides regularly accuse each other of violations.

Under the truce, Israeli forces withdrew to positions east of the Yellow Line.

Earlier this month, Israeli army chief Lieutenant General Eyal Zamir described the Yellow Line as the "new border line" with Israel.

"The Yellow Line is a new border line -- serving as a forward defensive line for our communities and a line of operational activity," he said to reserve soldiers in Gaza.

For Palestinian officials, the line is seen as a tool for permanent displacement.

"The objective is to frighten residents, expel them from their areas, and force them west," said Alaa al-Batta, mayor of Khan Yunis, denouncing the bombardments as "violations of the ceasefire agreement".

Mahmud Baraka, 45, from Khuzaa, east of Khan Yunis, described constant artillery fire and home demolitions in the area.

"It feels like we are still living in a war zone," he said.

"Explosions happen as if they are right next to us. The objective of the occupation is clear: to intimidate us and drive us out, so the region is emptied."

For now, residents feel trapped between bombardment and displacement, uncertain how long they can endure.

Despite the danger, Abdel Hamid, 70, refuses to leave his home located north of Khan Yunis, where he lives with his five children.

"We will not leave... this is our land," he said.

"Moving would not be a solution, but yet another tragedy."