Al-Qaeda: Retreat of the ‘Global Project’

ISIS fighters after capturing the Syrian city of Raqqa on June 30, 2014 (Reuters)
ISIS fighters after capturing the Syrian city of Raqqa on June 30, 2014 (Reuters)
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Al-Qaeda: Retreat of the ‘Global Project’

ISIS fighters after capturing the Syrian city of Raqqa on June 30, 2014 (Reuters)
ISIS fighters after capturing the Syrian city of Raqqa on June 30, 2014 (Reuters)

With the approaching first anniversary of the US' announcement of Ayman al-Zawahiri’s death in an airstrike in the Afghan capital of Kabul, this report will analyze the present condition of Al-Qaeda, noting the organization’s apparent inability to replicate the large-scale terrorist attacks it executed during its prime in the late 1990s.

Additionally, this report notes a decrease in Al-Qaeda's branches following its previous strategy under former leader Osama bin Laden, which prioritized targeting what is referred to as the “distant enemy.”

It also brings attention to the growing demand from affiliated groups to dismantle “Al-Qaeda” following the assumption of leadership by Saif al-Adel, who is believed to be currently residing in Iran.

Armed Groups, Local Targets

The years following the new millennium witnessed a fundamental change in the modus operandi of extremist groups in several Arab countries.

In the 1990s, the primary objective of these groups was purely local: to overthrow the ruling regimes, accusing them of “apostasy.”

However, by the second half of that decade, it became evident that extremists had failed to achieve their goals. They suffered military defeats, their cells disintegrated, and many of their senior leaders were arrested or killed.

This was the case with the Armed Islamic Group in Algeria, the Libyan Islamic Fighting Group, as well as the Jihad Group and Islamic Group in Egypt.

Alongside those defeats, the emergence of Al-Qaeda took place. Bin Laden had relocated to Afghanistan in 1996 after losing favor in Sudan.

The same pattern repeated with the leader of the Egyptian Jihad Group, al-Zawahiri, who was also expelled from Sudan and found refuge in Afghanistan after failing to reach his initial target, Chechnya.

From his new headquarters in Afghanistan, bin Laden sought to persuade “defeated” groups to join him in a “global war” targeting Americans and the West in general, rather than local regimes.

This shift in strategy became known as the “distant enemy” approach, contrasting with the previous focus on the “near” enemy.

Al-Qaeda’s global project was launched in February 1998 with the establishment of the “International Islamic Front for Jihad Against Jews and Crusaders.”

In addition to Al-Qaeda, it included the Egyptian Jihad Group, a faction of the Egyptian Islamic Group (led by Rifa'i Taha), and other groups in Southeast Asia.

Within months, this alliance began implementing its plan to target Americans, starting with the bombings of the US embassies in Nairobi and Dar es Salaam in August 1998. The attacks continued with the bombing of the USS Cole off the coast of Yemen in 2000, culminating in the September 11, 2001 attacks in New York and Washington.

- Global Project

Naturally, new allies joined Al-Qaeda’s “global” project. Initially, the attacks were directly linked to Al-Qaeda’s leadership, as seen in the Indonesian Bali bombings in 2002, carried out by members of the “Islamic Group” under the leadership of Hambali, a prominent figure within Al-Qaeda.

In 2005, London experienced its worst terrorist attack, targeting train stations and a public bus.

Most of the suicide bombers in the London attacks were British individuals of Pakistani origin, some of whom had visited the Afghan-Pakistani border regions, where Al-Qaeda’s leadership was based.

Al-Qaeda claimed responsibility for the bloody London bombings.

In turn, Al-Qaeda’s branches joined this “global” effort.

Its Yemeni branch (Al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula) attempted to send a suicide bomber, Umar Farouk Abdulmutallab, in 2009, to detonate an explosive device on an American passenger plane.

The following year, the organization made another attempt by sending explosive packages to destroy several planes bound for the US.

This global trajectory persisted for Al-Qaeda and its allies until the phase known as the “Arab Spring” in 2011, when several countries were engulfed in revolutions and internal unrest.

Al-Qaeda swiftly attempted to exploit this situation, taking advantage of the fall of regimes that had previously defeated extremist groups in the 1990s.

However, during that period, Al-Qaeda faced two fundamental problems.

The first problem was that the US had killed bin Laden after a 10-year manhunt following his escape from Tora Bora at the end of 2001. He was found hiding in a villa in Abbottabad, Pakistan, and was killed on the night of May 2, 2011.

Al-Zawahiri was swiftly announced as bin Laden’s successor, but the former leader of Egyptian Islamic Jihad did not enjoy authority over the terrorist organization and its branches the same way bin Laden did.

The second problem was the issue of ISIS.

This terrorist group, which emerged from the branches of Al-Qaeda, quickly found itself in conflict with al-Zawahiri, bin Laden’s successor.

Syria was the cause of their disagreement.

ISIS, led by Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi, sought to expand into Syria, taking advantage of the weakening of President Bashar al-Assad’s regime amid the revolution against him. However, al-Baghdadi soon faced internal rebellion.

The Decline of the ‘Global War’

Over time, it became noticeable that the “global war” launched by Al-Qaeda against the West in general and the Americans in particular since the 1990s has significantly receded, if not completely disappeared.

In recent years, Al-Qaeda has demonstrated its inability to replicate the major attacks it previously carried out, such as the bombings of the US embassies in Dar es Salaam and Nairobi, the USS Cole bombing, and the September 11 attacks in Washington and New York.

The end of “global attacks” did not just affect Al-Qaeda’s leaders, but also its branches that were supposed to target enemies far away.

These branches themselves stated that their activities were now only focused locally, which is a significant shift from the original idea of a global Al-Qaeda project.

Perhaps it is necessary to pause here and consider the situation of Al-Qaeda’s leadership, which found itself in recent years clearly isolated from its cells and branches due to the circumstances of al-Zawahiri’s hiding and his inability to communicate with his supporters.

He compensated for this by releasing occasional videos and audio recordings, in which he incited continued war against the West, alluding to “lone wolf” attacks.

The chaotic and sudden US withdrawal from Afghanistan in 2021 provided a golden opportunity for Al-Qaeda to regroup.

It appears that al-Zawahiri himself felt some reassurance in this new situation, relocating to Kabul, where he lived under the protection of the influential “Haqqani network’ within the Taliban.

However, the Americans managed to kill him in a drone strike in July 2022.

Despite months passing since al-Zawahiri’s killing, Al-Qaeda has not yet announced his successor. This may be linked to the Taliban, as acknowledging his death in Kabul would embarrass the Afghan movement that denied his presence.

The delay in announcing a successor to al-Zawahiri may also be associated with the fact that the most likely person to assume his role, Saif al-Adel, resides in Iran. This situation could potentially embarrass the organization in front of its members and defenders.

A former member of Al-Qaeda, who defected from the organization due to its extreme bloodshed, explains that there are two reasons for the shift towards fighting the “near enemy” rather than the distant one.

“The first reason is the inability,” explained the defector who requested anonymity.

“The problem with Al-Qaeda is that it has lost the ability to communicate with its cells and smuggle individuals to form cells and recruit members in distant countries like the US, Canada, Australia, Europe, and others,” they told Asharq Al-Awsat.

Moreover, the former Al-Qaeda member noted that the group has also lost the ability to finance these entities.

“It only has the ability to inspire lone wolves,” they added.

Moreover, the terrorist organization has even failed at times to operate within Arab countries, affirmed the defector.

Today, it appears that “lack of capability” is the same reason that prompted Al-Qaeda and its branches to cease launching attacks against the “distant enemy,” perhaps except for lone wolf attacks.

The problem will arise, of course, when the reason for the “lack of capability” disappears. Until then, it seems that the West’s priorities will remain focused on China and Russia.



Is Iran Pushing Houthis Toward Military Action Against Washington?

Houthis continue mobilization, fundraising, and declare combat readiness (AP) 
Houthis continue mobilization, fundraising, and declare combat readiness (AP) 
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Is Iran Pushing Houthis Toward Military Action Against Washington?

Houthis continue mobilization, fundraising, and declare combat readiness (AP) 
Houthis continue mobilization, fundraising, and declare combat readiness (AP) 

As US military movements intensify in the Middle East and the possibility of strikes on Iran looms, Yemen’s Houthi group has continued military preparations, mobilizing fighters and establishing new weapons sites.

The Houthi mobilization comes at a time when the group is widely viewed as one of Iran’s most important regional arms for retaliation.

Although the Iran-backed group has not issued any official statement declaring its position on a potential US attack on Iran, its leaders have warned Washington against any military action and against bearing full responsibility for any escalation and its consequences.

They have hinted that any response would be handled in accordance with the group’s senior leadership's assessment, after evaluating developments and potential repercussions.

Despite these signals, some interpret the Houthis’ stance as an attempt to avoid drawing the attention of the current US administration, led by President Donald Trump, to the need for preemptive action in anticipation of a potential Houthi response.

The Trump administration previously launched a military campaign against the group in the spring of last year, inflicting heavy losses.

Islam al-Mansi, an Egyptian researcher specializing in Iranian affairs, said Iran may avoid burning all its cards unless absolutely necessary, particularly given US threats to raise the level of escalation should any Iranian military proxies intervene or take part in a confrontation.

Iran did not resort to using its military proxies during its confrontation with Israel or during a limited US strike last summer because it did not perceive an existential threat, al-Mansi said.

That calculation could change in the anticipated confrontation, potentially prompting Houthi intervention, including targeting US allies, interests, and military forces, he told Asharq Al-Awsat.

Al-Mansi added that although Iran previously offered, within a negotiating framework, to abandon its regional proxies, including the Houthis, this makes it more likely that Tehran would use them in retaliation, noting that Iran created these groups to defend its territory from afar.

Many intelligence reports suggest that Iran’s Revolutionary Guard has discussed with the Houthis the activation of alternative support arenas in a potential US-Iran confrontation, including the use of cells and weapons not previously deployed.

Visible readiness

In recent days, Chinese media outlets cited an unnamed Houthi military commander as saying the group had raised its alert level and carried out inspections of missile launch platforms in several areas across Yemen, including the strategically important Red Sea region.

In this context, Yemeni political researcher Salah Ali Salah said the Houthis would participate in defending Iran against any US attacks, citing the group’s media rhetoric accompanying mass rallies, which openly supports Iran’s right to defend itself.

While this rhetoric maintains some ambiguity regarding Iran, it repeatedly invokes the war in Gaza and renews Houthi pledges to resume military escalation in defense of the besieged enclave’s population, Salah told Asharq Al-Awsat.

He noted that Iran would not have shared advanced and sophisticated military technologies with the Houthis without a high degree of trust in their ability to use them in Iran’s interest.

In recent months, following Israeli strikes on the unrecognized Houthi government and several of its leaders, hardline Houthi figures demonstrating strong loyalty to Iran have become more prominent.

On the ground, the group has established new military sites and moved equipment and weapons to new locations along and near the coast, alongside the potential use of security cells beyond Yemen’s borders.

Salah said that if the threat of a military strike on Iran escalates, the Iranian response could take a more advanced form, potentially including efforts to close strategic waterways, placing the Bab al-Mandab Strait within the Houthis’ target range.

Many observers have expressed concern that the Houthis may have transferred fighters and intelligence cells outside Yemen over recent years to target US and Western interests in the region.

Open options

After a ceasefire was declared in Gaza, the Houthis lost one of their key justifications for mobilizing fighters and collecting funds. The group has since faced growing public anger over its practices and worsening humanitarian conditions, responding with media messaging aimed at convincing audiences that the battle is not over and that further rounds lie ahead.

Alongside weekly rallies in areas under their control in support of Gaza, the Houthis have carried out attacks on front lines with Yemen’s internationally recognized government, particularly in Taiz province.

Some military experts describe these incidents as probing attacks, while others see them as attempts to divert attention from other activities.

In this context, Walid al-Abara, head of the Yemen and Gulf Studies Center, said the Houthis entered a critical phase after the Gaza war ended, having lost one of the main justifications for their attacks on Red Sea shipping.

As a result, they may seek to manufacture new pretexts, including claims of sanctions imposed against them, to maintain media momentum and their regional role.

Al-Abara told Asharq Al-Awsat that the group has two other options. The first is redirecting its activity inward to strengthen its military and economic leverage, either to impose its conditions in any future settlement or to consolidate power.

The second is yielding to international and regional pressure and entering a negotiation track, particularly if sanctions intensify or its economic and military capacity declines.

According to an assessment by the Yemen and Gulf Studies Center, widespread protests in Iran are increasingly pressuring the regime’s ability to manage its regional influence at the same pace as before, without dismantling its network of proxies.

This reality is pushing Tehran toward a more cautious approach, governed by domestic priorities and cost-benefit calculations, while maintaining a minimum level of external influence without broad escalation.

Within this framework, al-Abara said Iran is likely to maintain a controlled continuity in its relationship with the Houthis through selective support that ensures the group remains effective.

However, an expansion of protests or a direct military strike on Iran could open the door to a deeper Houthi repositioning, including broader political and security concessions in exchange for regional guarantees.


The Gaza Ceasefire Began Months Ago. Here’s Why the Fighting Persists

Israeli soldiers and tanks stand in Gaza, as seen from the Israeli side of the Israel-Gaza border, in Israel, February 4, 2026. REUTERS/Amir Cohen
Israeli soldiers and tanks stand in Gaza, as seen from the Israeli side of the Israel-Gaza border, in Israel, February 4, 2026. REUTERS/Amir Cohen
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The Gaza Ceasefire Began Months Ago. Here’s Why the Fighting Persists

Israeli soldiers and tanks stand in Gaza, as seen from the Israeli side of the Israel-Gaza border, in Israel, February 4, 2026. REUTERS/Amir Cohen
Israeli soldiers and tanks stand in Gaza, as seen from the Israeli side of the Israel-Gaza border, in Israel, February 4, 2026. REUTERS/Amir Cohen

As the bodies of two dozen Palestinians killed in Israeli strikes arrived at hospitals in Gaza on Wednesday, the director of one asked a question that has echoed across the war-ravaged territory for months.

“Where is the ceasefire? Where are the mediators?” Shifa Hospital's Mohamed Abu Selmiya wrote on Facebook.

At least 556 Palestinians have been killed in Israeli strikes since a US-brokered truce came into effect in October, including 24 on Wednesday and 30 on Saturday, according to Gaza's Health Ministry. Four Israeli soldiers have been killed in Gaza in the same period, with more injured, including a soldier whom the military said was severely wounded when militants opened fire near the ceasefire line in northern Gaza overnight.

Other aspects of the agreement have stalled, including the deployment of an international security force, Hamas' disarmament and the start of Gaza's reconstruction. The opening of the Rafah border crossing between Gaza and Egypt raised hope of further progress, but fewer than 50 people were allowed to cross on Monday, The Associated Press said.

Hostages freed as other issues languish In October, after months of stalled negotiations, Israel and Hamas accepted a 20-point plan proposed by US President Donald Trump aimed at ending the war unleashed by Hamas' Oct. 7, 2023, attack into Israel.

At the time, Trump said it would lead to a “Strong, Durable, and Everlasting Peace."

Hamas freed all the living hostages it still held at the outset of the deal in exchange for thousands of Palestinian prisoners held by Israel and the remains of others.

But the larger issues the agreement sought to address, including the future governance of the strip, were met with reservations, and the US offered no firm timeline.

The return of the remains of hostages meanwhile stretched far beyond the 72-hour timeline outlined in the agreement. Israel recovered the body of the last hostage only last week, after accusing Hamas and other militant groups of violating the ceasefire by failing to return all of the bodies. The militants said they were unable to immediately locate all the remains because of the massive destruction caused by the war — a claim Israel rejected.

The ceasefire also called for an immediate influx of humanitarian aid, including equipment to clear rubble and rehabilitate infrastructure. The United Nations and humanitarian groups say aid deliveries to Gaza's 2 million Palestinians have fallen short due to customs clearance problems and other delays. COGAT, the Israeli military body overseeing aid to Gaza, has called the UN's claims “simply a lie.”

Ceasefire holds despite accusations

Violence has sharply declined since the ceasefire paused a war in which more than 71,800 Palestinians have been killed, according to the Gaza Health Ministry. The ministry is part of the Hamas-led government and maintains detailed records seen as generally reliable by UN agencies and independent experts.

Hamas-led militants killed some 1,200 people in the initial October 2023 attack and took around 250 hostage.

Both sides say the agreement is still in effect and use the word “ceasefire” in their communications. But Israel accuses Hamas fighters of operating beyond the truce line splitting Gaza in half, threatening its troops and occasionally opening fire, while Hamas accuses Israeli forces of gunfire and strikes on residential areas far from the line.

Palestinians have called on US and Arab mediators to get Israel to stop carrying out deadly strikes, which often kill civilians. Among those killed on Wednesday were five children, including two babies. Hamas, which accuses Israel of hundreds of violations, called it a “grave circumvention of the ceasefire agreement.”

In a joint statement on Sunday, eight Arab and Muslim countries condemned Israel’s actions since the agreement took effect and urged restraint from all sides “to preserve and sustain the ceasefire.”

Israel says it is responding to daily violations committed by Hamas and acting to protect its troops. “While Hamas’ actions undermine the ceasefire, Israel remains fully committed to upholding it,” the military said in a statement on Wednesday.

“One of the scenarios the (military) has to be ready for is Hamas is using a deception tactic like they did before October 7 and rearming and preparing for an attack when it’s comfortable for them,” said Lt. Col. Nadav Shoshani, a military spokesperson.

Some signs of progress

The return of the remains of the last hostage, the limited opening of the Rafah crossing, and the naming of a Palestinian committee to govern Gaza and oversee its reconstruction showed a willingness to advance the agreement despite the violence.

Last month, US envoy Steve Witkoff, who played a key role in brokering the truce, said it was time for “transitioning from ceasefire to demilitarization, technocratic governance, and reconstruction.”

That will require Israel and Hamas to grapple with major issues on which they have been sharply divided, including whether Israel will fully withdraw from Gaza and Hamas will lay down its arms.

Though political leaders are holding onto the term “ceasefire” and have yet to withdraw from the process, there is growing despair in Gaza.

On Saturday, Atallah Abu Hadaiyed heard explosions in Gaza City during his morning prayers and ran outside to find his cousins lying on the ground as flames curled around them.

“We don’t know if we’re at war or at peace,” he said from a displacement camp, as tarpaulin strips blew off the tent behind him.


What to Know as Iran and US Set for Nuclear Talks in Oman

The flags of USA and Iran are displayed in Muscat, Oman, 25 April 2025. EPA/ALI HAIDER
The flags of USA and Iran are displayed in Muscat, Oman, 25 April 2025. EPA/ALI HAIDER
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What to Know as Iran and US Set for Nuclear Talks in Oman

The flags of USA and Iran are displayed in Muscat, Oman, 25 April 2025. EPA/ALI HAIDER
The flags of USA and Iran are displayed in Muscat, Oman, 25 April 2025. EPA/ALI HAIDER

Iran and the United States will hold talks Friday in Oman, their latest over Tehran's nuclear program after Israel launched a 12-day war on the country in June and Iran launched a bloody crackdown on nationwide protests.

US President Donald Trump has kept up pressure on Iran, suggesting America could attack Iran over the killing of peaceful demonstrators or if Tehran launches mass executions over the protests. Meanwhile, Trump has pushed Iran's nuclear program back into the frame as well after the June war disrupted five rounds of talks held in Rome and Muscat, Oman, last year.

Trump began the diplomacy initially by writing a letter last year to Iran’s 86-year-old Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei to jump start these talks. Khamenei has warned Iran would respond to any attack with an attack of its own, particularly as the theocracy he commands reels following the protests.

Here’s what to know about Iran’s nuclear program and the tensions that have stalked relations between Tehran and Washington since the 1979 Iranian Revolution.

Trump writes letter to Khamenei Trump dispatched the letter to Khamenei on March 5, 2025, then gave a television interview the next day in which he acknowledged sending it. He said: “I’ve written them a letter saying, ‘I hope you’re going to negotiate because if we have to go in militarily, it’s going to be a terrible thing.’”

Since returning to the White House, the president has been pushing for talks while ratcheting up sanctions and suggesting a military strike by Israel or the US could target Iranian nuclear sites.

A previous letter from Trump during his first term drew an angry retort from the supreme leader.

But Trump’s letters to North Korean leader Kim Jong Un in his first term led to face-to-face meetings, though no deals to limit Pyongyang’s atomic bombs and a missile program capable of reaching the continental US.

Oman mediated previous talks

Oman, a sultanate on the eastern edge of the Arabian Peninsula, has mediated talks between Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi and US Mideast envoy Steve Witkoff. The two men have met face to face after indirect talks, a rare occurrence due to the decades of tensions between the countries.

It hasn't been all smooth, however. Witkoff at one point made a television appearance in which he suggested 3.67% enrichment for Iran could be something the countries could agree on. But that’s exactly the terms set by the 2015 nuclear deal struck under former President Barack Obama, from which Trump unilaterally withdrew America. Witkoff, Trump and other American officials in the time since have maintained Iran can have no enrichment under any deal, something to which Tehran insists it won't agree.

Those negotiations ended, however, with Israel launching the war in June on Iran.

The 12-day war and nationwide protests Israel launched what became a 12-day war on Iran in June that included the US bombing Iranian nuclear sites. Iran later acknowledged in November that the attacks saw it halt all uranium enrichment in the country, though inspectors from the International Atomic Energy Agency have been unable to visit the bombed sites.

Iran soon experienced protests that began in late December over the collapse of the country's rial currency. Those demonstrations soon became nationwide, sparking Tehran to launch a bloody crackdown that killed thousands and saw tens of thousands detained by authorities.

Iran’s nuclear program worries the West Iran has insisted for decades that its nuclear program is peaceful. However, its officials increasingly threaten to pursue a nuclear weapon. Iran now enriches uranium to near weapons-grade levels of 60%, the only country in the world without a nuclear weapons program to do so.

Under the original 2015 nuclear deal, Iran was allowed to enrich uranium up to 3.67% purity and to maintain a uranium stockpile of 300 kilograms (661 pounds). The last report by the International Atomic Energy Agency on Iran’s program put its stockpile at some 9,870 kilograms (21,760 pounds), with a fraction of it enriched to 60%.

US intelligence agencies assess that Iran has yet to begin a weapons program, but has “undertaken activities that better position it to produce a nuclear device, if it chooses to do so.” Iranian officials have threatened to pursue the bomb.

Decades of tense relations between Iran and the US Iran was once one of the US’s top allies in the Mideast under Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, who purchased American military weapons and allowed CIA technicians to run secret listening posts monitoring the neighboring Soviet Union. The CIA had fomented a 1953 coup that cemented the shah’s rule.

But in January 1979, the shah, fatally ill with cancer, fled Iran as mass demonstrations swelled against his rule. The Iranian Revolution followed, led by Grand Khomeini, and created Iran’s theocratic government.

Later that year, university students overran the US Embassy in Tehran, seeking the shah’s extradition and sparking the 444-day hostage crisis that saw diplomatic relations between Iran and the US severed.

The Iran-Iraq war of the 1980s saw the US back Saddam Hussein. The “Tanker War” during that conflict saw the US launch a one-day assault that crippled Iran at sea, while the US later shot down an Iranian commercial airliner that the US military said it mistook for a warplane.

Iran and the US have seesawed between enmity and grudging diplomacy in the years since, with relations peaking when Tehran made the 2015 nuclear deal with world powers. But Trump unilaterally withdrew America from the accord in 2018, sparking tensions in the Mideast that persist today.