Mohammed Deif, the Voice of War

An old photo of Mohammed Deif (AFP)
An old photo of Mohammed Deif (AFP)
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Mohammed Deif, the Voice of War

An old photo of Mohammed Deif (AFP)
An old photo of Mohammed Deif (AFP)

In a clear, loud, direct voice and a shadowy image, the commander of Hamas' al-Qassam Brigades, Mohammed "Abu Khaled" Deif, announced the start of "al-Aqsa Flood" operation against Israel, putting it under fire for several hours.

Israel has not experienced a similar situation since the Egyptian crossing in 1973, with rockets falling on Tel Aviv and Jerusalem after al-Qassam fighters took control over several Israeli settlements and sites.

Hamas members set out and took control of Israeli sites, killing Israelis and taking others hostages, following the orders of Deif, who proved once again that he had the highest Palestinian say in launching or ending a war.

Who is Deif?

No one knows Deif except his family and a small group of Hamas members. Most of them do not know the whereabouts of the man Israel has been pursuing for decades as No. 1 wanted individual.

Currently, there are three pictures of Deif: a very old one, another of him masked, and an image of his shadow.

Even Israel, which boasts that it has the most powerful intelligence in the world, does not have a recent picture of the commander.

In January 2011, Deif's mother died. All Hamas leaders attended the funeral except for him. It is unknown whether he attended, as some say he was there, while others claim he didn't show up for security reasons. Some also claim he was at the burial disguised as an older man.

He is described as intelligent, quick-witted, and does not like appearing in public. He does not use technology and rarely broadcasts audio messages, only to announce the beginning of a new battle with Israel.

Deif has not appeared in public places for nearly three decades, or as those asked by Asharq Al-Awsat in Gaza say: "If we had looked at him, we would not have known him."

Deif's high sense of security may explain how Israel has been incapable of finding him.

The commander has been wanted by Israel since the mid-nineties when former Israeli Prime Minister Shimon Peres asked Palestinian President Yasser Arafat to arrest him before Arafat expressed his surprise at the name as if he did not know him.

Peres later admitted that he discovered that Arafat was protecting him, hiding him, and lying about him.

Israel tried to kill him more than once and wounded him twice.

Mohamed Diab Ibrahim al-Masri, dubbed Deif, was born in 1965 to a Palestinian refugee family from al-Qubeiba and settled in the Khan Yunis camp in the southern Gaza Strip.

Deif grew up in a very low-income family and was forced to leave school temporarily to support his family. He worked with his father in spinning and upholstery, then established a small poultry farm and worked as a driver.

The commander's friends in his neighborhood say he was gentle, had a good sense of humor, and a good heart.

Deif joined the Hamas movement at the end of 1987. He returned to school and received his education at the Islamic University of Gaza, where he graduated in 1988 after obtaining a bachelor's degree in science.

During this time, Deif created the Islamic theater group al-Ayedun, as he is known for his passion for acting. He played several theatrical roles, including historical figures.

Deif was responsible for the technical committee during his Islamic University Student Council activity.

Israel arrested him in 1989, and he spent 16 months in prison without trial on charges of working in the movement's military apparatus.

After his release, Deif and other figures began establishing al-Qassam Brigades.

During the 1990s, he supervised and participated in countless operations against Israel.

The Palestinian Authority arrested him in May 2000 at the request of Israel. He had a good relationship with the Authority, and his arrest was part of the understanding.

In 2002, he assumed command of al-Qassam after the assassination of its commander-in-chief, Salah Shehadeh.

In 2001, Israel first attempted to assassinate Deif. A second attempt was made a year later when an Apache helicopter fired two missiles at his vehicle, wounding him. Hamas leader and doctor Abdel Aziz al-Rantisi treated him at an undisclosed location.

In 2003, an Israeli plane attempted to assassinate Deif and some Hamas leaders in a house in Gaza. But the missile hit the wrong floor.

Three years later, a high-explosive missile hit a house where he met with Al-Qassam leaders. Once again, Deif survived, but Israel said he was seriously injured.

Israeli officials believe Deif can't walk and has lost one of his eyes. But Hamas has not confirmed or denied those claims.

Deif dispatched two recordings in recent years, using a silhouette dark image. Years later, he emerged masked while standing on his feet.



In War‑Scarred Gaza, Brides Turn to Refurbished Wedding Dresses

 Palestinians attend a mass wedding for 50 couples organized by the IHH Humanitarian Relief Foundation in Gaza City, May 11, 2026. (Reuters)
Palestinians attend a mass wedding for 50 couples organized by the IHH Humanitarian Relief Foundation in Gaza City, May 11, 2026. (Reuters)
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In War‑Scarred Gaza, Brides Turn to Refurbished Wedding Dresses

 Palestinians attend a mass wedding for 50 couples organized by the IHH Humanitarian Relief Foundation in Gaza City, May 11, 2026. (Reuters)
Palestinians attend a mass wedding for 50 couples organized by the IHH Humanitarian Relief Foundation in Gaza City, May 11, 2026. (Reuters)

In a small sewing workshop in southern Gaza, Nisreen Al-Rantisi pulls fabric from a pile and reshapes worn wedding dresses, trying to keep a fading tradition alive amid war and soaring costs.

Families said they have been struggling to find new wedding dresses and many search instead for places that refurbish gowns and other kinds of clothes for their children.

Importers cite delays, high shipping costs, and restrictions on materials, such as the crystals encrusted into the elaborate wedding dresses, as key factors behind the shortages ‌and price hikes.

Many workshops ‌have also been damaged during the conflict.

“We try ‌to ⁠reuse the old ⁠gowns that we have, produce them by fixing them a bit, work on them, wash them, arrange them, shape them,” said Rantisi, adding that work initially relied on a bicycle-powered sewing machine due to electricity shortages.

Rantisi said she used to buy the fabric for about 120 to 150 shekels ($41 to $51) before the war, but now pays around 500 shekels ($171).

“This has caused a big rise ⁠in the cost of bridal dresses and children’s gowns. We ‌are living in a vicious circle ‌from the war that affected us,” she added.

COGAT, the Israeli military agency that controls ‌access to Gaza, did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

Most ‌of Gaza's more than 2 million people have been displaced, many now living in bombed-out homes and makeshift tents pitched on open ground, roadsides, or atop the ruins of destroyed buildings after two years of war with Israel.

HIGH PRICES BEYOND REACH ‌FOR MOST IN GAZA

Despite the hardships, some couples still find ways to celebrate, with mass weddings held in ⁠Gaza offering a ⁠rare moment of joy amid the devastation.

Shop workers say the war has driven prices beyond reach.

“Before the war, prices were reasonable for everyone,” said Rawan Shalouf, an employee at a bridal shop.

“But now, given the circumstances we’re in, the price of a dress is ridiculous.”

Across Gaza, brides and families are struggling to afford even basic wedding needs. Shahed Fayez, 21, is due to marry in about four days but has been searching in vain for a dress.

“I don’t care about its style, what’s important is that it's new,” she added.

“The cheapest dress is $1,000 or more, that's the minimum, and all we have is less than $200. The entire dowry does not cover the price of a dress.”


In Tierra del Fuego, a Hunt for the Rodent Carrier of Hantavirus

This aerial view shows tourists taking photos at the Ushuaia sign in Ushuaia, Tierra del Fuego, Antartida e Islas del Atlantico Sur, Argentina, on May 17, 2026. (AFP)
This aerial view shows tourists taking photos at the Ushuaia sign in Ushuaia, Tierra del Fuego, Antartida e Islas del Atlantico Sur, Argentina, on May 17, 2026. (AFP)
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In Tierra del Fuego, a Hunt for the Rodent Carrier of Hantavirus

This aerial view shows tourists taking photos at the Ushuaia sign in Ushuaia, Tierra del Fuego, Antartida e Islas del Atlantico Sur, Argentina, on May 17, 2026. (AFP)
This aerial view shows tourists taking photos at the Ushuaia sign in Ushuaia, Tierra del Fuego, Antartida e Islas del Atlantico Sur, Argentina, on May 17, 2026. (AFP)

A scientific mission was set to kick off the search Monday for rodents that may be hantavirus carriers after an outbreak on a cruise ship departed this region at the southern tip of Argentina on April 1.

For several days, biologists from Buenos Aires will set traps at various locations on the southern island of Tierra del Fuego to analyze whether the captured rodents carry the Andes strain of the virus, the only one known to spread between people.

The mission is critical since the outbreak aboard the Hondius led to three deaths and triggered global alarm.

The first person to die from the disease, a Dutchman, had spent 48 hours in the picturesque city of Ushuaia with his wife -- who died two weeks later -- before embarking on the cruise, raising suspicions that they had contracted the virus in Argentina.

Provincial officials vehemently deny this hypothesis.

They insist that Tierra del Fuego province has not had a case of hantavirus since its reporting became mandatory 30 years ago, unlike in provinces to the north, such as Rio Negro and Chubut.

"There's no precedent," said Sebastian Poljak, an expert in local mammals.

- Night Traps -

Local scientists debate about whether the noteworthy rodent in Tierra del Fuego is the long-tailed rat (Oligoryzomys longicaudatus) or a subspecies, the Magellanic long-tailed rat (Oligoryzomys magellanicus).

"For some, it's the same species, for others, a subspecies, but the important thing is to analyze whether one of them is infected with hantavirus," said Juan Petrina, the province's director of epidemiology.

The woodland rodent that lives here is a small species measuring 6-8 centimeters (2.4-3.1 inches), but with a tail that can reach 15 cm.

The rodent is nocturnal and feeds on fruits and seeds. It lives in wooded and shrubby areas, nesting, for example, in tree cavities.

It is in these areas that scientists from Malbran, Argentina's leading institute for infectious diseases, will set trap cages in the evening and retrieve them in the morning, local health sources said.

A prime target is Tierra del Fuego National Park, 70,000 hectares (173,000 acres) of forests, lakes and mountains 15 kilometers (9 miles) from Ushuaia.

Another wooded area, not far from a landfill, will also be targeted, though the landfill itself will be excluded, they said.

Unconfirmed reports suggested that the Dutch person who died, a bird enthusiast, had visited the site to observe local scavengers, prompting speculation that his case involved contact with rodents there.

Capturing rats in the landfill itself would "make no sense, (because) the rodents found there are urban rodents, not susceptible to hantavirus," Petrina said.

Analysis results of the captured rats should be available within four weeks, he added.

- Isolated Rodents -

Local scientists welcome the mission, which will allow them to "assess with greater certainty the potential danger posed by the local rodents," said Guillermo Deferrari, a biologist at the Southern Center for Scientific Investigation (CADIC).

That should allow them to "definitively eradicate the idea that there is hantavirus here," said Poljak.

He points out that Tierra del Fuego is an archipelago separated from the mainland by the Strait of Magellan, a major geographical barrier for species.

The rodent population there is significantly isolated, he said.

Local scientists suspect that it is more likely that the infection happened in another region.

The Dutch couple had traveled extensively in Argentina for four months, with forays into Chile -- where hantavirus is also present -- and Uruguay.

Local authorities hope the Malbran mission will rule out the hypothesis of a local infection so as not to hurt the tourism business.

While Ushuaia is experiencing a slowdown at the start of winter, cruises that run from September to April attract up to 200,000 visitors annually.

"We don't want this situation to escalate any further," said Juan Manuel Pavlov, secretary of the Tierra del Fuego Tourism Institute.


Was Israel Secretly Running Two Military Bases in Iraqi Desert for Months?

 An Iraqi shepherd herds sheep and goats as the sun sets in the Iraqi town of Mishkhab south of Najaf, Iraq, Saturday, May 9, 2026. (APl)
An Iraqi shepherd herds sheep and goats as the sun sets in the Iraqi town of Mishkhab south of Najaf, Iraq, Saturday, May 9, 2026. (APl)
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Was Israel Secretly Running Two Military Bases in Iraqi Desert for Months?

 An Iraqi shepherd herds sheep and goats as the sun sets in the Iraqi town of Mishkhab south of Najaf, Iraq, Saturday, May 9, 2026. (APl)
An Iraqi shepherd herds sheep and goats as the sun sets in the Iraqi town of Mishkhab south of Najaf, Iraq, Saturday, May 9, 2026. (APl)

Israel built two covert bases in Iraq’s rugged western desert for well over a year to aid in its wars with Iran, The New York Times reported Sunday.

Iraqi officials described the development as a “blatant disregard for Iraqi sovereignty,” while a shepherd was killed after he stumbled on the base.

It all started on March 3, after Awad al-Shammari, 29, set off on a grocery trip, his cousin, Amir al-Shammari, told The New York Times.

Instead of making it home, the shepherd stumbled upon a closely guarded Israeli military secret, hidden in the Iraqi desert near the town of al-Nukhaib. His family believes it cost him his life.

Sometime between starting his ill-fated trip and its gruesome end, Awad had contacted Iraq’s regional military command to report what he had seen: soldiers, helicopters and tents clustered around a landing strip.

Israel was operating a base there to support its military operations against Baghdad’s regional partner, Iran, according to senior Iraqi and regional officials.

The presence of an Israeli outpost in Iraq was previously reported by The Wall Street Journal. Iraqi officials told The Times there was another undisclosed second base also in Iraq’s western desert.

The base Awad came across predated the current war between the United States, Israel and Iran, the regional security officials said, and was used during the 12-day war against Iran in June 2025.

The information the sources shared indicates that at least one of the bases — the one the shepherd stumbled upon — had been known to Washington since June 2025 or possibly earlier. That would most likely mean Baghdad’s other key ally, the United States, had withheld from Iraq the fact that hostile forces were on its soil.

“It shows a blatant disregard for Iraqi sovereignty, its government and its forces, as well as for the dignity of the Iraqi people,” said Waad al-Kadu, an Iraqi lawmaker who attended a confidential parliamentary briefing about that base.

Israel’s military declined repeated requests for comment on the camps or on Awad’s killing.

The US role in Iraqi security was part of Israel’s calculations in deciding it could safely operate clandestinely in Iraq, the regional officials said.

Major General Ali al-Hamdani, commander of the Iraqi military’s Western Euphrates Forces, said the army had suspected an Israeli presence in the desert for over a month before the shepherd’s discovery.

“Until now,” he said, “the government has been silent about it.”

Iraq’s government, for whom acknowledging Israeli outposts is fraught, has still not acknowledged the Israeli bases. Iraq has no diplomatic relations with Israel, and its population sees Israel as an enemy.

Lt. Gen. Saad Maan, a spokesman for Iraq’s security forces, told The Times that Iraq “has no information regarding the locations of any Israeli military bases.”

Growing outrage in Iraq over the revelations could threaten US efforts to curb Iranian influence in the country, even as the war’s outcome remains uncertain.

Iraqis also fear pro-Iran armed factions will use these developments to justify their refusal to disarm and to expand their military influence in Iraq.