With the World’s Eyes on Gaza, Attacks Are on the Rise in the West Bank, Which Faces its Own War 

Bashar al-Qaryoute, a Palestinian Red Crescent medic, displays bullet casings that he says he has collected from attacks by Israeli settlers and soldiers on his ambulance in the village of Qaryout in the northern West Bank, Sunday, Nov. 12, 2023. (AP)
Bashar al-Qaryoute, a Palestinian Red Crescent medic, displays bullet casings that he says he has collected from attacks by Israeli settlers and soldiers on his ambulance in the village of Qaryout in the northern West Bank, Sunday, Nov. 12, 2023. (AP)
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With the World’s Eyes on Gaza, Attacks Are on the Rise in the West Bank, Which Faces its Own War 

Bashar al-Qaryoute, a Palestinian Red Crescent medic, displays bullet casings that he says he has collected from attacks by Israeli settlers and soldiers on his ambulance in the village of Qaryout in the northern West Bank, Sunday, Nov. 12, 2023. (AP)
Bashar al-Qaryoute, a Palestinian Red Crescent medic, displays bullet casings that he says he has collected from attacks by Israeli settlers and soldiers on his ambulance in the village of Qaryout in the northern West Bank, Sunday, Nov. 12, 2023. (AP)

When Israeli warplanes swooped over the Gaza Strip following Hamas militants’ deadly attack on southern Israel, Palestinians say a different kind of war took hold in the occupied West Bank.

Overnight, the territory was closed off. Towns were raided, curfews imposed, teenagers arrested, detainees beaten, and villages stormed by Jewish vigilantes.

With the world’s attention on Gaza and the humanitarian crisis there, the violence of war has also erupted in the West Bank. Israeli settler attacks have surged at an unprecedented rate, according to the United Nations. The escalation has spread fear, deepened despair, and robbed Palestinians of their livelihoods, their homes and, in some cases, their lives.

“Our lives are hell,” said Sabri Boum, a 52-year-old farmer who fortified his windows with metal grills last week to protect his children from settlers he said threw stun grenades in Qaryout, a northern village. “It's like I'm in a prison.”

In six weeks, settlers have killed nine Palestinians, said Palestinian health authorities. They've destroyed 3,000-plus olive trees during the crucial harvest season, said Palestinian Authority official Ghassan Daghlas, wiping out what for some were inheritances passed through generations. And they've harassed herding communities, forcing over 900 people to abandon 15 hamlets they long called home, the UN said.

When asked about settler attacks, the Israeli army said only that it aims to defuse conflict and troops “are required to act” if Israel citizens violate the law. The army didn't respond to requests for comment on specific incidents.

US President Biden and other administration officials have repeatedly condemned settler violence, even as they defended the Israeli campaign in Gaza.

“It has to stop,” Biden said last month. “They have to be held accountable.”

That hasn't happened, according to Israeli rights group Yesh Din. Since Oct. 7, one settler has been arrested — over an olive farmer's death — and was released five days later, the group said. Two other settlers were placed in preventive detention without charge, it said.

Naomi Kahn, of advocacy group Regavim, which lobbies for settler interests, argued that settler attacks weren't nearly as widespread as rights groups report because it's a broad category including self-defense, anti-Palestinian graffiti and other nonviolent provocations.

“The entire Israeli system works not only to stamp out this violence but to prevent it,” she said.

Before the Hamas assault, 2023 already was the deadliest year for Palestinians in the West Bank in over two decades, with 250 Palestinians killed by Israeli fire, most during military operations.

Over these six weeks of war, Israeli security forces have killed another 206 Palestinians, the Palestinian Health Ministry said, the result of a rise in army raids backed by airstrikes and Palestinian militant attacks. In the deadliest West Bank raid since the second Palestinian intifada, or uprising, of the 2000s, Israeli forces killed 14 Palestinians in the Jenin refugee camp Nov. 9, most of them militants.

While for years settlers enjoyed the support of the Israeli government, they now have vocal proponents at the highest levels of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's coalition. This month, Netanyahu appointed Zvi Sukkot, a settler temporarily banned from the West Bank in 2012 over alleged assaults targeting Palestinians and Israeli forces, to lead the subcommittee on West Bank issues in parliament.

Palestinians who've endured hardships of Israeli military rule, in its 57th year, say this war has left them more vulnerable than ever.

“We’ve become scared of tomorrow,” said Abdelazim Wadi, 50, whose brother and nephew were fatally shot by settlers, according to health authorities.

Conflict has long been part of daily life here, but Palestinians say the war has unleashed a new wave of provocations, disrupting even their grim routine.

THE SETTLERS IN FATIGUES Israel captured the West Bank, east Jerusalem and Gaza in the 1967 Mideast war. Settlers claim the West Bank as their biblical birthright. Most of the international community considers the settlements, home to 700,000 Israelis, illegal. Israel considers the West Bank disputed land, and says the settlements' fate should be decided in negotiations. International law says the military, as the occupying power, must protect Palestinian civilians.

Palestinians say that in nearly six decades of occupation, Israeli soldiers often failed to protect them from settler attacks or even joined in.

Since the war's start, the line between settlers and soldiers has blurred further.

Israel’s wartime mobilization of 300,000-plus reservists included the call-up of settlers for duty and put many in charge of policing their own communities. The military said in some cases, reservists who live in settlements replaced regular West Bank battalions deployed in the war.

Tom Kleiner, a reservist guarding Beit El, a religious settlement near the Palestinian city of Ramallah, said the Oct. 7 Hamas attack's brutality cemented his conviction that Palestinians are determined to “murder us.”

“We don’t kill Arabs without any reason,” he said. “We kill them because they’re trying to kill us.”

Rights groups say uniforms and assault rifles have inflated settlers' sense of impunity.

“Imagine that the military supposed to protect you is now made of settlers committing violence against you,” said Ori Givati, of Breaking the Silence, a whistleblower group of former Israeli soldiers.

Bashar al-Qaryoute, a medic from the Palestinian village of Qaryout, said residents from the nearby settlement Shilo, now wearing fatigues, have blocked all but one road out. He said they smashed Qaryout’s water pipeline, forcing residents to truck in water at triple the price.

“They were the ones always burning olive trees and creating problems,” al-Qaryoute said. “Now they're in charge.”

THE CURFEW “Close it!” a soldier barked at Imad Abu Shamsiyya when he met the young man's eyes through his open window. Then, he pointed his rifle.

Over 52 years, Abu Shamsiyya has witnessed crises strike the heart of Hebron, the only place in which Jewish settlers live amid local residents, not in separate communities.

He thought life in the maze of barbed wire and security cameras couldn't get worse. Then came the war.

“This terror, these pressures,” he said, “are unlike before.”

The Israeli military has barred 750 families in Hebron's Old City — where some 700 radical Jewish settlers live among 34,000 Palestinians under heavy military protection — from stepping outside except for one hour in the morning and one in the evening on Sundays, Tuesdays and Thursday, said residents and Israeli human rights organization B’Tselem.

Schools have closed. Work has stopped. Sick people have moved in with relatives in the Palestinian-controlled part of town. Israeli settlers often roam at night, taunting Palestinians trapped indoors, according to footage published by B'Tselem.

Checkpoints instill dread. Soldiers who in the past just glanced at Abu Shamsiyya’s ID now search his phone and social media. They pat him down, he said, gawking and cursing.

“Hebron is a blatant microcosm of how Israel is exerting control over the Palestinians population,” said Dror Sadot, of B'Tselem.

The Israeli military didn't respond to a request for comment on the curfew.

THE SETTLER RAID The grinding of a bulldozer's gears. The crack of a gun. With a glance, parents let each other know the drill: Grab the children, lock the doors, keep away from windows.

Palestinians say settlers storm the northern village of Qusra almost daily, covering olive orchards in cement and dousing cars and homes in gasoline.

On Oct. 11, settlers tore through dusty streets, shooting at families in their homes. Within minutes, three Palestinian men were dead.

Israeli forces sent to disperse armed settlers and Palestinian stone-throwers fired into the crowd, killing a fourth villager, Palestinian officials said.

The next day, settlers heeded social-media calls to ambush a funeral procession the village coordinated with the army. They cut off roads and sprayed bullets at mourners who sprang from cars and sprinted through fields, attendees said.

Ibrahim Wadi, a 62-year-old chemist, and his 26-year-old son Ahmed, a lawyer, were killed. The funeral for four became one for six.

Settlers’ online posts rejoicing at the deaths, shared with The Associated Press, stung Ibrahim's brother, Abdelazim, almost as much as the loss.

“The mind breaks down, it stops comprehending,” he said.

THE GHOST TOWN Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich said Israel should “wipe out” Palestinian town Hawara after a gunman killed two Israeli brothers in February, sending hundreds of settlers on a deadly rampage.

Another far-right religious lawmaker, Zvika Fogel, said he wanted to see the commercial hub “closed, incinerated."

Today, Hawara resembles a ghost town.

The army shuttered shops “to maintain public order” after Palestinian militant attacks, it said. Abandoned dogs roam among vandalized storefronts. Posters with a Talmudic justification for killing Palestinians adorn road blocks: “Rise and kill first.”

From the war's start, much of the West Bank's main north-south highway has been closed to Palestinians, said anti-settlement watchdog Peace Now. Commutes that took 10 to 20 minutes now take hourslong detours on dangerous dirt roads.

The restrictions, said Palestinian politician Mustafa Barghouti, “have divided the West Bank into 224 ghettos separated by closed checkpoints.”

The 160,000 Palestinian laborers who passed those checkpoints to work in Israel and Israeli settlements before Oct. 7 lost their coveted permits overnight, said Israel's defense agency overseeing Palestinian civil matters. The agency allowed 8,000 essential workers to return to factories and hospitals earlier this month. There's no word on when the rest can.

“My grandfather relies on me, and now I have nothing,” said Ahmed, a 27-year-old from Hebron who lost his barista job in Haifa, Israel. He declined to give his last name for fear of reprisals.

“The pressure is building. We expect the West Bank to explode if nothing changes.”

THE OLIVE HARVEST Palestinians wait all year for the autumn moment that olives turn from green to black. The two-month harvest is a beloved ritual and income boost.

Violence has marred the season. Soldiers and settlers blocked villagers from reaching orchards and used bulldozers to remove gnarled roots of centuries-old trees, they say.

Hafeeda al-Khatib, an 80-year-old farmer in Qaryout, said soldiers shot in the air and dragged her from her land when they caught her picking olives last week. It's the first year she can remember not having enough to make oil.

In a letter to Netanyahu this month, Smotrich called for a ban on Palestinians harvesting olives near Israeli settlements to reduce friction.

Palestinians say settlers' efforts have done the opposite.

“They've declared war on me,” said Mahmoud Hassan, a 63-year-old farmer in Khirbet Sara, a northern community. He said reservist settlers have surrounded it. If he ventures 100 meters (yards) to his grove, he said, soldiers standing sentry scream or fire into the air. He needs permission to leave home and return.

“There is no room anymore for talking to them or negotiating,” he said.

The military said it “thoroughly reviewed” reports of violence against Palestinians and their property. “Disciplinary actions are implemented accordingly,” it said, without elaborating.

THE EVACUATION Rights groups say the goal of settler violence is to clear Palestinians from land they claim for a future state, making room for Jewish settlements to expand.

The Bedouin hamlet of Wadi al-Seeq was pushed to its breaking point by three detained Palestinians' ordeal over nine hours Oct. 12. The harrowing accounts were first reported by Israel’s Haaretz daily.

Weeks of vigilante violence had already forced 10 families to flee when masked settlers in army uniforms barreled through that day, slamming a Bedouin resident and two Palestinian activists onto the ground and shoving them into pickups, villagers said.

One of the activists, 46-year-old Mohammed Matar, told AP they were bound, beaten, blindfolded, stripped to their underwear and burned by cigarettes.

Matar said reservist settlers urinated on him, penetrated him anally with a stick, and screamed at him to leave and go to Jordan.

When released, Matar left. So did Wadi al-Seeq’s 30 remaining families. They took their sheep to the creases of the hills east of Ramallah and abandoned everything else.

The Israeli military said it fired the commander in charge and was investigating.

Matar said that to move on, he needs Israel to hold someone accountable.

“I'd be satisfied with the bare minimum,” he said, “the tiniest shred of justice.”



Iran After Trump’s Win: Calls for New Approach, Challenge to Soleimani’s ‘Killer’

An Iranian holds a copy of the Hamshahri newspaper in a street in downtown Tehran (EPA)
An Iranian holds a copy of the Hamshahri newspaper in a street in downtown Tehran (EPA)
TT

Iran After Trump’s Win: Calls for New Approach, Challenge to Soleimani’s ‘Killer’

An Iranian holds a copy of the Hamshahri newspaper in a street in downtown Tehran (EPA)
An Iranian holds a copy of the Hamshahri newspaper in a street in downtown Tehran (EPA)

The Iranian Foreign Ministry spokesperson has said that Donald Trump’s victory in the US presidential election offers an opportunity for the US to reassess its “misguided policies.”

“What matters for Iran is the performance of the US administration,” said Ismail Baghai on Thursday, noting that Tehran had “bitter experiences” with past US policies.

He added that Trump’s win is a “chance to reconsider the previous wrong directions” of the US, according to the official IRNA news agency.

Iranian newspapers were divided, with some calling for Tehran to adopt a new approach, while others opposed the policies of the “architect of maximum pressure” and the “killer” of Gen. Qasem Soleimani.

On Wednesday, Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian said the US election result was of no concern to Iran.

“It doesn't matter to us who won the US election, as our strength lies in our internal power and a great nation,” Pezeshkian said.

“We are not narrow-minded in developing relations with other countries, prioritizing ties with Islamic and neighboring nations,” he added, according to Iranian media. It was unclear if he was referring to the US, with which Iran has no diplomatic ties.

Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei has banned direct talks with the US.

On Wednesday, government spokesperson Fatemeh Mahdiani downplayed the importance of the election.

“The US presidential election won’t affect us. Iran’s policies remain unchanged,” she said.

“It doesn't matter who the US president is. We’ve already planned for various scenarios, given the sanctions on Iran for over 40 years,” she added.

Last Monday, Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi said: “We don’t place much importance on the US election or who is elected.”

Baghai, speaking at his weekly press conference on Monday, said Iran’s stance on Trump is “clear” when asked how Tehran would respond if Trump offered to negotiate.

Trump’s victory comes amid rising tensions between Israel and Iran, with direct strikes exchanged after years of indirect conflict.

Reuters speculated that Trump’s return to office would mean stricter enforcement of US oil sanctions on Iran, which were imposed in 2018 after the US left the nuclear deal.

Trump criticized President Joe Biden’s policy of not enforcing strict sanctions on Iran’s oil exports, claiming it weakened the US and emboldened Tehran to expand its nuclear program and support armed groups.

In his first term, Trump reimposed sanctions after withdrawing from the 2015 nuclear deal, which had limited Iran’s nuclear program in exchange for economic benefits.

These sanctions hurt Iran’s oil exports, reduced government revenue, and led to unpopular measures like tax hikes, while inflation remained near 40%.

In September, Pezeshkian said Tehran was ready to resolve the nuclear issue with the West, which accuses Iran of seeking nuclear weapons.

Iran insists its nuclear program is for peaceful purposes, but officials have hinted at possibly changing its direction.

Biden tried to revive the nuclear deal but failed to reach a new agreement. It’s unclear if Trump would pursue a similar approach.

Trump’s victory in the US presidential election dominated Iranian newspapers on Thursday morning, with the reformist Sazandegi newspaper, under the headline “Trump’s Return,” saying that no decision-makers in Iran are comfortable with Trump’s win, as it could harm the country in several ways.

The paper, aligned with former President Ali Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani’s faction, predicted that Trump might increase uncertainty, tighten sanctions, block Iran’s oil exports, and destabilize the economy, which would hurt ordinary Iranians.

The paper also suggested that the situation could change if the Iranian government adjusts its approach in response to Trump’s win but criticized Iran’s decision-makers for being slow to adapt.

It acknowledged that while Iran’s actions over the past 50 years have led all US administrations to view it as an enemy, the impact of the US president can vary.

The newspaper warned that Trump’s policies could lead to a bigger budget deficit, rising inflation, and a higher exchange rate, all of which would harm various sectors of Iran’s economy.

It noted that the country’s currency stability relies on oil revenues and foreign political relations.

With ongoing regional tensions and sanctions, any drop in oil revenues and difficulty accessing global markets could worsen Iran’s economic challenges, making it harder for the government to manage its budget and financial crises.

Analysts quoted by Sazandegi said Trump’s reelection might not lead to war but could result in harsher sanctions targeting Iran’s nuclear and missile programs without military action.

They also predicted that Russia might increase its pressure on Iran, potentially pushing the country toward a “Look East” strategy.

Reformist politician Mohammad Hashemi Rafsanjani wrote in Arman Emruz that Trump, as a businessman, would likely prefer economic cooperation with Iran over military conflict.

He suggested Trump might push for trade talks with Iran, opening the market to US companies, similar to European firms before the nuclear deal.

Hashemi noted that any conflict could drive up oil and gas prices, and as a businessman, Trump would likely avoid this. Instead, he would seek to strengthen economic ties between Iran and the US.

Hashemi also pointed out that the nuclear deal brought Iran significant economic benefits, including the return of $100 billion in frozen assets.

Arman Emruz warned that Trump’s return could escalate Middle East tensions and complicate relations with China and Russia over issues like Ukraine and Taiwan.

Etemad newspaper said that during his first term, Trump tried to turn Iran from a legitimate player into a pariah state, aiming to restrict and isolate it. It added that Trump’s return now is not in Iran’s interest.

The paper called for a “different policy” toward Trump. Reformist activist and former MP Mahmoud Sadeghi said it’s too early to assess Trump’s performance, especially since he won unexpectedly.

Sadeghi pointed out that for Iranians, the key concern is how Trump’s election will affect domestic issues, recalling his role in the strike that killed Gen. Soleimani five years ago.

He warned against falling into “self-sanctions” and urged Iran to address the Financial Action Task Force (FATF) rules to fight money laundering.

On regional policy, Sadeghi stressed the need for the government to act wisely to avoid being caught in the Netanyahu-Trump rivalry. He emphasized the importance of seizing every opportunity, no matter how small.

Former MP Heshmatollah Falahatpisheh compared Trump’s return to the Taliban’s return to power in Afghanistan and dismissed the idea that Democrats and Republicans are the same, especially on the nuclear deal.