Ethiopia and Somaliland: Security in Return for Sea Access

Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed and Somaliland leader Muse Bihi Abdi  attend the signing of the Memorandum of Understanding agreement, that allows Ethiopia to use a Somaliland port, in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, January 1, 2024. (Reuters)
Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed and Somaliland leader Muse Bihi Abdi attend the signing of the Memorandum of Understanding agreement, that allows Ethiopia to use a Somaliland port, in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, January 1, 2024. (Reuters)
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Ethiopia and Somaliland: Security in Return for Sea Access

Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed and Somaliland leader Muse Bihi Abdi  attend the signing of the Memorandum of Understanding agreement, that allows Ethiopia to use a Somaliland port, in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, January 1, 2024. (Reuters)
Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed and Somaliland leader Muse Bihi Abdi attend the signing of the Memorandum of Understanding agreement, that allows Ethiopia to use a Somaliland port, in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, January 1, 2024. (Reuters)

Ethiopia’s signing on Monday of a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) to use the main port of Somalia's breakaway region of Somaliland has sparked a new dispute with its eastern neighbor.

Somalia declared on Tuesday its rejection of the deal and summoned its ambassador from Addis Ababa for consultations.

Landlocked Ethiopia has for years sought access to sea channels to meet its economic ambitions. Currently, it relies on neighboring Djibouti’s port for 95 percent of its marine trade.

Ethiopia has in the past sought to complete agreements with Eritrea, Sudan and Kenya over the use of their seaports. All failed for various reasons, such as war and coups in Sudan.

Mutual interests

The new MoU grants Ethiopia 20-km access to the Red Sea, specifically in the Berbera port, for a 50-year period.

In return, Ethiopia will recognize Somaliland as a republic, announced Muse Bihi Abdi leader of Somaliland, which has not been internationally recognized since it broke away from Somalia in 1991.

Under the MoU, at least 30 percent of Ethiopia’s trade transactions with Djibouti will now be process at Berbera port.

National Security Affairs Advisor to Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, Redwan Hussein said the MoU will pave the way for his country to carry out marine trade in the region.

It will also grant it access to a leased military base on the Red Sea as part of the agreement, he added.

In other words, Somaliland will achieve security in a turbulent region in return for selling some of its territories to Addis Ababa.

The MoU also stipulates that Somaliland will acquire a stake in the Ethiopian Airlines national carrier.

Expert in Horn of Africa affairs Abdushekur Abdulsamad told Asharq Al-Awsat that the MoU will help Somaliland in modernizing its infrastructure, paving roads and laying railways. It will also benefit from electricity generated by the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD).

It could gain military support from Ethiopia once the MoU is expanded further, he added.

The agreement “shall pave the way to realize the aspiration of Ethiopia to secure access to the sea and diversify its access to seaport,” PM Abiy’s office posted on X.

“It also strengthens their security, economic and political partnership,” it said.

In a televised speech last October, Abiy declared that his country needed to pursue its right to sea access, raising concerns in the region.

He said Ethiopia “is a nation whose existence was tied to the Red Sea” and that it needed access to a port.

Moreover, he said that “peace” in the region hinged on the “balanced” relations between Ethiopia and its neighbors overlooking the Red Sea, specifically naming Djibouti, Eritrea and Somalia.

Addressing the concerns raised by his statements, he vowed that he will “never pursue his interests through war.”

Partial or full stake?

Even though the MoU did not specify Ethiopia’s exact stake in Berbera port, Abdulsamad said it could be a full stake and the facility could come under Ethiopia’s complete control.

Ethiopian authorities said they will release an official statement with the details of the MoU soon.

In 2018, Ethiopia acquired a 19 percent stake in the Berbera port, according to Dubai-based DP World, which manages the port's operations. The company itself holds a 51 percent stake, while Somaliland has the remaining 30 percent.

Ethiopia was cut off from the coast after Eritrea seceded from the country and declared independence in 1993 following a three-decade war.

Addis Ababa had maintained access to a port in Eritrea until the two countries went to war in 1998-2000, and since then Ethiopia funnels most of its trade through Djibouti.

Somaliland has not gained widespread international recognition, despite declaring autonomy from Somalia in 1991.

Ethiopia, under its former President Meles Zenawi, was the first country to recognize Somaliland’s independence.

It received informal recognition from other countries that set up diplomatic missions there or carried out trade operations.

A European Union delegation had monitored the last elections that were held in Somaliland, congratulating its people, government, electoral commission and political parties for successfully organizing them.

Kenyan and Somaliland officials have exchanged visits over the years. People of Somaliland travel through passports issued in Somaliland.

Somalia stresses that Somaliland is part of its territories. Its state news agency SONNA reported that following mediation from Djibouti, it agreed with Somaliland to resume talks to resolve their disputes.

Strongly worded Somali protest

Somalia summoned its ambassador in Ethiopia in protest against the MoU.

Prime Minister Hamza Abdi Barre convened an emergency cabinet meeting to discuss the MoU, which it described as a “blatant assault on the independence, sovereignty and unity of the Federal Republic of Somalia.” It deemed the agreement null and void.

Barre added that the government was determined to protect Somalia’s sovereignty. “No one can violate a part of Somalia’s territory, whether by sea or air,” he stated.

The government also said it was appealing to the United Nations, African Union, Organization of Islamic Cooperation, Arab League, European Union and regional East African grouping IGAD among others “to stand with the right for Somalia to defend its sovereignty and force Ethiopia to adhere to international laws”.

President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud condemned the MoU, accusing Ethiopia of violating Somalia’s national sovereignty and regional security.

“No one can and no one will be allowed to extract an inch of Somali soil. Somalia belongs to the Somali people,” he declared in a post on the X platform.

The two Horn of Africa neighbors have a history of stormy relations and territorial feuds, fighting two wars in the late 20th century.

Abdulsamad said, however, that the tensions are now “water under the bridge.” Economic interests and policies of openness are now allowing greater rapprochement between these countries.

Eritrea

Eritrean authorities have so far not commented on the MoU, but observers believe that it will not sit well with Asmara, which will not comment on it.

Abdulsamad said Eritrea may have wasted opportunities to strike a lucrative agreement with Ethiopia to allow it access to the Assab port.

Ethiopia will not forget past agreements with Eritrea and Sudan, and it may return to them in the future, because it is working on diversifying its sources of trade operations given its massive population of 120 million people, he explained.



Macron Urges Israel to Hold 'Direct Talks' with Lebanon amid More War Casualties

Firefighters and first aid responders work inside an apartment that was targeted by an Israeli airstrike in the Burj Hammoud area on the northern outskirts of Beirut on March 14, 2026. (Photo by IBRAHIM AMRO / AFP)
Firefighters and first aid responders work inside an apartment that was targeted by an Israeli airstrike in the Burj Hammoud area on the northern outskirts of Beirut on March 14, 2026. (Photo by IBRAHIM AMRO / AFP)
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Macron Urges Israel to Hold 'Direct Talks' with Lebanon amid More War Casualties

Firefighters and first aid responders work inside an apartment that was targeted by an Israeli airstrike in the Burj Hammoud area on the northern outskirts of Beirut on March 14, 2026. (Photo by IBRAHIM AMRO / AFP)
Firefighters and first aid responders work inside an apartment that was targeted by an Israeli airstrike in the Burj Hammoud area on the northern outskirts of Beirut on March 14, 2026. (Photo by IBRAHIM AMRO / AFP)

French President Emmanuel Macron on Saturday said Lebanon was ready to engage in "direct talks" with Israel and offered to host negotiations in Paris.

"The Lebanese government has signaled its willingness to engage in direct talks with Israel," he said on X.

"France is ready to facilitate these talks by hosting them in Paris," Macron said, adding he had spoken to the president and prime minister of Lebanon.

He called on Israel to "seize this opportunity ⁠to launch ceasefire discussions, to find a lasting solution and to allow the Lebanese authorities to put in place their engagements for Lebanon's sovereignty."

Macron also urged Israel ⁠to ⁠stop its offensive and on Hezbollah to stop its actions.

"Everything must be done to stop Lebanon from descending into chaos," he said.

A photograph shows the site of an overnight Israeli airstrike that targeted Beirut's southern suburbs, on March 14, 2026. (Photo by AFP)

At least 12 medical personnel were killed in an Israeli strike on a healthcare center in the town of Borj Qalaouiya in southern Lebanon, the Lebanese state news agency reported on Saturday, citing the health ministry.

The Israeli army said that a day earlier it struck Hezbollah operatives "who were bringing rockets into a weapons depot" in Majdal, around seven kilometers from Borj Qalaouiya.

Also, an Israeli strike hit an apartment building in a northern Beirut suburb that had been targeted a day earlier, Lebanese state media said.

The National News Agency said "an Israeli strike targeted the Nabaa-Burj Hammoud area for a second day."

The same building had been struck on Friday without causing casualties.

The NNA also reported on Friday that Israeli shells hit a United Nations base hosting Nepali peacekeepers in the southern border town of Mais al-Jabal.


Egypt Renews Call for Joint Arab Force, Warns of ‘Total Chaos’

Egyptian Foreign Minister Badr Abdelatty (Egyptian Foreign Ministry)
Egyptian Foreign Minister Badr Abdelatty (Egyptian Foreign Ministry)
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Egypt Renews Call for Joint Arab Force, Warns of ‘Total Chaos’

Egyptian Foreign Minister Badr Abdelatty (Egyptian Foreign Ministry)
Egyptian Foreign Minister Badr Abdelatty (Egyptian Foreign Ministry)

Egypt renewed calls to form a joint Arab force capable of effectively confronting threats and risks facing Arab states, warning of “the dangers of the conflict widening in the region and the possibility of sliding into comprehensive chaos.”

It also reaffirmed its solidarity with the Gulf states and rejected any attempt by non-Arab regional powers or actors outside the region to impose regional security arrangements on Arab countries.

The remarks came as Egyptian Foreign Minister Badr Abdelatty participated in the fourth joint ministerial meeting between Egypt and the Gulf Cooperation Council's foreign ministers, held virtually on Thursday evening.

The meeting was chaired by Bahraini Foreign Minister Abdullatif bin Rashid Al Zayani, the current chair of the GCC ministerial council, and attended by GCC Secretary-General Jassim Albudaiwi.

In a statement on Friday, Egyptian Foreign Ministry spokesman Tamim Khallaf said Abdelatty reaffirmed Egypt’s “firm and strong support” for the “brotherly Gulf states” and its solidarity with them in confronting the “unacceptable and unjustified attacks” they faced from Iran in recent days.

He stressed Egypt’s “categorical rejection of any pretexts aimed at undermining the sovereignty or capabilities of the brotherly Gulf states, Jordan and Iraq,” saying “the security of the Gulf states is an integral part of Egyptian and Arab national security, and Egypt stands by its brothers in this delicate regional moment.”

Abdelatty also stressed the “utmost importance” of de-escalation, calming tensions and prioritizing diplomacy and dialogue. He underlined the need to ensure freedom of international maritime navigation and voiced “complete rejection of any attempts to obstruct it,” warning such moves would pose a direct threat to regional stability and global trade flows.

Khallaf said Abdelatty also renewed calls to activate Arab national security frameworks and deepen joint cooperation, urging swift practical steps and new mechanisms to safeguard the security and sovereignty of Arab states, including Gulf countries. These steps include accelerating the activation of the Arab League’s 1950 Joint Defense and Economic Cooperation Treaty and forming a joint Arab force.

Abdelatty told a meeting of the Egyptian cabinet on Tuesday that Egypt is currently leading initiatives to establish a joint Arab force to protect Arab national security, according to Cairo News television.

GCC foreign ministers praised what they described as the “principled, strong and supportive positions” of the Egyptian leadership, particularly Cairo’s unequivocal condemnation of attacks targeting Gulf states and its declaration of full solidarity with them at this sensitive moment.

They also commended Egypt’s continued support for the Palestinian cause and its pivotal role in backing Arab issues, strengthening joint Arab action and safeguarding regional security and stability amid current challenges.

Khallaf said the ministers also reviewed institutional ties between Egypt and the GCC, praising the “qualitative leap” in relations since the signing of a memorandum of understanding on political consultations and the adoption of a joint action plan for 2024-2028.

They also highlighted momentum generated by the Egyptian-Gulf Trade and Investment Forum hosted by Cairo last November and discussed efforts to elevate relations to a comprehensive strategic partnership that would strengthen economic, trade and investment cooperation for the mutual benefit of the region’s peoples.


Is Burhan Heading for a Showdown with Sudan’s Islamists?

A circulating image shows Yasser al-Atta with the commander of the Islamist al-Baraa bin Malik militia fighting alongside the army
A circulating image shows Yasser al-Atta with the commander of the Islamist al-Baraa bin Malik militia fighting alongside the army
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Is Burhan Heading for a Showdown with Sudan’s Islamists?

A circulating image shows Yasser al-Atta with the commander of the Islamist al-Baraa bin Malik militia fighting alongside the army
A circulating image shows Yasser al-Atta with the commander of the Islamist al-Baraa bin Malik militia fighting alongside the army

The designation of Sudan’s Islamists as a terrorist entity places the country’s military leadership before difficult and narrowing choices, particularly as these currents are deeply embedded within the ruling system and wield growing influence in decision-making circles, including inside the military itself.

That reality makes any potential confrontation highly risky at a time when Sudan is already facing a fragile and volatile situation on all fronts.

The development raises key questions about what comes next: Could army commander Abdel Fattah al-Burhan move to curb the Islamists’ influence or remove them from the military? And how might they respond if targeted and the confrontation escalates?

The United States announced last Monday that it had designated the Muslim Brotherhood in Sudan a terrorist organization, accusing it of receiving support from Iran. To avoid confusion over the name, the US State Department specified the “Sudanese Islamic Movement” and included its military wing, the al-Baraa bin Malik Corps, citing links to Iran’s Revolutionary Guard Corps.

Since the fall of ousted president Omar al-Bashir after the 2019 popular uprising, Islamists and their dissolved National Congress Party have split into several civilian and military factions. When war erupted in April 2023, they regrouped in new military formations to fight alongside the Sudanese army against the Rapid Support Forces.

Ali Karti, Secretary General of the Sudanese Islamic Movement and a former foreign minister, is accused of acting as the real driver behind the army through Islamist elements within its ranks in a bid to return to power. The army and Burhan have repeatedly denied those accusations.

Some Islamist leaders say the movement has regained influence inside the institutions of the “deep state” and that confronting it would require extensive intelligence and security efforts. They also acknowledge that Islamists have become a heavy burden on the army, while Burhan appears hesitant to take a decisive stance against them.

Sources familiar with the matter say the administration of US President Donald Trump had earlier decided to designate the group but delayed announcing the move to allow time for efforts to secure a ceasefire between the army and the Rapid Support Forces.

Rising regional tensions, particularly the US-Israel confrontation with Iran, and statements by Islamist leaders fighting alongside the army declaring support for Tehran, accelerated the decision.

Those statements reportedly embarrassed Burhan before regional allies, prompting him to deny any official ties between the army and the groups and to vow to be held accountable.

Sources say the designation explicitly linked “Islamist battalions” in Sudan to training and military support from Iran’s Revolutionary Guards, potentially making them a target of US policies as the regional conflict widens.

At the same time, activists circulated an old video of Sovereignty Council member and assistant commander-in-chief Yasser al-Atta speaking about six Islamist battalions fighting within the army’s ranks.

Possible scenarios

Circles close to the Islamists expect the movement to “bend with the storm,” avoiding public positions that could trigger direct confrontation with the military authorities, particularly as any battlefield setback could allow the Rapid Support Forces to advance.

Despite that caution, those circles say Islamists remain influential, holding sway within security agencies, intelligence services and military intelligence. Their reach also extends into state institutions, including the judiciary and the public prosecution, making their removal costly and complex.

Opponents of the Islamic Movement say the army may struggle to implement the requirements of the US designation - such as freezing accounts or restricting the movement of leaders - because of the movement’s ideological penetration within the officer corps. That infiltration dates back to the 1970s and persisted for three decades under Bashir’s former “Salvation” government.

In this view, the army could try to navigate the sanctions through political maneuvering and continued cooperation with Islamists to soften their impact. But such an approach may test the international community's patience.

Babiker Faisal, head of the executive office of the Federal Gathering, says the army faces three main choices: deny the presence of Islamists within its institutions, a line Burhan has consistently taken; maneuver between the international community and the Islamists by reassuring both sides; or take a decisive step to exclude them and confront them directly.

Faisal believes Burhan is likely to pursue the maneuvering option, pointing to the Sudanese Foreign Ministry’s silence over the designation while calling instead for the Rapid Support Forces to be labeled a terrorist organization.

But he warns the approach may only buy time. The most significant aspect of the designation, he says, is its direct military link between the Islamic Movement and Iran — an issue that has become a top priority for the US administration.

A direct confrontation, he argues, would be extremely difficult given the Islamists’ grip on key state institutions and security bodies. That could push them to fight to the end in what they would see as an existential battle, especially after the decline of Brotherhood-linked movements in several regional countries.

Civilian forces opposed to the war say all possibilities remain open, including the direct targeting of Islamists, depending on regional developments or giving the army time to distance itself from them gradually.

They argue that excluding the Islamic Movement from any future political process is the shortest path to ending the war and restoring stability in Sudan.