Ethiopia and Somaliland: Security in Return for Sea Access

Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed and Somaliland leader Muse Bihi Abdi  attend the signing of the Memorandum of Understanding agreement, that allows Ethiopia to use a Somaliland port, in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, January 1, 2024. (Reuters)
Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed and Somaliland leader Muse Bihi Abdi attend the signing of the Memorandum of Understanding agreement, that allows Ethiopia to use a Somaliland port, in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, January 1, 2024. (Reuters)
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Ethiopia and Somaliland: Security in Return for Sea Access

Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed and Somaliland leader Muse Bihi Abdi  attend the signing of the Memorandum of Understanding agreement, that allows Ethiopia to use a Somaliland port, in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, January 1, 2024. (Reuters)
Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed and Somaliland leader Muse Bihi Abdi attend the signing of the Memorandum of Understanding agreement, that allows Ethiopia to use a Somaliland port, in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, January 1, 2024. (Reuters)

Ethiopia’s signing on Monday of a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) to use the main port of Somalia's breakaway region of Somaliland has sparked a new dispute with its eastern neighbor.

Somalia declared on Tuesday its rejection of the deal and summoned its ambassador from Addis Ababa for consultations.

Landlocked Ethiopia has for years sought access to sea channels to meet its economic ambitions. Currently, it relies on neighboring Djibouti’s port for 95 percent of its marine trade.

Ethiopia has in the past sought to complete agreements with Eritrea, Sudan and Kenya over the use of their seaports. All failed for various reasons, such as war and coups in Sudan.

Mutual interests

The new MoU grants Ethiopia 20-km access to the Red Sea, specifically in the Berbera port, for a 50-year period.

In return, Ethiopia will recognize Somaliland as a republic, announced Muse Bihi Abdi leader of Somaliland, which has not been internationally recognized since it broke away from Somalia in 1991.

Under the MoU, at least 30 percent of Ethiopia’s trade transactions with Djibouti will now be process at Berbera port.

National Security Affairs Advisor to Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, Redwan Hussein said the MoU will pave the way for his country to carry out marine trade in the region.

It will also grant it access to a leased military base on the Red Sea as part of the agreement, he added.

In other words, Somaliland will achieve security in a turbulent region in return for selling some of its territories to Addis Ababa.

The MoU also stipulates that Somaliland will acquire a stake in the Ethiopian Airlines national carrier.

Expert in Horn of Africa affairs Abdushekur Abdulsamad told Asharq Al-Awsat that the MoU will help Somaliland in modernizing its infrastructure, paving roads and laying railways. It will also benefit from electricity generated by the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD).

It could gain military support from Ethiopia once the MoU is expanded further, he added.

The agreement “shall pave the way to realize the aspiration of Ethiopia to secure access to the sea and diversify its access to seaport,” PM Abiy’s office posted on X.

“It also strengthens their security, economic and political partnership,” it said.

In a televised speech last October, Abiy declared that his country needed to pursue its right to sea access, raising concerns in the region.

He said Ethiopia “is a nation whose existence was tied to the Red Sea” and that it needed access to a port.

Moreover, he said that “peace” in the region hinged on the “balanced” relations between Ethiopia and its neighbors overlooking the Red Sea, specifically naming Djibouti, Eritrea and Somalia.

Addressing the concerns raised by his statements, he vowed that he will “never pursue his interests through war.”

Partial or full stake?

Even though the MoU did not specify Ethiopia’s exact stake in Berbera port, Abdulsamad said it could be a full stake and the facility could come under Ethiopia’s complete control.

Ethiopian authorities said they will release an official statement with the details of the MoU soon.

In 2018, Ethiopia acquired a 19 percent stake in the Berbera port, according to Dubai-based DP World, which manages the port's operations. The company itself holds a 51 percent stake, while Somaliland has the remaining 30 percent.

Ethiopia was cut off from the coast after Eritrea seceded from the country and declared independence in 1993 following a three-decade war.

Addis Ababa had maintained access to a port in Eritrea until the two countries went to war in 1998-2000, and since then Ethiopia funnels most of its trade through Djibouti.

Somaliland has not gained widespread international recognition, despite declaring autonomy from Somalia in 1991.

Ethiopia, under its former President Meles Zenawi, was the first country to recognize Somaliland’s independence.

It received informal recognition from other countries that set up diplomatic missions there or carried out trade operations.

A European Union delegation had monitored the last elections that were held in Somaliland, congratulating its people, government, electoral commission and political parties for successfully organizing them.

Kenyan and Somaliland officials have exchanged visits over the years. People of Somaliland travel through passports issued in Somaliland.

Somalia stresses that Somaliland is part of its territories. Its state news agency SONNA reported that following mediation from Djibouti, it agreed with Somaliland to resume talks to resolve their disputes.

Strongly worded Somali protest

Somalia summoned its ambassador in Ethiopia in protest against the MoU.

Prime Minister Hamza Abdi Barre convened an emergency cabinet meeting to discuss the MoU, which it described as a “blatant assault on the independence, sovereignty and unity of the Federal Republic of Somalia.” It deemed the agreement null and void.

Barre added that the government was determined to protect Somalia’s sovereignty. “No one can violate a part of Somalia’s territory, whether by sea or air,” he stated.

The government also said it was appealing to the United Nations, African Union, Organization of Islamic Cooperation, Arab League, European Union and regional East African grouping IGAD among others “to stand with the right for Somalia to defend its sovereignty and force Ethiopia to adhere to international laws”.

President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud condemned the MoU, accusing Ethiopia of violating Somalia’s national sovereignty and regional security.

“No one can and no one will be allowed to extract an inch of Somali soil. Somalia belongs to the Somali people,” he declared in a post on the X platform.

The two Horn of Africa neighbors have a history of stormy relations and territorial feuds, fighting two wars in the late 20th century.

Abdulsamad said, however, that the tensions are now “water under the bridge.” Economic interests and policies of openness are now allowing greater rapprochement between these countries.

Eritrea

Eritrean authorities have so far not commented on the MoU, but observers believe that it will not sit well with Asmara, which will not comment on it.

Abdulsamad said Eritrea may have wasted opportunities to strike a lucrative agreement with Ethiopia to allow it access to the Assab port.

Ethiopia will not forget past agreements with Eritrea and Sudan, and it may return to them in the future, because it is working on diversifying its sources of trade operations given its massive population of 120 million people, he explained.



Tetteh Accuses Libyan Stakeholders of Stalling Political Progress

Special Representative of the Secretary-General for Libya Hanna Tetteh (Getty)
Special Representative of the Secretary-General for Libya Hanna Tetteh (Getty)
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Tetteh Accuses Libyan Stakeholders of Stalling Political Progress

Special Representative of the Secretary-General for Libya Hanna Tetteh (Getty)
Special Representative of the Secretary-General for Libya Hanna Tetteh (Getty)

Special Representative of the Secretary-General for Libya and Head of the United Nations Support Mission in Libya Hanna Tetteh has accused Libya’s stakeholders of stalling political progress on the UN-backed roadmap intended to lead the country toward national election.

“Four months have elapsed since I first presented the Roadmap to this Council on 21 August and UNSMIL has been engaging Libyan stakeholders with regard to its implementation, which I admit has been quite challenging,” Tetteh told the Security Council in New York on Friday.

She said efforts to advance electoral preparations had failed to meet agreed timelines, despite repeated engagement with Libya’s rival political bodies.

She recalled that committees from the House of Representatives and the High Council of State had agreed in October to reconstitute the High National Elections Commission within two weeks, but “despite multiple efforts and engagements with these institutions, this did not happen.”

Tetteh said a subsequent agreement signed last November, under UN auspices, established a mechanism to select new HNEC board members, with a deadline of December 11 to finalize the process. That deadline also passed without action.

“It is my assessment that the delays are a manifestation of the lack of trust between the two institutions, their own internal divisions, and the inability to overcome their differences and agree on the way forward to resolve the current impasse,” Tetteh said.

She listed the obstacles facing the amendment of the constitutional and legal framework for elections.

Despite the setbacks, Tetteh highlighted the launch of a new UN-facilitated dialogue process held in Libya earlier this month, describing it as a key component of the roadmap.

On December 14 and 15 “UNSMIL launched the inaugural meeting of the Structured Dialogue which is one of the three core components of the Roadmap,” she said. “This is the first process of this magnitude to be held on Libyan soil.”

She said 124 participants included representatives from sovereign institutions, civil society, political parties, academia and cultural and linguistic groups, alongside other state institutions.

The dialogue aimed to define guiding principles for state-building, formulate political and legislative recommendations covering governance, economy, security, and national reconciliation.

On the economy, Tetteh said Libya's persistent financial fragmentation continues to undermine its dinar.

The UN envoy also said that the security environment in Tripoli has stabilized to a certain extent, however the situation remains fragile with sporadic outbreaks of armed clashes in southern Tripoli and elsewhere.

Tetteh commented on UN Security Council Resolution 2796 (2025) of October 31, which extended UNSMIL’s mandate for one year.

She said UNISMIL formed an internal task force to gradually implement key decisions and recommendations, due to limited resources.


Sanaa's GPC Wing Deepens Submission to Houthis

A view of previous meetings of the General People’s Congress wing in Sanaa (local media)
A view of previous meetings of the General People’s Congress wing in Sanaa (local media)
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Sanaa's GPC Wing Deepens Submission to Houthis

A view of previous meetings of the General People’s Congress wing in Sanaa (local media)
A view of previous meetings of the General People’s Congress wing in Sanaa (local media)

A wing of Yemen’s General People’s Congress (GPC) operating in areas under Houthi control has moved to consolidate its alignment with the Iran-backed group, dismissing the party’s secretary general, Ghazi Ali al-Ahwal, and replacing Ahmed Ali Saleh, son of the late Yemeni president, with a figure closely associated with the Houthis in the post of deputy party leader.

The party’s General Committee, its political bureau, held a meeting in Sanaa on Thursday, chaired by Sadiq Amin Abu Ras, head of the party wing in Houthi-controlled areas.

The meeting ended with the selection of Abdulaziz bin Habtoor, the former head of the unrecognized Houthi government, as deputy party leader.

The move was widely seen as a direct response to public Houthi demands to remove the former president’s son, coupled with repeated threats to shut down the party and ban its activities.

The decision to sideline Ahmed Ali Saleh came after weeks of mounting pressure by the Houthis on the wing’s leadership.

Measures included tight security restrictions on Abu Ras’s movements and threats to dissolve the party and seize what remained of its political and organizational activity, citing the group’s full control over party headquarters and finances in Sanaa and other areas under its influence.

According to party sources, the Houthis did not stop at imposing the removal, but also demanded the appointment of a loyal figure as deputy leader in an effort to tighten their grip on what remains of the party’s decision-making structures and to prevent any potential communication with party leaders abroad or with rival political forces.

The most controversial decision was the final expulsion of al-Ahwal from party membership, around four months after his arrest by the Houthis on charges of communicating with party leaders outside the country, foremost among them Ahmed Ali Saleh.

At an earlier meeting, the wing had approved the appointment of Yahya al-Raai as secretary general to replace al-Ahwal, in addition to his role as deputy party leader alongside Abu Ras.

The party’s Organizational Oversight Authority submitted a report to the General Committee accusing al-Ahwal of harming party unity and national unity, violating internal regulations, the constitution and national principles.

The leadership used the report to justify the expulsion decision, which it said was taken unanimously, despite criticism that the secretary general remains detained under unlawful conditions without even minimal guarantees of defense or trial.

Houthi grip

Political sources in Sanaa said the appointment of bin Habtoor as deputy party leader was an attempt by the wing’s leadership to ease pressure and avoid a scenario in which the Houthis imposed a more hardline and openly loyal figure, such as Hussein Hazeb, whom the group had been pushing to appoint as first deputy leader or secretary general.

However, the same sources said the move did not prevent the Houthis from pressing ahead with their demand to permanently expel al-Ahwal, underscoring how limited the leadership’s room for maneuver has become and how key decisions are effectively made outside the party’s organizational framework.

In an apparent attempt to justify the moves, the General Committee said the General People’s Congress “has always been and will remain keen to resolve disputes within the framework of national unity,” speaking of visions related to decentralized governance and reducing centralization.

By contrast, senior party figure Jamal al-Humairi, who is based abroad, said the recent decisions were “an extension of a clear trajectory of Houthi pressure,” stressing that they were issued in a “kidnapped political and security reality” where intimidation and blackmail are used to subjugate a long-established party and strip it of its historic leadership.

He said organizational legitimacy “is derived from the grassroots, not from decisions imposed by force,” adding that the decisions “do not represent the party or its base.”

Internal anger

Inside Sanaa, party sources said there was widespread anger and rejection among party cadres over the decision to expel al-Ahwal, as well as criticism of the General Committee meeting for failing to address his detention or demand his release. They also cited frustration over the failure to address the siege imposed on the home of the wing’s leader and other senior figures.

Observers say the treatment of the Sanaa-based wing reflects a broader picture of political life being stifled in Houthi-controlled areas, where a single ideological vision is imposed on parties and only a narrow margin of activity is allowed for organizations that orbit the group.

Since the killing of former president Ali Abdullah Saleh at the end of 2017, the General People’s Congress has been deeply divided. Most of its historic leadership left Houthi-controlled areas without agreeing on a unified leadership abroad, while the Sanaa wing opted to adapt to the reality of Houthi dominance.

Meanwhile, Tareq Saleh formed a political bureau for the National Resistance Forces on the Red Sea coast, which has attracted party figures and members of parliament.

Analysts agree that the latest decisions mark a new stage in the dismantling of the party in Sanaa, turning it into a body stripped of independent will and operating under Houthi conditions, further entrenching the erosion of political pluralism in Yemen.


Lebanon: Return of Residents Dominates Naqoura Ceasefire Mechanism Meeting

Lebanese President Joseph Aoun met with Simon Karam at Baabda Palace. Photo: Lebanese presidency
Lebanese President Joseph Aoun met with Simon Karam at Baabda Palace. Photo: Lebanese presidency
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Lebanon: Return of Residents Dominates Naqoura Ceasefire Mechanism Meeting

Lebanese President Joseph Aoun met with Simon Karam at Baabda Palace. Photo: Lebanese presidency
Lebanese President Joseph Aoun met with Simon Karam at Baabda Palace. Photo: Lebanese presidency

The committee overseeing the ceasefire between Israel and Lebanon, known as the “mechanism,” convened its 15th meeting in Naqoura, the second to include civilian representatives, with renewed focus on the return of residents to their homes on both sides of the border.

The statement issued after the meeting highlighted the importance of the return of residents on both sides of the border to their homes, and said Lebanese and Israeli representatives reaffirmed their commitment to continue efforts to support stability and work toward a permanent halt to hostilities, according to the US Embassy in Beirut.

Earlier this month, two civilian representatives, one Lebanese and one Israeli, joined the committee’s meetings in the first direct talks between the two countries in decades. The committee is led by the United States and includes representatives from France and the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL).

Aoun: Return of residents is the entry point for further talks

Lebanese President Joseph Aoun met with the head of the Lebanese delegation, Simon Karam, after he took part in the meeting in Naqoura.

Aoun stressed that “the priority is the return of residents of the border villages to their towns, homes and land as an entry point to discussing all other details.”

He added that the meeting included a detailed presentation of what the Lebanese army has achieved, supported by documentation. It was agreed that Jan. 7, 2026, would be the date of the next meeting.

Netanyahu’s office: Discussion on boosting economic projects

While the US Embassy said participants focused on strengthening military cooperation between the two sides, the office of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said the deputy head of the National Security Council represented Israel at the Naqoura meeting to discuss the disarmament of Hezbollah.

It added that talks also covered ways to boost economic projects to demonstrate the shared interest in removing the Hezbollah threat and ensuring lasting security for residents on both sides of the border.

US Embassy: Political and economic progress is essential

In its statement, the US Embassy in Beirut said military participants in the mechanism meeting “offered operational updates and remained focused on deepening the cooperation” between the two sides “by finding ways to increase coordination.”

“All agreed a strengthened Lebanese Armed Force, the guarantors of security in the South Litani Sector, is critical to success.”

“Civilian participants, in parallel, focused on setting conditions for residents to return safely to their homes, advancing reconstruction, and addressing economic priorities. They underscored that durable political and economic progress is essential to reinforcing security gains and sustaining lasting peace,” the statement added.

The embassy also said “participants reaffirmed that progress on security and political tracks remain mutually reinforcing and essential to ensuring long-term stability and prosperity for both parties. They look forward to the next round of regularly scheduled meetings in 2026.”

Lebanese authorities had approved earlier this month the appointment of former ambassador Simon Karam as a civilian representative to the committee’s meetings, in a move aimed at “warding off the specter of a second war” on Lebanon amid Israeli threats and continued airstrikes that Israel says target Hezbollah positions.

The authorities stressed the technical nature of the talks with Israel, aimed at halting its attacks and securing the withdrawal of its forces from areas they advanced into during the latest war.

Hezbollah described the appointment of a civilian delegate at the time as a “misstep” added to what it called the government’s “sin” of deciding to disarm the group under the ceasefire agreement.

Lebanon is facing mounting pressure from the United States and Israel to accelerate the disarmament of Hezbollah under a plan approved by the government as part of implementing the ceasefire agreement.

The Lebanese army is expected to complete the first phase of the plan in the border area south of the Litani River by the end of the year.