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Kurdistan Region Blames ‘Terrorist Group’ for Peshmerga Attack

Peshmerga forces during a celebration in Erbil, the capital of the Kurdistan Region, in 2023 (AFP)
Peshmerga forces during a celebration in Erbil, the capital of the Kurdistan Region, in 2023 (AFP)
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Kurdistan Region Blames ‘Terrorist Group’ for Peshmerga Attack

Peshmerga forces during a celebration in Erbil, the capital of the Kurdistan Region, in 2023 (AFP)
Peshmerga forces during a celebration in Erbil, the capital of the Kurdistan Region, in 2023 (AFP)

Five members of the Kurdish Peshmerga forces were wounded in two separate drone attacks targeting military positions in northern Iraq’s Duhok province, the Kurdistan Region Security Council said on Tuesday.

The council said the strikes occurred on Monday and Tuesday in the town of Amadiya, where surveillance posts were being set up. The attacks were carried out using drones, it added.

Kurdish intelligence sources suspect a splinter faction of the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) was behind the strikes, suggesting the group aimed to disrupt ongoing peace efforts in both Türkiye and Syria.

“These are terrorist attacks,” the Security Council said in a statement, vowing to take “all necessary measures” against groups that threaten the region’s security and stability.

The PKK, which is considered a terrorist organization by Türkiye, the United States, and the European Union, has been engaged in a decades-long insurgency against the Turkish state and maintains bases in northern Iraq.

The Kurdistan Region Security Council said Tuesday that the recent drone attacks on Peshmerga forces may have been intended to derail ongoing peace efforts among Kurdish groups across the region, as well as political developments within the Kurdistan Regional Government.

The council suggested the twin strikes in Duhok province were connected to peace negotiations between Türkiye and the PKK, as well as intra-Kurdish talks in northeast Syria, where Kurdish factions are seeking unity under what is known as the “Kurdish Unity Conference.”

It also linked the attacks to the final stages of forming the Kurdistan Region’s new government, warning that “certain groups and factions are working to obstruct peace and stability in the region.”

The comments came days after Syrian Kurdish factions held what was described as a “historic conference” in the northeastern city of Qamishli, calling for a decentralized democratic state.

The event brought together Kurdish delegations from Syria, Iraq, and Türkiye, and was attended by a US delegation.

Kurdish expert Kifah Mahmoud has suggested that factions within the PKK were likely behind the recent drone attacks on Peshmerga positions in northern Iraq.

Mahmoud told Asharq Al-Awsat that the attacks were linked to the ongoing peace initiatives in the region, both within Kurdish territories and at a broader geopolitical level.

“These developments are related to the peace processes, whether in the Kurdish regions or at the regional level,” Mahmoud said.

“We have positive negotiations between Türkiye and the PKK, as well as the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) moving toward a peaceful stance with Türkiye. Most importantly, there’s a positive trajectory in relations between Baghdad and Erbil, along with ongoing regional negotiations between Washington and Tehran.”

Mahmoud believes that these efforts are not well-received by more hardline factions within the PKK. He pointed out that the PKK has long been divided into parallel wings operating under different names in various active regions, with some factions opposed to peace initiatives in Kurdish territories.

While some Kurdish officials have speculated that Türkiye may be indirectly involved in the attacks, Mahmoud dismissed this theory, instead attributing responsibility to the more radical PKK factions based in areas such as the Qandil Mountains and Sinjar, as well as near Amadiya.

He also rejected suggestions that the strikes were aimed at disrupting the formation of the Kurdistan Region’s new government, asserting that the main objective was to undermine the ongoing peace processes within Kurdish areas.

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Arab World

Shaibani: Syrian-Russian Ties Entering New Phase

Russia's Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov and Syria's Foreign Minister Asaad al-Shaibani attend a meeting in Moscow, Russia December 24, 2025. (Russian Foreign Ministry/Handout via Reuters)
Russia's Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov and Syria's Foreign Minister Asaad al-Shaibani attend a meeting in Moscow, Russia December 24, 2025. (Russian Foreign Ministry/Handout via Reuters)
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Shaibani: Syrian-Russian Ties Entering New Phase

Russia's Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov and Syria's Foreign Minister Asaad al-Shaibani attend a meeting in Moscow, Russia December 24, 2025. (Russian Foreign Ministry/Handout via Reuters)
Russia's Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov and Syria's Foreign Minister Asaad al-Shaibani attend a meeting in Moscow, Russia December 24, 2025. (Russian Foreign Ministry/Handout via Reuters)

Syrian Foreign Minister Asaad al-Shaibani stressed on Wednesday that relations between Damascus and Moscow were entering a new phase based on mutual respect.

He met in Moscow with his Russian counterpart Sergei Lavrov, saying: “We aspire to establish balanced relations with everyone.”

“We are working on attracting investments to Syria to improve the economy,” he added, remarking: “We are forging ahead in rebuilding the country.”

For his part, Lavrov said the meeting tackled various issues, underlining the importance of maintaining Syria’s territorial integrity and bolstering bilateral ties between Damascus and Moscow.

On Tuesday, Shaibani and Defense Minister Major General Murhaf Abu Qasra met with Russian President Vladimir Putin to discuss political, military, and economic issues of mutual interest, with particular emphasis on strategic cooperation in the defense industry sector, reported Syria’s state news agency SANA.

They reviewed ways to advance military and technical partnership in a manner that strengthens the defensive capabilities of the Syrian army and keeps pace with modern developments in military industries.

Discussions focused on upgrading military equipment, transferring technical expertise and know-how, and expanding cooperation in research and development to boost Syria’s national defense system and support security and stability in Syria and the region.

On the political front, the two sides exchanged views on regional and international developments, underscoring the importance of continued political and diplomatic coordination between Damascus and Moscow in international forums.

They stressed the need to respect international law, rejecting all forms of external interference in the internal affairs of states.

Economically, the meeting addressed prospects for expanding economic and trade cooperation, including support for reconstruction projects, development of infrastructure sectors, and encouragement of investment in Syria.

The talks also covered boosting trade exchange and facilitating partnerships in ways that positively impact the Syrian economy and contribute to improving living conditions.

Putin underscored Russia’s steadfast support for Syria, stressing the importance of preserving Syria’s unity, territorial integrity, and full sovereignty, and rejecting “any projects aimed at partitioning the country or undermining its independent national decision”.

He also renewed Moscow’s condemnation of repeated Israeli violations of Syrian territory, describing them as “a direct threat to regional security and stability”.

Arab World

Muscat Detainee Swap Deal Tests Houthi Credibility

Prisoner swap success hinges on Houthi commitment, seriousness (Gov’t Media)
Prisoner swap success hinges on Houthi commitment, seriousness (Gov’t Media)
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Muscat Detainee Swap Deal Tests Houthi Credibility

Prisoner swap success hinges on Houthi commitment, seriousness (Gov’t Media)
Prisoner swap success hinges on Houthi commitment, seriousness (Gov’t Media)

The agreement reached by the Yemeni government in Muscat with the Houthis to exchange about 2,900 prisoners and detainees from both sides marks a new test of the group’s credibility in closing one of the conflict’s most complex humanitarian files after years of delays and failure.

Despite a broad local and international welcome for the deal, doubts still surround its implementation mechanisms, given the absence of final lists and continuing ambiguity over the fate of Mohammed Qahtan, a senior figure in the Islah party who has been abducted for nearly a decade.

According to sources close to the talks, the agreement, sponsored by the office of the United Nations' special envoy for Yemen and supported by the International Committee of the Red Cross, remains at this stage only a preliminary understanding, expected to be implemented within a month.

Sources familiar with the negotiations said the first clause of the agreement is limited to the release of prisoners affiliated with the Saudi-led coalition supporting Yemen’s internationally recognized government, in addition to Mohammed Qahtan. Other details of the deal, including the names of those to be included, remain subject to further bargaining and negotiations between the parties and the mediators.

The same sources stated that what has been achieved so far does not amount to a final settlement, noting that previous negotiation rounds have repeatedly been tied to complex Houthi demands. These have included the insertion of names of fighters missing on the front lines, whom the group claims are held by the government without providing evidence, as well as its repeated refusal to include abducted civilians on the grounds that they are “under judicial process.”

Circles close to the negotiations said appointing Yahya al-Razami, the Houthis’ representative on the military committee, to lead the group’s negotiating team instead of Abdul Qader al-Murtada helped create an atmosphere conducive to reaching the preliminary agreement.

They said al-Murtada, who has been accused of involvement in the torture of some detainees, was a key reason behind the failure of several previous negotiation rounds because of his hardline stance and insistence on what were described as unrealistic conditions.

The same sources added that al-Razami’s presence at the head of the Houthis’ team facilitated discussions and paved the way for agreement on the principle of a comprehensive exchange of prisoners and detainees from both sides, although this remains conditional on the Houthis’ commitment to their pledges and the sincerity of their intentions in providing accurate and reliable information about detainees.

In contrast, the Yemeni government, according to the same assessments, has voiced serious concerns that the Houthis may seek to strip the agreement of its humanitarian substance through stalling tactics or by reintroducing the same conditions that derailed previous attempts.

These indications underline that the success of the deal hinges on the Houthis’ seriousness in honoring their commitments and fully disclosing the fate of all abductees, foremost among them Mohammed Qahtan.

The fate of Mohammed Qahtan remains one of the primary obstacles to implementing the agreement. Although his name was included in the first phase of the deal, his fate has been unknown since his arrest in 2015 at a security checkpoint near the entrance to the city of Ibb. To date, the Houthis have not disclosed whether he is still alive.

According to the sources, this ambiguity has undermined previous understandings and led to the collapse of earlier negotiation rounds, after the Houthis demanded 30 prisoners if Qahtan was alive, or 30 bodies if his death was confirmed.

Officials involved in the file said such behavior raises serious doubts about his fate after more than 10 years and eight months of enforced disappearance, weakening the prospects for building the trust needed to advance the remaining stages of the exchange agreement.

The sources emphasized that the success of any prisoner exchange cannot be achieved without addressing the Qahtan case with clarity and transparency, as it represents both a humanitarian and a political issue, and a genuine test of the Houthis’ commitment to international humanitarian law.

Under the announced understandings, the deal is to be implemented in three main phases. The first phase includes the release of prisoners affiliated with the coalition supporting the Yemeni government, in addition to Mohammed Qahtan. In the second phase, which begins approximately a week later, a joint committee will be formed to conduct field visits to detention sites and document the names of all detainees related to the conflict.

The verified lists will then be submitted to the office of the UN special envoy for Yemen and the International Committee of the Red Cross for official approval and the launch of the exchange process. The third phase will be dedicated to the remains file, covering the exchange of bodies of those killed and the search for the remains of the missing in battle areas, with the aim of closing this painful chapter.

The sources stated that it was agreed upon to include a total number of individuals in the exchange from both sides, with names to be finalized within a month, as well as the recovery of all bodies from various fronts and their handover through the International Committee of the Red Cross. It was also agreed to form committees to visit prisons after the exchange and identify any remaining prisoners, in preparation for their release.

The greatest burden, the sources said, will fall on international mediators, particularly the office of the UN special envoy and the International Committee of the Red Cross, to ensure the agreement is implemented, prevent any party from circumventing it, and establish a clear timeline starting with gathering prisoners and abductees at designated points, matching lists, and setting a start date for the exchange operation.

Arab World

Brother Details to Asharq Al-Awsat Luring, Disappearance of Lebanese Retired Officer

Abdul Salam Shukr speaks to Asharq Al-Awsat from Nabi Sheet. (Asharq Al-Awsat)
Abdul Salam Shukr speaks to Asharq Al-Awsat from Nabi Sheet. (Asharq Al-Awsat)
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Brother Details to Asharq Al-Awsat Luring, Disappearance of Lebanese Retired Officer

Abdul Salam Shukr speaks to Asharq Al-Awsat from Nabi Sheet. (Asharq Al-Awsat)
Abdul Salam Shukr speaks to Asharq Al-Awsat from Nabi Sheet. (Asharq Al-Awsat)

Shock still grips the family of retired Lebanese General Security captain Ahmed Shukr, who was abducted days ago, as Lebanese security and judicial assessments increasingly point to Israeli intelligence as being behind his disappearance, over suspected links to the 1986 vanishing of Israeli airman Ron Arad in southern Lebanon.

His brother, Abdul Salam Shukr, told Asharq Al-Awsat the story began when a Lebanese expatriate living in Kinshasa, identified as A.M., contacted Ahmed and asked to rent his apartment in the Choueifat area, south of Beirut.

The two agreed months ago, and the man paid $500 in rent.

The expatriate made repeated visits to Lebanon and met Shukr at his home during one of them. He later contacted the retired officer to say that a wealthy African investor named Salim Kassab, later found to be a fake name, was interested in purchasing a plot of land in the eastern city of Zahle and needed his assistance.

Abdul Salam said the expatriate inspected the land, then called two weeks after leaving Lebanon to say the investor had agreed to buy it and would visit the country. He asked Ahmed to meet him at the site at 4:30 p.m. on the day of the abduction.

He said the expatriate insisted on the timing because it suited the buyer, despite Ahmed’s objections that darkness would have fallen by then, and the land’s features would not be visible. The expatriate later apologized for not attending, claiming he had broken his foot, and said the investor would visit the site alone with Ahmed.

At the time of the meeting, Ahmed disappeared.

“We know nothing about him except what we have heard through security and judicial leaks,” Abdul Salam said. He added that the abductors had rented a house in Zahle and erased all traces from it after kidnapping Ahmed.

Surveillance cameras tracked the vehicle as it headed toward the town of Souireh in the western Bekaa, where the trail then vanished. Souireh was previously used as a smuggling route from southwestern Damascus into Lebanon.

Loyalty to the state

“My brother served 40 years in the military establishment. His loyalty was only to the state and its institutions. He never belonged to any party,” Abdul Salam said. “We are a family that does not engage in politics.”

Ahmed was lured last week in a carefully planned operation that began in his hometown of Nabi Sheet in the northern Bekaa, before he went missing at a point very close to the city of Zahle.

Family members and residents have been gathering at the home of Nabi Sheet’s mukhtar, Abbas Shukr, to voice their protest and condemnation of the abduction.

The family said Ahmed Shukr retired nine years ago after serving for four decades in the General Security, during which he held several posts, including the Masnaa border crossing with Syria and the Qaa crossing in northeastern Lebanon.

“My brother joined the military in 1979, which means he was an ‘officer of the state’ when Arad disappeared in 1986,” Abdul Salam told Asharq Awsat. “An officer of the state does not belong to parties.”

He rejected attempts to link the family by kinship to Fuad Shukr, a Hezbollah leader killed by Israel in July 2024 in Beirut’s southern suburbs, saying no one in the town even knew him.

“He left the town in the early 1980s and never returned. He was distant even from his relatives,” he said, adding that since retiring, his brother “never left the Bekaa. He stayed at home and played cards with friends at night.”

The family home remains in a state of disbelief, a scene that has persisted since his disappearance last week. The case only began to move officially after Vice President of the Supreme Islamic Shiite Council Sheikh Ali al Khatib contacted Lebanese President Joseph Aoun and Interior Minister Ahmed al-Hajjar, according to Abdul Salam.

He said Aoun pledged to instruct security and judicial authorities to expand the investigation and uncover the circumstances surrounding the incident. Officials from the Amal Movement were also in constant contact with Parliament Speaker Nabih Berri, who is head of the movement, to follow up on the case.

Mystery remains

“We demand that the judiciary and security agencies confirm or deny the leak about an alleged link to Ron Arad’s disappearance,” Abdul Salam said.

“That leak does not concern us. What matters is what the security agencies say, including General Security, where Ahmed served, and the Information Branch of the Internal Security Forces, which is leading the investigation.”

He said the key to the mystery lies with A.M., a native of the southern town of Qana who lives in Kinshasa and has been evading the family’s calls.

“The Lebanese state must ask Interpol to arrest him and bring him to Lebanon for questioning,” he urged, adding that the man no longer answers his phone and that all available information about him, including video clips, is now in the hands of security agencies.

Abdul Salam said the family believes the expatriate coordinated the plot with Israel’s Mossad, guiding them to this point and enabling an operation carried out with precision and professionalism.

He said Lebanese security agencies told the family the abductors left no fingerprints, neither at the Zahle property nor at the Choueifat apartment, and that no evidence has been found. The kidnappers’ vehicle also remains unidentified.