Gaza Residents Face ‘Winter War’ with No Aid

Palestinians use donkey carts to cross a rain-flooded street in Khan Younis in southern Gaza on Saturday (DPA)
Palestinians use donkey carts to cross a rain-flooded street in Khan Younis in southern Gaza on Saturday (DPA)
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Gaza Residents Face ‘Winter War’ with No Aid

Palestinians use donkey carts to cross a rain-flooded street in Khan Younis in southern Gaza on Saturday (DPA)
Palestinians use donkey carts to cross a rain-flooded street in Khan Younis in southern Gaza on Saturday (DPA)

Palestinian territories, particularly the Gaza Strip, were hit by a winter storm that piled new hardship on residents, especially those living in tents that have frayed after two years of displacement and the Israeli war that destroyed their homes and even shelters.

With no alternative, families were left with tents that flooded along with the clothes, bedding and belongings inside, as rainwater swept through the makeshift encampments.

Hundreds, and likely thousands, of tents were submerged over recent days, Thursday, Friday and Saturday, as heavy rain accompanied the storm system that is expected to taper off Sunday evening.

It is the first winter storm to strike Gaza this season, and it appears set to be a harsh one for an estimated one million three hundred and seventy thousand displaced people living in tents across the enclave.

In Gaza’s port, once a gathering point for fishermen and a popular spot where residents would sit, eat and drink, the war turned the area into a command site for Israeli operations before the troops withdrew. It later became a refuge for tens of thousands of Gazans who pitched their tents there.

Testimonies of hardship

Riham al-Kafarneh, 49, from Beit Hanoun in northern Gaza, lives with her family of seven in a tent that filled with rainwater, soaking bedding, blankets and clothes. She said she barely managed, with one of her sons, to pull three of her grandchildren to safety as the water nearly swept them out of the tent.

“It was extremely difficult for us at dawn on Saturday as the storm intensified and the rain grew heavier. We were flooded even more than on Friday,” she told Asharq Al-Awsat, noting that waves had risen sharply and hit the edges of the port’s breakwater before parts of the water pushed into the tents. This made conditions worse for her family and for thousands of others living along the exposed edge of the port, compared with those deeper inside.

Al-Kafarneh said that after the war halted, she believed conditions would improve and that caravans and proper tents would be brought in, but “we saw nothing except more destruction of homes.”

Switching to her local dialect, she added: “We are exhausted and fed up with this life. We want to live like other people. Winter is just beginning and harder days are coming, and that is why we need someone to help us.”

The United Nations Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA) said the rains have made conditions even harsher for Gaza’s residents, forcing families to seek shelter anywhere available, including fragile temporary tents. It stressed its urgent need for shelter supplies already stockpiled and called for permission to bring them into Gaza.

Ahmed al-Kafarneh, Riham’s 19-year-old middle son, said the scenes remind him of what he once saw in Syria.

“We thought those images on the news were just distant pictures, but now I understand what those displaced Syrians went through, living in tents and watching them flood,” he said.

Ahmed said international and local organizations, as well as self-styled “initiators” who collect money abroad to assist residents, have fallen far short.

Israeli restrictions

The UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) said that since the ceasefire began on October 11, Israeli authorities have refused 23 requests from nine partners to bring in nearly four thousand pallets of essential supplies, including tents, insulation and framing materials, mattresses, kitchen sets and blankets.

The Israeli war has damaged more than 90 percent of residential buildings in Gaza, either fully or partially, leaving about one and a half million Palestinians in tents that barely shield them from summer heat or winter cold. Several thousand others live in partially damaged homes that have also flooded, raising fears that some structures could collapse.

On the western edge of Shujaiya, east of Gaza City, more than 120 families, with an average of five members each, live in torn and worn-out tents that are barely suitable even in summer. All of them were completely flooded during the latest rains.

Rami Abu Sakran, 31, said he, his wife and two children live in a tent no larger than three meters, but they have no choice since he cannot afford rent for one of the few remaining houses or even an empty storage room to protect his family from winter and illness.

“My children already had the flu before the storm, and now with winter and the cold, their health is even worse,” he told Asharq Al-Awsat.

His tent was fully flooded, forcing him to spend Friday night in a small, partially damaged room inside an empty house he fears could collapse at any moment, which is why he had avoided staying there before.

Abu Sakran returned to his tent Saturday morning to find it submerged in rain and sewage water amid a completely ruined infrastructure and no functioning drains.

Standing outside, he said: “We do not know where to go or what to do. Life’s crises are chasing us, and nobody sees us or is willing to stand with us.” He said the sand barrier he built before the storm to stop water from seeping in failed to spare his family a harsh winter.

UN spokesperson Stéphane Dujarric said he feared that “thousands of displaced families are now fully exposed to severe weather conditions, raising serious health and protection concerns.”

The Association of Gaza Strip Municipalities said the storm has worsened an already catastrophic situation. Drainage networks are destroyed, causing sewage to overflow, and garbage is piling up near tents, homes and shelters. It called for urgent international intervention.

The association said it has wide plans to handle storm systems and assist residents, but a lack of equipment has prevented action, contributing to damage to thousands of tents and the soaking of displaced people’s clothes and bedding amid a total absence of basic living conditions.

Gaza’s Civil Defense said its teams cannot handle flooding cases because equipment was destroyed by Israel, while municipal services are makeshift and unable to meet needs. “This storm is only the beginning of a harsh winter that may witness major tragedies, with the risk of collapsing cracked and damaged homes under heavy rain,” it warned.

Disappointment over truce agreement

Gaza residents had pinned hopes on rapid implementation of the ceasefire agreement, which would allow caravans, proper tents and other relief supplies to enter. But Israel continues to stall and has delayed moving to the second phase, which includes reconstruction.

Hamas said the “tragic situation underlines the urgent need for relief and shelter,” calling on guarantors of the agreement, the United Nations, the Arab League and the Organization of Islamic Cooperation to act quickly to deliver humanitarian, medical and shelter supplies to Gaza, and to increase field, popular and official support to protect displaced families and secure a minimum standard of dignity amid catastrophic conditions.

The Palestinian presidency urged the international community, particularly the United States and the countries guaranteeing the ceasefire, to pressure Israel to speed up entry of prefab homes and tents to protect civilians from severe weather.

It called for lifting Israeli restrictions that prevent the Palestinian government from bringing mobile homes, tents and shelter materials into Gaza, saying the dire humanitarian situation exposes children, women and the elderly to grave danger.



Is US Military Cooperation with Ethiopia Driven by Anger over Egypt-China Rapprochement?

US President Donald Trump during his meets with Egyptian President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi on the sidelines of the 73rd session of the UN General Assembly in September 2018. (Egyptian Presidency)
US President Donald Trump during his meets with Egyptian President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi on the sidelines of the 73rd session of the UN General Assembly in September 2018. (Egyptian Presidency)
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Is US Military Cooperation with Ethiopia Driven by Anger over Egypt-China Rapprochement?

US President Donald Trump during his meets with Egyptian President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi on the sidelines of the 73rd session of the UN General Assembly in September 2018. (Egyptian Presidency)
US President Donald Trump during his meets with Egyptian President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi on the sidelines of the 73rd session of the UN General Assembly in September 2018. (Egyptian Presidency)

A US defense agreement with Ethiopia was announced days before an important visit by Chinese President Xi Jinping to Cairo that saw agreements and memorandums of understanding signed in several fields and coincided with joint Egyptian-Chinese air exercises.

The timing raised questions over whether Washington’s military cooperation with Addis Ababa was driven by “US anger at Cairo” and what objectives it serves amid tensions in the Horn of Africa.

The United States and Ethiopia signed a defense agreement on Aug. 21 during an official visit by an Ethiopian military delegation to Washington. Both sides described it as a strategic framework aimed at strengthening military and security cooperation, protecting national interests and securing mutual benefits.

Raafat Mahmoud, head of the African Affairs Research Unit at the Egyptian Cabinet's Information and Decision Support Center (IDSC), told Asharq Al-Awsat that Washington was seeking to rebuild ties with Addis Ababa after years of tension, particularly over the Tigray war and US criticism of Ethiopia’s human rights record.

He argued that the agreement showed Ethiopia had become part of broader US calculations involving Red Sea security, countering Chinese and Russian influence and combating armed groups in the Horn.

Ethiopian lawmaker Mohammed Al-Arusi noted that Washington views the Horn as directly linked to Red Sea security, international trade and maritime routes, while also facing terrorist threats.

“Ethiopia lies at the heart of this geography, with its demographic, political and military weight across a broad region, and it hosts the permanent headquarters of the African Union,” he told Asharq Al-Awsat. Washington, he added, was not seeking a temporary stance but it is “rebuilding its position in a region where the balance of power is changing.”

US Republican and strategic affairs expert Adolfo Franco cautioned that the agreement lacks formally binding treaties and direct financial funding, adding that future defense exports remain subject to strict restrictions and case-by-case assessments, including human rights considerations.

Al-Arusi pointed to a US-Ethiopian dialogue launched in May covering economics, trade, investment, defense and security. The defense track advanced just three months later, a sequence he said showed Washington was approaching Ethiopia with long-term considerations.

Mahmoud said growing US support could strengthen Ethiopia’s negotiating position not only on water but also in its efforts to secure maritime access and expand its presence in the Red Sea region.

Recent media reports have portrayed the US-Ethiopian rapprochement as Washington’s response to Egypt’s growing ties with China, highlighted by Xi’s visit to Cairo this week.

Mahmoud countered that Egyptian-Chinese rapprochement was not new, although recent developments naturally raised sensitivities in Washington, particularly amid expanding economic and security cooperation.

In January 2026, Ethiopia and China elevated their relations to an “all-weather strategic partnership,” nearly two years after Egypt and China upgraded their ties to a “strategic partnership” in 2024.

Al-Arusi argued that Washington’s expanding partnership with Addis Ababa should not be viewed as replacing one partner with another, but rather as evidence of Ethiopia’s growing strategic value.

Former US diplomat Henry Ensher told Asharq Al-Awsat that Washington wants a security partner in the Horn and that Ethiopia is the best option given its capabilities.

While China and the United States compete in Africa, Egypt is the more important partner, he said, making it unlikely that Washington would use this approach to confront or punish Cairo.


Syrian Official to Asharq Al-Awsat: Integration Process Following SDF Dissolution Is Moving Toward Completion

A convoy of Syrian security forces and Special Operations Forces enters the headquarters of the “Vanguards Camp” Regiment in Hasakah (Hasakah Media)
A convoy of Syrian security forces and Special Operations Forces enters the headquarters of the “Vanguards Camp” Regiment in Hasakah (Hasakah Media)
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Syrian Official to Asharq Al-Awsat: Integration Process Following SDF Dissolution Is Moving Toward Completion

A convoy of Syrian security forces and Special Operations Forces enters the headquarters of the “Vanguards Camp” Regiment in Hasakah (Hasakah Media)
A convoy of Syrian security forces and Special Operations Forces enters the headquarters of the “Vanguards Camp” Regiment in Hasakah (Hasakah Media)

Ahmad al-Hilali, deputy governor of Hasakah, told Asharq Al-Awsat on Friday that the integration process stipulated in the “January 29, 2026 Agreement” has moved, following the dissolution of the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) and the former Kurdish Autonomous Administration, from “the stage of understandings and negotiations to actual implementation, whether in civilian institutions or in the security and military sectors.”

He described the security situation as “much better” and said “stability is gradually strengthening,” stressing that the process “is moving toward completion, and what we want is for it to take place calmly.”

Since SDF commander Mazloum Abdi announced from the presidential palace in Damascus on August 25 the dissolution of the SDF and the Autonomous Administration, Hasakah has witnessed a series of developments and changes signaling the emergence of a new phase in the governorate. Its defining features are the restoration of state authority across all sectors, stronger security and stability, the unification of institutions, and the end of administrative duplication, in accordance with the January 29 Agreement.

In his remarks, al-Hilali said that “the integration process is not simply a matter of transferring buildings or changing names. It is about reunifying institutional authority, administrative decision-making, and security and military command under the umbrella of the Syrian state.”

He said significant steps had already been completed in this direction, while work was underway to address the remaining files in an orderly manner that would prevent any institutional or security vacuum and preserve stability in the governorate.

Before the announcement of the SDF's dissolution, most cities and areas in Hasakah had experienced security disorder involving the Revolutionary Youth. Such incidents increased after the signing of the January 29 Agreement, when members of the group prevented the handover of institutions to the government. That situation, however, has now disappeared.

Al-Hilali attributed the disappearance of the previous unrest primarily to the fact that “the phase has changed.”

“Previously, there were attempts to obstruct the process of transferring state institutions, and some activities emerged aimed at disrupting this course. But as implementation of the agreement progressed and the direction toward ending institutional and security duplication became clear, these manifestations declined significantly,” he said.

According to al-Hilali, “There is now a growing conviction among everyone that state institutions should not be a subject of conflict or confrontation, and that the integration process is moving toward completion.”

“What we want is for this process to take place calmly, away from provocation and tension, and for all residents of the governorate to feel that the return of state institutions means the return of services, the rule of law and stability, and is not directed against any component of society,” he said.

Asked when the integration of military, security and civilian institutions would be fully completed, the deputy governor said: “I do not want to set an artificial date for a process of this scale and complexity, because some files require technical, administrative and security procedures before they can be formally closed.”

He added: “But I can say that we are at a very advanced stage and that the overall direction is clearly toward completing the integration as soon as possible.”

He noted that “the bulk of the work is now in the implementation phase, while what remains consists of detailed files requiring the completion of arrangements, verification and coordination among the ministries and relevant authorities.”

Women fighters from the Women's Protection Units (YPJ) take part in military traning in Hasakah, Syria, August 22, 2026. REUTERS/Orhan Qereman

Pending Files

Al-Hilali said: “What matters most to us is that the integration be complete, genuine and sustainable, rather than merely a political announcement whose impact fades after a short period.”

Asked about the main outstanding issues preventing the completion of the integration process, al-Hilali said the remaining files could be divided into three main tracks.

“First is the military and security file, involving the completion of the restructuring of personnel and cadres and the integration of those who meet the requirements into the Ministries of Defense and Interior in accordance with the established procedures,” he said.

“The second is the administrative and civilian file, particularly the status of employees and staff, the mechanisms for confirming their positions and paying their entitlements, and the integration of institutions and departments whose transfer to the state has not yet been completed.”

“The third involves a number of service-related, technical and administrative files linked to the transfer of powers and the reunification of operating systems, databases and resources.”

Al-Hilali said these issues “do not represent an obstacle to the integration process so much as they are implementation files that need to be completed.”

“The political decision is clear and the overall direction has been settled: state institutions will be unified, authority will rest with the Syrian state, and the rights of all citizens and components of the governorate will be preserved,” he said.

The rise of the Autonomous Administration

The first foundations of the Kurdish Autonomous Administration, which sought to establish a “Kurdish project in Syria,” emerged through the formation of the Kurdish Supreme Committee. It was established by Syria's Kurdish Democratic Union Party (PYD) and the Kurdish National Council following the signing of the Erbil Agreement on July 12, 2012.

A military wing was subsequently established for the committee, comprising the People's Protection Units (YPG), the Women's Protection Units (YPJ) and the Asayish security forces. The SDF was later formed in 2015, under predominantly Kurdish leadership.

The geographic footprint of the Autonomous Administration expanded from three cantons in 2014 to six in 2016 and seven by 2023. This territorial expansion was accompanied by the growth of its military and security apparatus and civilian institutions, which collectively included tens of thousands of personnel.

The SDF subsequently lost a significant portion of its territory during armed clashes that erupted between its fighters and the Syrian army in late 2025 and early 2026. The fighting lasted about two weeks and was followed by the signing of the January 29, 2026 Agreement.

The agreement between the Syrian government and the SDF called for a ceasefire and the gradual integration into Syrian state institutions of the military and civilian institutions established by the Kurds during the years of conflict. It also called for the handover of border crossings and oil and gas fields, as well as the withdrawal of foreign fighters from the region.


Lebanon's Ali Al-Taher Ridge, Strategic Hezbollah Position Israel Says It Seized

31 August 2026, Lebanon, Arnoun: Smoke billows after an Israeli detonation on Arnoun, not far from the strategic hill of Ali al-Taher ridge. (dpa)
31 August 2026, Lebanon, Arnoun: Smoke billows after an Israeli detonation on Arnoun, not far from the strategic hill of Ali al-Taher ridge. (dpa)
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Lebanon's Ali Al-Taher Ridge, Strategic Hezbollah Position Israel Says It Seized

31 August 2026, Lebanon, Arnoun: Smoke billows after an Israeli detonation on Arnoun, not far from the strategic hill of Ali al-Taher ridge. (dpa)
31 August 2026, Lebanon, Arnoun: Smoke billows after an Israeli detonation on Arnoun, not far from the strategic hill of Ali al-Taher ridge. (dpa)

Southern Lebanon's Ali al-Taher ridge, which the Israeli army on Thursday said it captured, was a strategic position for Iran-backed Hezbollah, where it was believed to have established a command center.

Hezbollah did not confirm losing the highland, which is around 10 kilometers (six miles) from the border with Israel and was targeted by several Israeli strikes in recent weeks despite a ceasefire.

The ridge, a flashpoint since Hezbollah drew Lebanon into the Middle East war in March, lies close to the major city of Nabatieh and the Litani River.

It is just a few kilometers from UNESCO-listed Beaufort castle, another strategic site that Israel captured in recent months and continues to occupy.

Ali al-Taher ridge, on the edge of the Israeli-proclaimed occupied "security zone", overlooks surrounding areas and key districts further north, and sits atop a network of tunnels.

During US-mediated negotiations between Lebanon and Israel, Washington proposed the Lebanese military take over the ridge, but Hezbollah refused, according to a source close to the talks.

Military expert Riad Kahwaji told AFP that the ridge is "in between several villages and adjacent to the city of Nabatieh" with a "web of tunnels (that) connects these villages around it".

On Friday, Israeli Defense Minister Israel Katz said the capture "marks the completion of the phase of securing control in the security zone in southern Lebanon", meaning the Lebanese territory Israel occupied during the war.

- 'Command centers' -

The Israeli military on Thursday said that the tunnel network included "command centers (and) weapons storage rooms".

"The infrastructure is a strategic underground network that was built over two decades and funded and planned by the Iranian terror regime," it added.

Kahwaji, who heads the INEGMA military analysis institute, said the hilltops overlook Iqlim al-Tuffah, an area further from the border where Hezbollah holds sway, as well as part of the country's east.

Control of the area would therefore "give the Israelis an easy passage to move on both sides".

Speaking to journalists including AFP last month, Hezbollah spokesman Youssef al-Zein refused to say how many of the group's fighters were at the Ali al-Taher position. He denied any Iranian personnel were there, as had been reported in some media outlets.

He claimed that Israel had "exaggerated the importance of Ali al-Taher" as a military objective but also vowed that Hezbollah would "defend this position as much as it can".

The ridge is located right above the Litani. Hezbollah agreed to disarm in areas south of the river under a 2024 ceasefire that sought to end its previous war with Israel.

Two years later, Hezbollah dragged Lebanon into the broader Middle East war by attacking Israel in support of Iran.

Israel responded with airstrikes and a ground invasion that Lebanon says have killed more than 4,300 people.

The conflict has calmed since a US-Iran memorandum of understanding and a framework agreement between Lebanon and Israel agreed in June. But Israeli strikes continue and violence persisted around Ali al-Taher.

On August 15, Israel's army launched its deadliest strikes in weeks in response to what it said was a Hezbollah attack against its soldiers in the area.

In June, Israel's army published an updated map showing the parts of south Lebanon it considers within its "security zone" where its troops are operating, expanding the area to include the Ali al-Taher ridge.