Detainee Imad Amhaz Case Highlights Hezbollah’s Maritime Activities

Detainee Imad Amhaz Case Highlights Hezbollah’s Maritime Activities
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Detainee Imad Amhaz Case Highlights Hezbollah’s Maritime Activities

Detainee Imad Amhaz Case Highlights Hezbollah’s Maritime Activities

Israel’s disclosure of a naval commando operation in the northern Lebanese town of Batroun has thrust back into focus a case that straddles security, political, and legal fault lines.

The announcement, accompanied by Israeli claims surrounding Imad Amhaz, comes at a delicate moment, coinciding with ceasefire arrangements, meetings of the monitoring mechanism committee, and ongoing efforts to resolve the files of detainees and missing persons.

The Israeli announcement and security narrative

Israeli army spokesman Avichay Adraee said Israeli forces carried out an operation around a year ago in Batroun, far from the Lebanese Israeli border, during which Imad Amhaz was transferred to Israel for interrogation.

According to the Israeli account, Amhaz is linked to Hezbollah’s secret maritime file and its coastal missile unit, received military training inside and outside Lebanon, and acquired maritime expertise related to operational missions.

Adraee said the interrogation of Amhaz enabled, according to his statement, the acquisition of information related to organized maritime activities run under a secret framework and using civilian fronts.

He said this information helped obstruct the progress of this file at what he described as a sensitive stage, adding that Iran provided support for these activities.

A broader political and security context

In an analytical reading, security and defense researcher Riad Kahwaji told Asharq Al-Awsat that the case of Imad Amhaz and the timing of its disclosure could not be separated from the broader political and security context, particularly the meeting of the ceasefire monitoring mechanism committee and the ongoing negotiations.

He said Israel was trying through this timing to justify its refusal to withdraw from five points by arguing that Hezbollah remained present and continued to conduct military activity.

Kahwaji said the Israeli messages also aimed to show that Hezbollah’s role was far greater than perceived inside Lebanon, arguing that the group was no longer merely a local organization but part of a broad regional project led by Iran.

He said the issue was not related to a trench or one or two military positions, but rather to an integrated structure that included maritime capabilities, infrastructure, and strategic preparations.

He added that Iran had invested tens of millions of dollars in this project, saying Israel was seeking to highlight the scale of military investment in a country whose population was suffering severe internal pressures.

Kahwaji said the file went beyond the area south of the Litani River, noting that the issue was not limited to that region but included the maritime dimension and other areas, particularly since Amhaz was in Batroun in northern Lebanon at the time of the operation.

He said Israel was speaking about tunnels, weapons depots, and equipment in an attempt to show a contradiction between what the Lebanese state declared regarding the disarmament track and what Israel considered a continuation of Hezbollah’s military activity and armament.

He said attempts to strip Imad Amhaz of his civilian status fell within this context, explaining that Israel had from the outset sought to present him as linked to what it called Hezbollah’s naval weapons.

He added that the Lebanese state, in contrast, said the core problem lay in Israel’s continued occupation of the five points, while Israel responded that the main reason was that Hezbollah had not stopped arming itself and that the threat remained.

The Lebanese position and legal dimension

For his part, Nabih Awada, a member of the committee representing detainees and former prisoners in Israeli jails, told Asharq Al-Awsat that the case of Imad Amhaz was, from a legal perspective, that of a civilian abducted from a Lebanese area far from the border. He said his detention did not fall under military arrest.

Awada said this also applied to other documented cases, stressing that the file was being followed up with official Lebanese authorities and with the International Committee of the Red Cross.

He said the Lebanese state was dealing with Imad Amhaz on the basis that he was a civilian and considered that the location of his detention, its circumstances, and its nature did not fall within any military engagement or combat activity. He said this description was what the state relied on in addressing the file before international bodies.

Presidential stance regarding the detainees

Awada said the full details of the file were raised during a meeting with the president of the republic, who he said was fully convinced that the priority of the current stage was the release of Lebanese detainees.

He said the president stressed the need to start at least with civilians detained after the war, given that hostilities had stopped and there was no longer any legal justification for holding them.

He said the president had acted on this basis by communicating with the International Committee of the Red Cross, as well as international and US parties.

The Amhaz family’s stance

Alongside official positions, sources close to the family of Imad Amhaz told Asharq Al-Awsat they denied any knowledge of military activity attributed to him, saying Amhaz had been leading a normal civilian life and that the family had never been informed of any link between him and any military or security activity.

They said the information published did not reflect the family’s account.

Detainees and missing persons figures

On figures, Awada said the file submitted to the president included 20 Lebanese detainees whose presence in Israeli prisons had been confirmed, half of whom were arrested during the war and half afterward.

He said among those detained during the war were seven fighters and three civilians, including Imad Amhaz, who was considered a civilian.

Those detained after the ceasefire were all civilians, in addition to three people missing before the war and around 40 missing since it began.



Macron Urges Israel to Hold 'Direct Talks' with Lebanon amid More War Casualties

Firefighters and first aid responders work inside an apartment that was targeted by an Israeli airstrike in the Burj Hammoud area on the northern outskirts of Beirut on March 14, 2026. (Photo by IBRAHIM AMRO / AFP)
Firefighters and first aid responders work inside an apartment that was targeted by an Israeli airstrike in the Burj Hammoud area on the northern outskirts of Beirut on March 14, 2026. (Photo by IBRAHIM AMRO / AFP)
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Macron Urges Israel to Hold 'Direct Talks' with Lebanon amid More War Casualties

Firefighters and first aid responders work inside an apartment that was targeted by an Israeli airstrike in the Burj Hammoud area on the northern outskirts of Beirut on March 14, 2026. (Photo by IBRAHIM AMRO / AFP)
Firefighters and first aid responders work inside an apartment that was targeted by an Israeli airstrike in the Burj Hammoud area on the northern outskirts of Beirut on March 14, 2026. (Photo by IBRAHIM AMRO / AFP)

French President Emmanuel Macron on Saturday said Lebanon was ready to engage in "direct talks" with Israel and offered to host negotiations in Paris.

"The Lebanese government has signaled its willingness to engage in direct talks with Israel," he said on X.

"France is ready to facilitate these talks by hosting them in Paris," Macron said, adding he had spoken to the president and prime minister of Lebanon.

He called on Israel to "seize this opportunity ⁠to launch ceasefire discussions, to find a lasting solution and to allow the Lebanese authorities to put in place their engagements for Lebanon's sovereignty."

Macron also urged Israel ⁠to ⁠stop its offensive and on Hezbollah to stop its actions.

"Everything must be done to stop Lebanon from descending into chaos," he said.

A photograph shows the site of an overnight Israeli airstrike that targeted Beirut's southern suburbs, on March 14, 2026. (Photo by AFP)

At least 12 medical personnel were killed in an Israeli strike on a healthcare center in the town of Borj Qalaouiya in southern Lebanon, the Lebanese state news agency reported on Saturday, citing the health ministry.

The Israeli army said that a day earlier it struck Hezbollah operatives "who were bringing rockets into a weapons depot" in Majdal, around seven kilometers from Borj Qalaouiya.

Also, an Israeli strike hit an apartment building in a northern Beirut suburb that had been targeted a day earlier, Lebanese state media said.

The National News Agency said "an Israeli strike targeted the Nabaa-Burj Hammoud area for a second day."

The same building had been struck on Friday without causing casualties.

The NNA also reported on Friday that Israeli shells hit a United Nations base hosting Nepali peacekeepers in the southern border town of Mais al-Jabal.


Egypt Renews Call for Joint Arab Force, Warns of ‘Total Chaos’

Egyptian Foreign Minister Badr Abdelatty (Egyptian Foreign Ministry)
Egyptian Foreign Minister Badr Abdelatty (Egyptian Foreign Ministry)
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Egypt Renews Call for Joint Arab Force, Warns of ‘Total Chaos’

Egyptian Foreign Minister Badr Abdelatty (Egyptian Foreign Ministry)
Egyptian Foreign Minister Badr Abdelatty (Egyptian Foreign Ministry)

Egypt renewed calls to form a joint Arab force capable of effectively confronting threats and risks facing Arab states, warning of “the dangers of the conflict widening in the region and the possibility of sliding into comprehensive chaos.”

It also reaffirmed its solidarity with the Gulf states and rejected any attempt by non-Arab regional powers or actors outside the region to impose regional security arrangements on Arab countries.

The remarks came as Egyptian Foreign Minister Badr Abdelatty participated in the fourth joint ministerial meeting between Egypt and the Gulf Cooperation Council's foreign ministers, held virtually on Thursday evening.

The meeting was chaired by Bahraini Foreign Minister Abdullatif bin Rashid Al Zayani, the current chair of the GCC ministerial council, and attended by GCC Secretary-General Jassim Albudaiwi.

In a statement on Friday, Egyptian Foreign Ministry spokesman Tamim Khallaf said Abdelatty reaffirmed Egypt’s “firm and strong support” for the “brotherly Gulf states” and its solidarity with them in confronting the “unacceptable and unjustified attacks” they faced from Iran in recent days.

He stressed Egypt’s “categorical rejection of any pretexts aimed at undermining the sovereignty or capabilities of the brotherly Gulf states, Jordan and Iraq,” saying “the security of the Gulf states is an integral part of Egyptian and Arab national security, and Egypt stands by its brothers in this delicate regional moment.”

Abdelatty also stressed the “utmost importance” of de-escalation, calming tensions and prioritizing diplomacy and dialogue. He underlined the need to ensure freedom of international maritime navigation and voiced “complete rejection of any attempts to obstruct it,” warning such moves would pose a direct threat to regional stability and global trade flows.

Khallaf said Abdelatty also renewed calls to activate Arab national security frameworks and deepen joint cooperation, urging swift practical steps and new mechanisms to safeguard the security and sovereignty of Arab states, including Gulf countries. These steps include accelerating the activation of the Arab League’s 1950 Joint Defense and Economic Cooperation Treaty and forming a joint Arab force.

Abdelatty told a meeting of the Egyptian cabinet on Tuesday that Egypt is currently leading initiatives to establish a joint Arab force to protect Arab national security, according to Cairo News television.

GCC foreign ministers praised what they described as the “principled, strong and supportive positions” of the Egyptian leadership, particularly Cairo’s unequivocal condemnation of attacks targeting Gulf states and its declaration of full solidarity with them at this sensitive moment.

They also commended Egypt’s continued support for the Palestinian cause and its pivotal role in backing Arab issues, strengthening joint Arab action and safeguarding regional security and stability amid current challenges.

Khallaf said the ministers also reviewed institutional ties between Egypt and the GCC, praising the “qualitative leap” in relations since the signing of a memorandum of understanding on political consultations and the adoption of a joint action plan for 2024-2028.

They also highlighted momentum generated by the Egyptian-Gulf Trade and Investment Forum hosted by Cairo last November and discussed efforts to elevate relations to a comprehensive strategic partnership that would strengthen economic, trade and investment cooperation for the mutual benefit of the region’s peoples.


Is Burhan Heading for a Showdown with Sudan’s Islamists?

A circulating image shows Yasser al-Atta with the commander of the Islamist al-Baraa bin Malik militia fighting alongside the army
A circulating image shows Yasser al-Atta with the commander of the Islamist al-Baraa bin Malik militia fighting alongside the army
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Is Burhan Heading for a Showdown with Sudan’s Islamists?

A circulating image shows Yasser al-Atta with the commander of the Islamist al-Baraa bin Malik militia fighting alongside the army
A circulating image shows Yasser al-Atta with the commander of the Islamist al-Baraa bin Malik militia fighting alongside the army

The designation of Sudan’s Islamists as a terrorist entity places the country’s military leadership before difficult and narrowing choices, particularly as these currents are deeply embedded within the ruling system and wield growing influence in decision-making circles, including inside the military itself.

That reality makes any potential confrontation highly risky at a time when Sudan is already facing a fragile and volatile situation on all fronts.

The development raises key questions about what comes next: Could army commander Abdel Fattah al-Burhan move to curb the Islamists’ influence or remove them from the military? And how might they respond if targeted and the confrontation escalates?

The United States announced last Monday that it had designated the Muslim Brotherhood in Sudan a terrorist organization, accusing it of receiving support from Iran. To avoid confusion over the name, the US State Department specified the “Sudanese Islamic Movement” and included its military wing, the al-Baraa bin Malik Corps, citing links to Iran’s Revolutionary Guard Corps.

Since the fall of ousted president Omar al-Bashir after the 2019 popular uprising, Islamists and their dissolved National Congress Party have split into several civilian and military factions. When war erupted in April 2023, they regrouped in new military formations to fight alongside the Sudanese army against the Rapid Support Forces.

Ali Karti, Secretary General of the Sudanese Islamic Movement and a former foreign minister, is accused of acting as the real driver behind the army through Islamist elements within its ranks in a bid to return to power. The army and Burhan have repeatedly denied those accusations.

Some Islamist leaders say the movement has regained influence inside the institutions of the “deep state” and that confronting it would require extensive intelligence and security efforts. They also acknowledge that Islamists have become a heavy burden on the army, while Burhan appears hesitant to take a decisive stance against them.

Sources familiar with the matter say the administration of US President Donald Trump had earlier decided to designate the group but delayed announcing the move to allow time for efforts to secure a ceasefire between the army and the Rapid Support Forces.

Rising regional tensions, particularly the US-Israel confrontation with Iran, and statements by Islamist leaders fighting alongside the army declaring support for Tehran, accelerated the decision.

Those statements reportedly embarrassed Burhan before regional allies, prompting him to deny any official ties between the army and the groups and to vow to be held accountable.

Sources say the designation explicitly linked “Islamist battalions” in Sudan to training and military support from Iran’s Revolutionary Guards, potentially making them a target of US policies as the regional conflict widens.

At the same time, activists circulated an old video of Sovereignty Council member and assistant commander-in-chief Yasser al-Atta speaking about six Islamist battalions fighting within the army’s ranks.

Possible scenarios

Circles close to the Islamists expect the movement to “bend with the storm,” avoiding public positions that could trigger direct confrontation with the military authorities, particularly as any battlefield setback could allow the Rapid Support Forces to advance.

Despite that caution, those circles say Islamists remain influential, holding sway within security agencies, intelligence services and military intelligence. Their reach also extends into state institutions, including the judiciary and the public prosecution, making their removal costly and complex.

Opponents of the Islamic Movement say the army may struggle to implement the requirements of the US designation - such as freezing accounts or restricting the movement of leaders - because of the movement’s ideological penetration within the officer corps. That infiltration dates back to the 1970s and persisted for three decades under Bashir’s former “Salvation” government.

In this view, the army could try to navigate the sanctions through political maneuvering and continued cooperation with Islamists to soften their impact. But such an approach may test the international community's patience.

Babiker Faisal, head of the executive office of the Federal Gathering, says the army faces three main choices: deny the presence of Islamists within its institutions, a line Burhan has consistently taken; maneuver between the international community and the Islamists by reassuring both sides; or take a decisive step to exclude them and confront them directly.

Faisal believes Burhan is likely to pursue the maneuvering option, pointing to the Sudanese Foreign Ministry’s silence over the designation while calling instead for the Rapid Support Forces to be labeled a terrorist organization.

But he warns the approach may only buy time. The most significant aspect of the designation, he says, is its direct military link between the Islamic Movement and Iran — an issue that has become a top priority for the US administration.

A direct confrontation, he argues, would be extremely difficult given the Islamists’ grip on key state institutions and security bodies. That could push them to fight to the end in what they would see as an existential battle, especially after the decline of Brotherhood-linked movements in several regional countries.

Civilian forces opposed to the war say all possibilities remain open, including the direct targeting of Islamists, depending on regional developments or giving the army time to distance itself from them gradually.

They argue that excluding the Islamic Movement from any future political process is the shortest path to ending the war and restoring stability in Sudan.