Palestinians in the West Bank Struggle to Get by as Israel Severely Limits Work Permits

Palestinians protest after Israeli soldiers blocked the entrance of the Nur Shams Palestinian refugee camp in the occupied West Bank on February 9, 2026, demanding to be allowed to return to their homes from where they were expelled last year during an ongoing Israeli army operation. (Photo by Jaafar ASHTIYEH / AFP)
Palestinians protest after Israeli soldiers blocked the entrance of the Nur Shams Palestinian refugee camp in the occupied West Bank on February 9, 2026, demanding to be allowed to return to their homes from where they were expelled last year during an ongoing Israeli army operation. (Photo by Jaafar ASHTIYEH / AFP)
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Palestinians in the West Bank Struggle to Get by as Israel Severely Limits Work Permits

Palestinians protest after Israeli soldiers blocked the entrance of the Nur Shams Palestinian refugee camp in the occupied West Bank on February 9, 2026, demanding to be allowed to return to their homes from where they were expelled last year during an ongoing Israeli army operation. (Photo by Jaafar ASHTIYEH / AFP)
Palestinians protest after Israeli soldiers blocked the entrance of the Nur Shams Palestinian refugee camp in the occupied West Bank on February 9, 2026, demanding to be allowed to return to their homes from where they were expelled last year during an ongoing Israeli army operation. (Photo by Jaafar ASHTIYEH / AFP)

Hanadi Abu Zant hasn’t been able to pay rent on her apartment in the occupied West Bank for nearly a year after losing her permit to work inside Israel. When her landlord calls the police on her, she hides in a mosque.

“My biggest fear is being kicked out of my home. Where will we sleep, on the street?” she said, wiping tears from her cheeks.

She is among some 100,000 Palestinians whose work permits were revoked after Hamas’ Oct. 7, 2023, attack ignited the war in the Gaza Strip. Confined to the occupied territory, where jobs are scarce and wages far lower, they face dwindling and dangerous options as the economic crisis deepens, The Associated Press said.

Some have sold their belongings or gone into debt as they try to pay for food, electricity and school expenses for their children. Others have paid steep fees for black-market permits or tried to sneak into Israel, risking arrest or worse if they are mistaken for militants.

Israel, which has controlled the West Bank for nearly six decades, says it is under no obligation to allow Palestinians to enter for work and makes such decisions based on security considerations. Thousands of Palestinians are still allowed to work in scores of Jewish settlements across the West Bank, built on land they want for a future state.

Risk of collapse

The World Bank has warned that the West Bank economy is at risk of collapse because of Israel’s restrictions. By the end of last year, unemployment had surged to nearly 30% compared with around 12% before the war, according to the Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics.

Before the war, tens of thousands of Palestinians worked inside Israel, mainly in construction and service jobs. Wages can be more than double those in the landlocked West Bank, where decades of Israeli checkpoints, land seizures and other restrictions have weighed heavily on the economy. Palestinians also blame the Palestinian Authority, which exercises limited self-rule in parts of the territory, for not doing enough to create jobs.

About 100,000 Palestinians had work permits that were revoked after the outbreak of the war. Israel has since reinstated fewer than 10,000, according to Gisha, an Israeli group advocating for Palestinian freedom of movement.

Wages earned in Israel injected some $4 billion into the Palestinian economy in 2022, according to the Institute for National Security Studies, an Israeli think tank. That’s equivalent to about two-thirds of the Palestinian Authority's budget that year.

An Israeli official said Palestinians do not have an inherent right to enter Israel, and that permits are subject to security considerations. The official spoke on condition of anonymity in line with regulations.

Israel seized the West Bank, Gaza and east Jerusalem in the 1967 Mideast war, territories the Palestinians want for a future state. Some 3 million Palestinians live in the West Bank, along with over 500,000 Israeli settlers who can come and go freely.

The war in Gaza has brought a spike in Palestinian attacks on Israelis as well as settler violence. Military operations that Israel says are aimed at dismantling militant groups have caused heavy damage in the West Bank and displaced tens of thousands of Palestinians.

‘My refrigerator, it’s empty’

After her husband left her five years ago, Abu Zant secured a job at a food-packing plant in Israel that paid around $1,400 a month, enough to support her four children. When the war erupted, she thought the ban would only last a few months. She baked pastries for friends to scrape by.

Hasan Joma, who ran a business in Tulkarem before the war helping people find work in Israel, said Palestinian brokers are charging more than triple the price for a permit.

While there are no definite figures, tens of thousands of Palestinians are believed to be working illegally in Israel, according to Esteban Klor, professor of economics at Israel's Hebrew University and a senior researcher at the INSS. Some risk their lives trying to cross Israel’s separation barrier, which consists of 9-meter high (30-foot) concrete walls, fences and closed military roads.

Shuhrat Barghouthi’s husband has spent five months in prison for trying to climb the barrier to enter Israel for work, she said. Before the war, the couple worked in Israel earning a combined $5,700 a month. Now they are both unemployed and around $14,000 in debt.

“Come and see my refrigerator, it’s empty, there’s nothing to feed my children,” she said. She can’t afford to heat her apartment, where she hasn’t paid rent in two years. She says her children are often sick and frequently go to bed hungry.

Sometimes she returns home to see her belongings strewn in the street by the landlord, who has been trying to evict them.

Forced to work in settlements

Of the roughly 48,000 Palestinians who worked in Israeli settlements before the war, more than 65% have kept their permits, according to Gisha. The Palestinians and most of the international community view the settlements, which have rapidly expanded in recent years, as illegal.

Israeli officials did not respond to questions about why more Palestinians are permitted to work in the settlements.

Palestinians employed in the settlements, speaking on condition of anonymity for fear of retribution, say their employers have beefed up security since the start of the war and are far more willing to fire anyone stepping out of line, knowing there are plenty more desperate for work.

Two Palestinians working in the Mishor Adumim settlement said security guards look through workers’ phones and revoke their permits arbitrarily.

Israelis have turned to foreign workers to fill jobs held by Palestinians, but some say it’s a poor substitute because they cost more and do not know the language. Palestinians speak Arabic, but those who work in Israel are often fluent in Hebrew.

Raphael Dadush, an Israeli developer, said the permit crackdown has resulted in costly delays.

Before the war, Palestinians made up more than half his workforce. He’s tried to replace them with Chinese workers but says it’s not exactly the same. He understands the government’s decision, but says it’s time to find a way for Palestinians to return that ensures Israel’s security.

Assaf Adiv, the executive director of an Israeli group advocating for Palestinian labor rights, says there has to be some economic integration or there will be “chaos.”

“The alternative to work in Israel is starvation and desperation,” he said.



Macron Urges Israel to Hold 'Direct Talks' with Lebanon amid More War Casualties

Firefighters and first aid responders work inside an apartment that was targeted by an Israeli airstrike in the Burj Hammoud area on the northern outskirts of Beirut on March 14, 2026. (Photo by IBRAHIM AMRO / AFP)
Firefighters and first aid responders work inside an apartment that was targeted by an Israeli airstrike in the Burj Hammoud area on the northern outskirts of Beirut on March 14, 2026. (Photo by IBRAHIM AMRO / AFP)
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Macron Urges Israel to Hold 'Direct Talks' with Lebanon amid More War Casualties

Firefighters and first aid responders work inside an apartment that was targeted by an Israeli airstrike in the Burj Hammoud area on the northern outskirts of Beirut on March 14, 2026. (Photo by IBRAHIM AMRO / AFP)
Firefighters and first aid responders work inside an apartment that was targeted by an Israeli airstrike in the Burj Hammoud area on the northern outskirts of Beirut on March 14, 2026. (Photo by IBRAHIM AMRO / AFP)

French President Emmanuel Macron on Saturday said Lebanon was ready to engage in "direct talks" with Israel and offered to host negotiations in Paris.

"The Lebanese government has signaled its willingness to engage in direct talks with Israel," he said on X.

"France is ready to facilitate these talks by hosting them in Paris," Macron said, adding he had spoken to the president and prime minister of Lebanon.

He called on Israel to "seize this opportunity ⁠to launch ceasefire discussions, to find a lasting solution and to allow the Lebanese authorities to put in place their engagements for Lebanon's sovereignty."

Macron also urged Israel ⁠to ⁠stop its offensive and on Hezbollah to stop its actions.

"Everything must be done to stop Lebanon from descending into chaos," he said.

A photograph shows the site of an overnight Israeli airstrike that targeted Beirut's southern suburbs, on March 14, 2026. (Photo by AFP)

At least 12 medical personnel were killed in an Israeli strike on a healthcare center in the town of Borj Qalaouiya in southern Lebanon, the Lebanese state news agency reported on Saturday, citing the health ministry.

The Israeli army said that a day earlier it struck Hezbollah operatives "who were bringing rockets into a weapons depot" in Majdal, around seven kilometers from Borj Qalaouiya.

Also, an Israeli strike hit an apartment building in a northern Beirut suburb that had been targeted a day earlier, Lebanese state media said.

The National News Agency said "an Israeli strike targeted the Nabaa-Burj Hammoud area for a second day."

The same building had been struck on Friday without causing casualties.

The NNA also reported on Friday that Israeli shells hit a United Nations base hosting Nepali peacekeepers in the southern border town of Mais al-Jabal.


Egypt Renews Call for Joint Arab Force, Warns of ‘Total Chaos’

Egyptian Foreign Minister Badr Abdelatty (Egyptian Foreign Ministry)
Egyptian Foreign Minister Badr Abdelatty (Egyptian Foreign Ministry)
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Egypt Renews Call for Joint Arab Force, Warns of ‘Total Chaos’

Egyptian Foreign Minister Badr Abdelatty (Egyptian Foreign Ministry)
Egyptian Foreign Minister Badr Abdelatty (Egyptian Foreign Ministry)

Egypt renewed calls to form a joint Arab force capable of effectively confronting threats and risks facing Arab states, warning of “the dangers of the conflict widening in the region and the possibility of sliding into comprehensive chaos.”

It also reaffirmed its solidarity with the Gulf states and rejected any attempt by non-Arab regional powers or actors outside the region to impose regional security arrangements on Arab countries.

The remarks came as Egyptian Foreign Minister Badr Abdelatty participated in the fourth joint ministerial meeting between Egypt and the Gulf Cooperation Council's foreign ministers, held virtually on Thursday evening.

The meeting was chaired by Bahraini Foreign Minister Abdullatif bin Rashid Al Zayani, the current chair of the GCC ministerial council, and attended by GCC Secretary-General Jassim Albudaiwi.

In a statement on Friday, Egyptian Foreign Ministry spokesman Tamim Khallaf said Abdelatty reaffirmed Egypt’s “firm and strong support” for the “brotherly Gulf states” and its solidarity with them in confronting the “unacceptable and unjustified attacks” they faced from Iran in recent days.

He stressed Egypt’s “categorical rejection of any pretexts aimed at undermining the sovereignty or capabilities of the brotherly Gulf states, Jordan and Iraq,” saying “the security of the Gulf states is an integral part of Egyptian and Arab national security, and Egypt stands by its brothers in this delicate regional moment.”

Abdelatty also stressed the “utmost importance” of de-escalation, calming tensions and prioritizing diplomacy and dialogue. He underlined the need to ensure freedom of international maritime navigation and voiced “complete rejection of any attempts to obstruct it,” warning such moves would pose a direct threat to regional stability and global trade flows.

Khallaf said Abdelatty also renewed calls to activate Arab national security frameworks and deepen joint cooperation, urging swift practical steps and new mechanisms to safeguard the security and sovereignty of Arab states, including Gulf countries. These steps include accelerating the activation of the Arab League’s 1950 Joint Defense and Economic Cooperation Treaty and forming a joint Arab force.

Abdelatty told a meeting of the Egyptian cabinet on Tuesday that Egypt is currently leading initiatives to establish a joint Arab force to protect Arab national security, according to Cairo News television.

GCC foreign ministers praised what they described as the “principled, strong and supportive positions” of the Egyptian leadership, particularly Cairo’s unequivocal condemnation of attacks targeting Gulf states and its declaration of full solidarity with them at this sensitive moment.

They also commended Egypt’s continued support for the Palestinian cause and its pivotal role in backing Arab issues, strengthening joint Arab action and safeguarding regional security and stability amid current challenges.

Khallaf said the ministers also reviewed institutional ties between Egypt and the GCC, praising the “qualitative leap” in relations since the signing of a memorandum of understanding on political consultations and the adoption of a joint action plan for 2024-2028.

They also highlighted momentum generated by the Egyptian-Gulf Trade and Investment Forum hosted by Cairo last November and discussed efforts to elevate relations to a comprehensive strategic partnership that would strengthen economic, trade and investment cooperation for the mutual benefit of the region’s peoples.


Is Burhan Heading for a Showdown with Sudan’s Islamists?

A circulating image shows Yasser al-Atta with the commander of the Islamist al-Baraa bin Malik militia fighting alongside the army
A circulating image shows Yasser al-Atta with the commander of the Islamist al-Baraa bin Malik militia fighting alongside the army
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Is Burhan Heading for a Showdown with Sudan’s Islamists?

A circulating image shows Yasser al-Atta with the commander of the Islamist al-Baraa bin Malik militia fighting alongside the army
A circulating image shows Yasser al-Atta with the commander of the Islamist al-Baraa bin Malik militia fighting alongside the army

The designation of Sudan’s Islamists as a terrorist entity places the country’s military leadership before difficult and narrowing choices, particularly as these currents are deeply embedded within the ruling system and wield growing influence in decision-making circles, including inside the military itself.

That reality makes any potential confrontation highly risky at a time when Sudan is already facing a fragile and volatile situation on all fronts.

The development raises key questions about what comes next: Could army commander Abdel Fattah al-Burhan move to curb the Islamists’ influence or remove them from the military? And how might they respond if targeted and the confrontation escalates?

The United States announced last Monday that it had designated the Muslim Brotherhood in Sudan a terrorist organization, accusing it of receiving support from Iran. To avoid confusion over the name, the US State Department specified the “Sudanese Islamic Movement” and included its military wing, the al-Baraa bin Malik Corps, citing links to Iran’s Revolutionary Guard Corps.

Since the fall of ousted president Omar al-Bashir after the 2019 popular uprising, Islamists and their dissolved National Congress Party have split into several civilian and military factions. When war erupted in April 2023, they regrouped in new military formations to fight alongside the Sudanese army against the Rapid Support Forces.

Ali Karti, Secretary General of the Sudanese Islamic Movement and a former foreign minister, is accused of acting as the real driver behind the army through Islamist elements within its ranks in a bid to return to power. The army and Burhan have repeatedly denied those accusations.

Some Islamist leaders say the movement has regained influence inside the institutions of the “deep state” and that confronting it would require extensive intelligence and security efforts. They also acknowledge that Islamists have become a heavy burden on the army, while Burhan appears hesitant to take a decisive stance against them.

Sources familiar with the matter say the administration of US President Donald Trump had earlier decided to designate the group but delayed announcing the move to allow time for efforts to secure a ceasefire between the army and the Rapid Support Forces.

Rising regional tensions, particularly the US-Israel confrontation with Iran, and statements by Islamist leaders fighting alongside the army declaring support for Tehran, accelerated the decision.

Those statements reportedly embarrassed Burhan before regional allies, prompting him to deny any official ties between the army and the groups and to vow to be held accountable.

Sources say the designation explicitly linked “Islamist battalions” in Sudan to training and military support from Iran’s Revolutionary Guards, potentially making them a target of US policies as the regional conflict widens.

At the same time, activists circulated an old video of Sovereignty Council member and assistant commander-in-chief Yasser al-Atta speaking about six Islamist battalions fighting within the army’s ranks.

Possible scenarios

Circles close to the Islamists expect the movement to “bend with the storm,” avoiding public positions that could trigger direct confrontation with the military authorities, particularly as any battlefield setback could allow the Rapid Support Forces to advance.

Despite that caution, those circles say Islamists remain influential, holding sway within security agencies, intelligence services and military intelligence. Their reach also extends into state institutions, including the judiciary and the public prosecution, making their removal costly and complex.

Opponents of the Islamic Movement say the army may struggle to implement the requirements of the US designation - such as freezing accounts or restricting the movement of leaders - because of the movement’s ideological penetration within the officer corps. That infiltration dates back to the 1970s and persisted for three decades under Bashir’s former “Salvation” government.

In this view, the army could try to navigate the sanctions through political maneuvering and continued cooperation with Islamists to soften their impact. But such an approach may test the international community's patience.

Babiker Faisal, head of the executive office of the Federal Gathering, says the army faces three main choices: deny the presence of Islamists within its institutions, a line Burhan has consistently taken; maneuver between the international community and the Islamists by reassuring both sides; or take a decisive step to exclude them and confront them directly.

Faisal believes Burhan is likely to pursue the maneuvering option, pointing to the Sudanese Foreign Ministry’s silence over the designation while calling instead for the Rapid Support Forces to be labeled a terrorist organization.

But he warns the approach may only buy time. The most significant aspect of the designation, he says, is its direct military link between the Islamic Movement and Iran — an issue that has become a top priority for the US administration.

A direct confrontation, he argues, would be extremely difficult given the Islamists’ grip on key state institutions and security bodies. That could push them to fight to the end in what they would see as an existential battle, especially after the decline of Brotherhood-linked movements in several regional countries.

Civilian forces opposed to the war say all possibilities remain open, including the direct targeting of Islamists, depending on regional developments or giving the army time to distance itself from them gradually.

They argue that excluding the Islamic Movement from any future political process is the shortest path to ending the war and restoring stability in Sudan.