Sudan War: Is A Settlement Drawing Closer?

 A child sits on a hill overlooking a refugee camp near Sudan’s border with Chad in November 2023 (Reuters)
A child sits on a hill overlooking a refugee camp near Sudan’s border with Chad in November 2023 (Reuters)
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Sudan War: Is A Settlement Drawing Closer?

 A child sits on a hill overlooking a refugee camp near Sudan’s border with Chad in November 2023 (Reuters)
A child sits on a hill overlooking a refugee camp near Sudan’s border with Chad in November 2023 (Reuters)

After more than three years of war, Sudan is facing a different political and humanitarian moment. The fighting has not stopped, and neither side has won. But the cost of prolonging the war now appears to have outgrown what Sudan, its neighbors, and the wider international community can bear.

As international pressure builds, regional diplomacy gathers pace and the humanitarian collapse deepens, one question is echoing through political and media circles: Is Sudan’s war nearing a settlement, or is the country slipping into another long conflict like those that scarred its past?

Sudan’s history offers little comfort. Its major wars have often lasted decades. The first civil war in the South ran for 17 years, from 1955 to 1972. The second lasted 22 years, from 1983 to 2005. The Darfur war continued for about 17 years, from 2003 to 2020. All ended only after a return to dialogue, understanding, and peace. That history leaves many Sudanese fearing that the current conflict could become a new chapter in the country’s long, open-ended wars.

But others argue this war is different.

Since fighting erupted between the army and the Rapid Support Forces in April 2023, both sides have bet on a swift military victory. As the war enters its fourth year, the limits of that bet are clear. Battles have spread from Khartoum to Port Sudan, Darfur, Kordofan, and Blue Nile.

They have not delivered a decisive victory for either side. Instead, they have plunged Sudan into one of the world’s worst humanitarian crises.

As the battlefield grows more complex, the international community increasingly sees Sudan’s war as a threat beyond Sudan itself. Rising tensions in the Red Sea, fears that chaos could spread through the Horn of Africa, and growing displacement and illegal migration have pushed Western and regional capitals to intensify pressure for a political settlement.

In that context, the recent Berlin conference marked an important milestone. Dozens of countries and international organizations agreed that Sudan’s crisis “cannot be resolved militarily” and voiced clear support for a comprehensive negotiating track.

The United States and the European Union have also stepped up diplomatic efforts to push for a ceasefire, amid growing fears that instability could spread across the region.

One of the clearest signs of this shift came from Massad Boulos, senior adviser to the US president for Arab and African affairs. He said there was “no military solution” to the conflict in Sudan and pointed to an “international consensus” on pushing the parties toward negotiations and a ceasefire.

He also cited US efforts to support humanitarian truces that could pave the way for a permanent halt to the fighting.

The shift does not mean a settlement is imminent. But it does show a growing conviction among influential powers that continued war could lead to the full collapse of the Sudanese state, a scenario feared by many regional and international actors, especially Sudan’s neighbors.

Recent months have also brought more active regional diplomacy than in the war’s early years, when the conflict was often described as the “forgotten war.”

Coordination has grown among the African Union, the Intergovernmental Authority on Development and the Arab League, alongside Gulf, Egyptian and African moves aimed at preventing Sudan’s disintegration or its slide into an open arena for regional conflict.

Those actors know the war will not threaten Sudan alone. It could directly affect Red Sea security, international trade and the stability of neighboring states. That makes a political settlement a regional necessity, not only a Sudanese demand.

Inside Sudan, the army still speaks the language of continued military operations. Yet it has left the door ajar to political solutions. In remarks carrying clear political weight, Burhan recently said that “anyone who reaches conviction and lays down arms, the homeland’s embrace is open to him.”

Observers saw the message as an attempt to open the way for possible settlements, or to encourage defections from the Rapid Support Forces by offering implicit guarantees to those ready to return and join new arrangements.

Still, Burhan continues to say the army is “moving ahead with restoring the state and its institutions.”

That reflects the military establishment’s firm political and military ceiling in any future negotiations, and shows that the path to a comprehensive settlement remains highly complicated, despite mounting pressure to end the war.

Humanitarian pressure

The strongest pressure on all sides may no longer be military or political. It is humanitarian.

The United Nations and international food agencies have warned that Sudan is facing one of the world’s largest hunger crises. According to the Integrated Food Security Phase Classification, or IPC, report issued in May 2026, about 20 million Sudanese are suffering acute food insecurity, while tens of thousands face the risk of famine.

Several areas could face a humanitarian catastrophe if the war continues.

World Food Program Executive Director Cindy McCain said hunger and malnutrition threaten the lives of millions, urging swift action to stop the crisis from becoming a “major tragedy.”

UNICEF Executive Director Catherine Russell said the humanitarian situation had reached a tragic stage, with children arriving at health facilities “too weak to cry.”

Inside Sudanese circles, calls to end the war are widening, even as divisions persist over what a settlement should look like. Some analysts close to the army say falling public support for continued war does not mean accepting the Rapid Support Forces as a force parallel to the state. Any future settlement, they argue, must be tied to rebuilding a unified military institution.

Observers say rising international pressure, military exhaustion and humanitarian deterioration could push the warring parties toward a political settlement in the coming phase.

Sharif Mohamed Osman, political secretary of the Sudanese Congress Party, said there was “no military solution and no peace without genuine civilian leadership,” arguing that ending the war requires a comprehensive settlement that rebuilds the state and its institutions.

Other observers say Sudan now stands at a delicate balance point between peace and continued war. Political analyst Mohamed Latif says international conditions, external pressure, and civilian suffering make peace “closer than ever.”

But he also says new fighting fronts and regional complexities continue to prolong the conflict, leaving all options open.

From a security and strategic perspective, military expert Brig. Gen. Dr. Jamal al-Shaheed says Sudan is at an extremely dangerous crossroads. One path leads to a political settlement forced by military exhaustion and international pressure.

The other leads to an “extended war,” where neither side can achieve total victory while state institutions slowly erode under military, economic and humanitarian attrition.

Al-Shaheed warns that time is no longer on Sudan’s side, and that every additional day of war doubles the future cost of peace.

Despite all these signals, the biggest questions remain unanswered: Has the war reached the point of exhaustion that usually precedes settlements? Or is Sudan still at the start of a long conflict whose end has yet to take shape?



Lebanon’s Shiite Alliance United Against Israel Framework Deal, Divided Over Protests

Hezbollah supporters block the old airport road in Beirut’s southern suburbs with burning tires on Saturday to protest the 2026 trilateral agreement signed by the United States, Israel, and Lebanon (AFP)
Hezbollah supporters block the old airport road in Beirut’s southern suburbs with burning tires on Saturday to protest the 2026 trilateral agreement signed by the United States, Israel, and Lebanon (AFP)
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Lebanon’s Shiite Alliance United Against Israel Framework Deal, Divided Over Protests

Hezbollah supporters block the old airport road in Beirut’s southern suburbs with burning tires on Saturday to protest the 2026 trilateral agreement signed by the United States, Israel, and Lebanon (AFP)
Hezbollah supporters block the old airport road in Beirut’s southern suburbs with burning tires on Saturday to protest the 2026 trilateral agreement signed by the United States, Israel, and Lebanon (AFP)

Calls by Hezbollah supporters to take to the streets in protest against the US-sponsored framework agreement between Lebanon and Israel has drawn only a few dozen demonstrators in downtown Beirut.

Also, dozens of motorcyclists blocked the airport road before the Lebanese army reopened it, underscoring the limited scale of the protests.

Observers attributed this to the absence of supporters from the Amal Movement, led by Parliament Speaker Nabih Berri, highlighting one of the main obstacles to any attempt to mobilize the street.

The Israel-Lebanon deal calls for Hezbollah to be disarmed before Israel will withdraw its troops from southern Lebanon. Israel agreed to withdraw initially from a couple of “pilot zones” where the Lebanese army would then deploy, but no details have been shared about how that will work in practice.

While Hezbollah and Amal - the two pillars of Lebanon’s Shiite alliance - remain united in rejecting the agreement, sources familiar with Amal’s position told Asharq Al-Awsat that the priority is to challenge it through constitutional institutions while keeping all options open as events unfold.

Opponents of the alliance, however, argue that there’s a growing discord between the two parties on how to navigate the next phase.

Unified rejection

Mohammad Khawaja, a member of the parliamentary Development and Liberation bloc, told Asharq Al-Awsat that the bloc categorically rejects the agreement, describing it as “a bad and completely unacceptable deal.”

Khawaja dismissed reports of differences between Amal and Hezbollah, insisting that “all talk of divisions within the Shiite duo is unfounded."

He added that the agreement was unacceptable in its current form and expressed hope that those behind it would reconsider it.

No decision on street protests

Sources within the Shiite duo told Asharq Al-Awsat that it is “premature” to offer assurances about whether street protests will or will not be held.

The sources said the current stage requires patience and that the alliance’s response will depend on political and constitutional developments surrounding the agreement. All options, they added, remain on the table.

That position broadly aligns with recent statements by Hezbollah officials, who have argued that the agreement “will not survive.”

At the same time, the party has sought to distance itself from recent street protests, saying they reflect public distrust of the authorities. While Hezbollah rejects both the agreement and the direct negotiations that produced it, it denies organizing or mobilizing the demonstrations.

Opponents of the Shiite alliance argue that differences are becoming increasingly apparent, particularly on how the agreement could reshape Lebanon’s domestic political landscape.

While both Hezbollah and Amal continue to emphasize their united rejection of the deal and favor constitutional and political channels for now, critics believe the coming months will reveal whether that cohesion endures or evolves into a more visible political divide.

Independent MP Ibrahim Mneimneh told Asharq Al-Awsat that Berri appears fully aware of the responsibility he bears and may seek to give state-building a genuine opportunity, while Hezbollah continues to rely on a highly polarizing political discourse.


Iraq Opens Special Account for Recovered Illicit Funds as Anti-Corruption Drive Expands

Iraqi police personnel patrol in their vehicle along a street in Baghdad on June 28, 2026. (AFP)
Iraqi police personnel patrol in their vehicle along a street in Baghdad on June 28, 2026. (AFP)
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Iraq Opens Special Account for Recovered Illicit Funds as Anti-Corruption Drive Expands

Iraqi police personnel patrol in their vehicle along a street in Baghdad on June 28, 2026. (AFP)
Iraqi police personnel patrol in their vehicle along a street in Baghdad on June 28, 2026. (AFP)

Iraqi Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi ordered on Monday the Finance Ministry to open a dedicated account for money recovered from illicit enrichment cases, as the government pressed ahead with its anti-corruption campaign. Meanwhile, the Federal Commission of Integrity said a draft law on asset recovery will soon be submitted to parliament.

Government spokesman Haider al-Aboudi revealed that the new account would hold funds recovered from people convicted of illicit enrichment, stressing that the government remains committed to protecting public money and strengthening state institutions.

In remarks to the state-run Iraqi News Agency (INA), al-Aboudi said the government had adopted a comprehensive approach to institutional reform and combating corruption.

He added that Operation Dawn had resulted in the arrest of 21 suspects, while others remain at large.

Investigators are using suspects’ confessions to uncover broader corruption networks involving additional individuals and assets, he revealed.

Separately, Abbas Mutib, director general of the Integrity Commission’s asset recovery department and deputy chairman of the Iraq Asset Recovery Fund, said the commission had made significant progress in digital transformation, enabling it to freeze substantial assets abroad and prevent those accused of corruption from disposing of them.

Mutib noted that the commission is coordinating with the Justice Ministry to pursue civil lawsuits aimed at recovering frozen assets overseas, adding that authorities have already succeeded in recovering sizable sums.

Former tax chief sentenced

The Federal Commission of Integrity also announced prison sentences against former General Commission for Taxes Director General Osama Hossam Jawdat and his wife after their conviction on money laundering charges.

According to the commission, the Central Criminal Court for Combating Corruption sentenced Jawdat to 10 years in prison and his wife to five years and one month under Iraq’s 2015 Anti-Money Laundering and Counter-Terrorism Financing Law.

The court ordered the couple to pay a fine of IQD 32.496 billion (about $25 million), confiscated 10 properties in Baghdad and 12 properties in Türkiye registered in the wife’s name, as well as seized cash, rental income, gold jewelry, and funds deposited in Kuwaiti and Turkish banks. It also ordered the freezing of their movable and immovable assets.

Broad public backing

An Iraqi security personnel stands guard along a street in Baghdad on June 28, 2026. (AFP)

The government’s sweeping arrests on Sunday have drawn strong political and public support after targeting senior officials, lawmakers, and government directors, raising hopes that Iraq may finally curb corruption, which unofficial estimates say has cost the country more than $500 billion.

More than 50 suspects have been arrested so far, while some estimates suggest the number of wanted individuals could eventually exceed 1,000.

Dozens of activists gathered Sunday evening in Baghdad’s Tahrir Square to express support for the campaign.

Influential Shiite cleric Moqtada al-Sadr praised the “heroic reform measures,” saying the arrests had restored hope among Iraqis after years of entrenched corruption.

He commended the judiciary and security forces, particularly the Counter Terrorism Service, for carrying out the arrests.

More arrests expected

Ghalib al-Daami, a lecturer at the Iraqi Academy for Combating Corruption, told Asharq Al-Awsat that more than 50 prominent figures had already been detained and predicted the campaign could ultimately target more than 1,000 individuals.

While many observers doubt the crackdown will reach Iraq’s most powerful political leaders, al-Daami said he expects the “downfall” of three senior political figures in the coming days.

He also claimed the campaign has received direct US backing, particularly following the arrest of former Deputy Oil Minister Adnan al-Jumaili and another deputy minister, Ali Maarij al-Bahadli, who has been sanctioned by the US for allegedly facilitating Iranian oil sales.

Political scientist Firas Elias of the University of Mosul said the campaign represents “a real test of the state’s authority.”

Its success should be measured not by the number of arrests but by its ability to secure fair convictions and recover stolen assets, he added.

If the law is applied equally to everyone, the campaign could mark a turning point in relations between the state and Iraq’s political class, he remarked. But if it stops with selected figures or becomes a tool for settling political scores, it will quickly lose credibility and allow corruption to reemerge in new forms.


Gazans Turn to Clay, Rubble to Build New Homes

A Palestinian boy makes his way across rubble near a displacement camp in Nuseirat, in the central Gaza Strip, on Sunday. Credit: AFP/EYAD BABA
A Palestinian boy makes his way across rubble near a displacement camp in Nuseirat, in the central Gaza Strip, on Sunday. Credit: AFP/EYAD BABA
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Gazans Turn to Clay, Rubble to Build New Homes

A Palestinian boy makes his way across rubble near a displacement camp in Nuseirat, in the central Gaza Strip, on Sunday. Credit: AFP/EYAD BABA
A Palestinian boy makes his way across rubble near a displacement camp in Nuseirat, in the central Gaza Strip, on Sunday. Credit: AFP/EYAD BABA

While Gaza’s housing crisis remains catastrophic with cement and steel blocked by Israel from entering the Strip, some Palestinians are turning to improvised methods and other workarounds in a bid to make their shelters safer or more habitable.

Among those Palestinians is Jaafar Atallah, a potter in Gaza, who decided to build a home from the earth. It was to be like the bread ovens his family had been making for generations, but big enough for his parents to live in, according to the Financial Times.

Atallah gathered clay from an area of Gaza a few kilometers from his tent and — with the help of about 15 people, including his father, also a potter — he set about making mud bricks.

For months, they learned as they built. Finally, they completed a domed hut, “so solid you could stand on top of it”, said Atallah, whose project was backed by pottery groups around the world after he shared videos online.

The clay structure was a relief after the flimsy protection of the tent: “You can keep your food in this room. In a tent, tomatoes and cucumbers won’t last a day and will rot. Life in the tents is so hard. There is such heat in the summer, it is torture,” Atallah said.

Atallah’s experience reflects the reality of thousands of families looking for alternatives after almost all buildings in Gaza have been destroyed by two years of bombardment amid Israel’s ban on concrete and steel imports.

Several Gazans are reusing steel reinforcing bars and concrete from the debris of buildings, scavenging for cement lying underwater in the port and resorting to mud to make bricks and mortar.

“We already have clay in our land, we don’t have to manufacture it, we don’t need things that we have to get from the crossing [with Israel], which is at the whim of the occupation,” said Atallah, who even designed a waterproof glaze for the bricks. “The occupation does not control this. It’s from our land, our soil.”

According to the UN, 1.9 million Gazans are displaced or live in tents, which lack sanitation or other utilities.

Reconstruction of Gaza remains a distant dream for its people. Israel bans building materials from entering Gaza on the grounds that the materials may be used for military purposes such as tunnel construction.

In May, teenage sisters Tala, 17, and Farah Moussa, 15, won a youth-focused award from the Swiss-based Earth Foundation for recycling cement debris into bricks.

Displaced with their family five times since the start of the war, they now live in a tent in Nuseirat in the center of the Gaza Strip. “We got the idea when our house was bombed,” said Tala. “We thought we had to do something and find a solution that comes from the problem itself, so we are using the rubble.”

Tala said, “We made five or six prototypes before we got it right. We researched on the internet and in books. Now we want to use the [$12,500] prize money to set up workshops to teach others how to make bricks.”

Using mud and stones, Gaza residents rebuild homes destroyed in months of conflict, as lack of access to construction material leaves families with few options.

Their efforts reflect the ability to adapt to the most extreme conditions to restore a normal life, even within walls built from the earth and the debris of buildings.