Ghassan Charbel
Editor-in-Chief of Asharq Al-Awsat newspaper
TT

Saving Gaza and the Region 

The harshest wars are the ones whose belligerents believe that retreat is impossible because it is tantamount to a devastating defeat and existential threat. The war between Israel and Hamas appears to be one of these wars and will likely lead to massive humanitarian losses and have military, security, political and economic repercussions.

From the beginning, the bone-crushing battle took on a frightening turn. It will lead to widespread destruction, countless widows and orphans and leave international law in tatters. The most dangerous wars are the ones that unfold with an international authority that is helpless in stopping this collective punishment and that threatens to lead to a new nakba over the old one.

The world doesn’t need a reminder of the powerful blow dealt to the image of the UN Security Council and its resolutions, especially in wake of the war on Ukraine and the divisions it created between members of the club of major powers.

Journalism is a painful profession during times of war. You must report its crimes. Small bodies that are retrieved from the rubble of houses. The limbs that are blown off by bombs. The panic of terrified mothers. The helplessness of refugees, who heeded the warnings of pamphlets that urged them to once again quit their land.

The journalist must keep up with the growing death toll. They must keep up with the war machine as it claims territories in total disregard of medics and the journalists themselves. It is as if the camera is more hurtful than rockets. We, the journalists, have been guided by our profession to observe the massive number of graves that have accumulated in the terrible Middle East. We can confidently declare that the current war is the harshest, most dangerous and most terrifying.

I was assaulted by the images yesterday. I recalled Ariel Sharon, who in 1982 besieged Beirut and deprived its people of food, water and electricity. I recalled the pamphlets dropped by Israeli jets at the time that urged the people to seek “safe routes” to evacuate the city. I also recalled Yasser Arafat - whose fighters were forced into exile at the time - who returned the Palestinian cause back to its soil, specifically the West Bank and Gaza.

In those days, Israel was stronger and its deterrence power greater. Both Hezbollah and Hamas did not exist yet and Iran was mired in its war with Iraq. The greatest question is: did the security and military institution in Israel grow so arrogant that it believed that it could establish security and stability over the rubble of the rights of Palestinians?

The current war in Gaza is more dangerous than previous confrontations. The Hamas attack has shocked Israel with the number of victims it has claimed and hostages it has taken. It dealt a blow to the image of deterrence that the Israeli army is so attached to.

Statements by Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, the defense minister and military officials confirm that the “battle is fateful.” They have spoken of annihilating Hamas and completely altering the situation that was in Gaza before the attack took place. The formation of an Israeli war cabinet was the best evidence of the danger Israel felt. This feeling will allow the generals free reign, which could lead to a destructive war that could expand in the region and whose losses would be innumerable.

The current war is more dangerous than the previous ones. Some observers fear that the war in Gaza may be the first chapter in a greater battle that would reshape the region. The fears that the war could widen in the region prompted the Biden administration to send two aircraft carriers to the Middle East, in a clear warning to Hamas’ supporters that they must not join the fight.

Even though Washington has avoided openly accusing or warning Iran, it is obvious that the message was being directed at it as it alone has the ability to stir the southern Lebanon and Golan fronts. The Israeli strikes on Damascus and Aleppo airports were a fiery Israeli message to Iran, not Syria.

Some have said that Netanyahu was in a difficult spot. The end of the war may spell the end of his political career. When the guns go silent, he will undoubtedly be held responsible for the failure in detecting the al-Qassam Brigades attack and the exposure of the weakness of Israel’s security agencies. Some will also accuse him of turning down all political options and leaving violence as the only available choice. He believed that the existence of Hamas is the best way to undermine Palestinians on the international arena and the Palestinian Authority.

It is obvious that a large-scale ground attack on Gaza will lead to all sorts of dangers. A bloody confrontation has already emerged in the West Bank. A ground attack could ignite the Lebanese-Israeli front and perhaps even in the Golan. Some have warned that a war on two fronts may force Netanyahu to declare an all-out war and perhaps even attack Iranian infrastructure to lure the United States into a confrontation with Iran. It is difficult to imagine a scenario in which Iran surrenders to Netanyahu’s policy of countering Iranian influence.

Gaza is tied to the region. A ground attack – should it happen – will lead to catastrophic losses of life and possibly widen the conflict. This is why it is more pressing to save civilians from the impending danger and respect international humanitarian law that would stop the escalation and take steps towards ending the war.

There can be no return to the previous status quo. There must be a path towards a political solution and respecting rights. This is the essence of what US Secretary of State Antony Blinken heard from Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman. It is no secret that the US is the most influential power in stopping the escalation and preparing parties to agree to end the war. This mission essentially means saving Gaza from a humanitarian disaster and the region from major collapse.